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COPYRIGHT,  1906, 

Set  up  and  electrotyped.    Published  December,  1906. 


ON  March  31,  1901,  Prince  Chlodwig  of  Hohenlohe-Schillings- 
ftirst,  who  had  resigned  the  office  of  Imperial  Chancellor  in  the 
previous  autumn,  kept  his  birthday  at  Colmar  in  the  house  of 
his  son.  After  the  birthday  dinner  he  took  the  writer 
aside  and  surprised  him  with  the  question,  "Will  you  help  me 
to  write  my  memoirs?"  This  led  to  a  conversation  in  which 
the  Prince  expressed  the  desire  to  spend  the  rest  of  his  life  in 
arranging  his  papers  and  preparing  them  for  publication.  He 
proposed  to  send  all  his  deeds  and  papers  to  Schillingsfiirst,  and 
invited  me  to  visit  him  there  for  some  weeks  during  the  summer. 
We  were  then  to  look  over  the  materials  to  hand  and  to  arrange 
the  plan  of  the  book.  In  the  event  of  his  death  the  Prince  told 
me  that  his  son,  Prince  Alexander,  would  take  possession  of  all 
his  papers,  and  that  his  relations  with  myself  had  been  already 
arranged.  Decision  upon  matters  of  detail  was  postponed  for 
those  further  discussions  which  were  reserved  for  our  summer 
meeting  but  were  never  held.  At  the  beginning  of  July  1901, 
the  Prince  again  visited  Colmar,  but  he  was  a  dying  man  and  the 
end  came  a  few  days  later  in  Ragatz.  Thus  he  was  denied  the 
pleasure  of  personally  beginning  the  last  piece  of  work  with 
which  he  proposed  to  conclude  a  long  and  laborious  life.  Prince 
Alexander  and  myself  thus  remained  under  the  obligation  of 
fulfilling  the  last  desires  of  the  Prince  so  far  as  possible.  It 
must  be  said  that  after  the  Prince's  death  his  project  could  never 
be  more  than  imperfectly  completed.  He  had  intended  to 
refresh  his  memory  by  a  re- examination  of  his  papers,  and  thus  to 
become  his  own  biographer.  After  his  death  all  that  can  be  done 
is  to  publish  the  papers  which  he  has  left  behind  in  accordance 
with  his  desire  so  far  as  publication  seems  advisable. 

From  the  year  1866  the  Prince  had  been  accustomed  to  keep 
a  continuous  record  of  his  experiences  and  impressions,  which 
he  called  his  "Journal."  The  entries  in  this  journal  were  com- 
pleted by  abstracts  and  copies  of  reports  and  letters  which  the 
Prince  had  preserved  as  possessing  some  autobiographical  value. 
Had  he  been  permitted  personally  to  undertake  the  work  of 
editing  his  memoirs,  he  would  probably  have  amalgamated  the 
journal  and  these  documents  into  a  uniform  narrative.  This  he 
could  not  do,  and  it  was  impossible  for  the  editor  to  make  any 
attempt  of  the  kind.  A  biography  always  gives  that  picture 


of  a  character  which  the  contemplation  of  its  activities  has 
evoked  in  the  author's  mind.  Even  had  I  considered  myself  com- 
petent to  write  such  a  biography  of  the  Prince,  the  terms  of  my 
commission  would  have  forbidden  the  attempt.  The  Prince 
asked  me  to  help  him  to  write  his  memoirs.  For  the  accom- 
plishment of  this  task  it  was  an  essential  condition  that  the 
editor's  personality  should  be  as  far  as  possible  suppressed. 
Hence  the  form  of  the  book  in  which  the  desires  of  the  Prince 
are  as  nearly  fulfilled  as  was  possible  after  his  death.  The 
reader  will  see  no  figure  before  him  but  that  of  the  Prince,  and 
will  hear  the  Prince's  words  or  read  the  documentary  evidence 
of  his  actions.  No  addition  has  been  made  beyond  the  inser- 
tion of  such  matters  of  fact  as  are  indispensable  to  the  full  under- 
standing of  the  material  at  my  disposal. 

For  the  period  before  the  beginning  of  the  journal  the  Prince 
left  behind  him  nothing  more  than  isolated  descriptions  of  travel 
with  political  reflections.  A  diary  begun  in  Coblentz  in  the 
year  1842  contains  only  a  few  entries  intended  to  supplement 
his  memory,  and  is  also  incomplete  for  the  period.  These  defi- 
ciencies were  partially  filled  by  his  letters  to  his  mother  and 
sister,  the  Princess  Amalie.  Thus  it  was  possible  to  provide 
a  first-hand  account  of  the  Prince's  early  development,  the  frag- 
mentary character  of  which  is  compensated  by  the  authenticity 
of  the  record. 

Valuable  additions  to  the  Prince's  personal  papers  were  pro- 
vided by  communications  from  the  widowed  Princess  Konstantin 
of  Hohenlohe,  nee  Princess  of  Sayn-Wittgenstein-Berleburg, 
and  from  the  Prince's  surviving  sister,  Princess  Elise  of 
Salm-Horstmar.  To  the  kindly  interest  of  these  noble  ladies  is 
due  the  fact  that  during  those  later  periods,  when  the  papers 
of  the  Prince  were  chiefly  restricted  to  political  affairs,  it  was  pos- 
sible to  give  some  account  of  his  personal  life  and  of  his  wider 
interests.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  information  concerning 
the  last  months  of  his  life  provided  by  the  Princess  of  Salm- 

I  must  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to  express  my  thanks 
to  his  Royal  Highness  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden  for  his  gracious 
permission  to  print  certain  of  his  letters  to  the  Prince,  especially 
those  which  throw  most  valuable  light  upon  the  struggles  and 
difficulties  of  the  transition  period  from  1866  to  1870  and  also 
form  a  fine  memorial  of  that  unbounded  confidence  which  united 
the  Grand  Duke  and  the  Bavarian  statesman. 

My  warmest  thanks  are  due  to  my  friend  the  Freiherr  Julius 
v.  Freyberg  of  Munich  for  information  upon  Bavarian  affairs, 
and  also  to  Professor  Friedrich  of  Munich,  whose  kind  informa- 
tion and  provision  of  references  greatly  facilitated  the  editing 
of  that  part  of  the  book  which  deals  with  the  Vatican  Council. 

STRASSBURG,  July,  1906. 



YOUTH,  1819-1847                        i 

THE  REVOLUTION  AND  THE  EMBASSY,  1848-1850       ....  37 

THE  YEARS  1850-1866 63 

I.    PARIS  AND  RUSSIA,  1850-1866 66 

II.    ROME,  1856-1857 73 

III.  THE  YEAR  1859 81 

IV.  RUSSIA  AND  VIENNA,  1860-1861 91 


1861 99 


PRINCES,  1861-1863 107 


VIII.    THE  YEAR  1866 142 

THE  BAVARIAN  MINISTRY,  1867-1870 181 


PRINCE  CHLODWIG  HOHENLOHE  IN  1846     ....       Frontispiece 







PRINCE  CHLODWIG  of  Hohenlohe-Schillingsfurst  was  born  at 
Rothenburg  on  the  Fulda,  on  March  31,  1819.  His  father,  Franz 
Joseph,  was  born  at  Kupferzell  on  November  26,  1787.  At  the 
age  of  seven  Prince  Franz  was  sent  with  his  brother  Albert  to  a 
Franciscan  institute  in  Parma,  and  his  recollections  of  this  educa- 
tional establishment  were  by  no  means  agreeable.  His  education 
was  completed  at  the  Theresianum  in  Vienna,  and  he  then  en- 
tered a  Hungarian  hussar  regiment.  In  1804  he  left  the 
Hungarian  for  the  Prussian  service,  and  belonged  for  a  year 
to  a  hussar  regiment  stationed  at  Ansbach.  His  commanding 
officer  was  Prince  Solms,  whose  wife  was  the  sister  of  Queen 
Louise,  and  afterwards  became  Queen  Friederike  of  Hanover. 
When  the  Hohenlohe  States  were  mediatised  he  left  the  ser- 
vice, and  in  the  year  1807  his  elder  brother,  Karl,  the  first  of 
the  Hohenlohe- Waldenburg  line,  gave  him  possession  of  the 
estate  of  Schillingsflirst  with  the  consent  of  his  collaterals. 
He  became  a  hereditary  legislator,  and  a  "major"  of  Bavaria. 
He  had  abandoned  the  profession  of  arms  much  against  his 
will,  and  solely  out  of  affection  for  his  mother;  and  as  the 
estate  of  Schillingsfiirst  was  not  greatly  productive,  and  was, 
moreover,  burdened  with  heavy  liabilities,  the  business  of 
its  administration  proved  an  ungrateful  task.  From  his 
early  youth  he  had  been  in  love  with  Princess  Konstanze  of 
Hohenlohe-Langenburg,  but  want  of  means  delayed  his 
marriage  for  seven  years.  His  two  brothers-in-law  were  the 
Landgrave  Victor  Amadeus  of  Hesse-Rothenburg,  whose  second 
wife  was  Princess  Elise  of  Hohenlohe-Langenburg,  sister  ot 
Princess  Konstanze,  and  Count  Moritz  Fries,  the  husband  of  the 
Prince's  sister,  Princess  Therese;  they  eventually  removed  the 
pecuniary  obstacles  to  the  Prince's  marriage  by  the  provision 
of  an  annual  allowance.  The  marriage  was  celebrated  on 
March  30,  1815,  and  the  great  happiness  of  his  married  life  proved 
some  compensation  to  the  Prince  for  the  abandonment  of  his 
military  career.  The  young  couple  lived  at  first  on  the  estate 
of  Count  Fries  at  Voslau,  near  Vienna,  and  then  alternately  at 
Schillingsfurst  and  Rothenburg.  The  Landgrave,  indeed,  who  had 



no  children,  proposed  to  leave  his  allodial  estates  to  the  sons 
of  his  brother-in-law,  and  was  anxious  to  share  the  responsibility 
of  their  education  and  the  pleasure  of  watching  their  devel- 
opment. The  journeys  backwards  and  forwards  between 
Schillingsfiirst  and  Rothenburg  took  the  most  conspicuous 
place  among  Prince  Chlodwig's  early  recollections. 

The  character  of  Prince  Franz  is  thus  described  by  his 
eldest  daughter,  the  late  Princess  Theresa  of  Hohenlohe- 
Waldenburg:  "His  life  was  darkened  by  the  abandonment 
of  his  military  career.  There  was  a  strain  of  melancholy  in 
his  character,  though  he  was  a  great  wit  and  could  be  very 
merry  on  occasion.  His  kindness,  courtesy,  and  amiability 
were  infinite,  and  he  was  universally  popular.  History  and 
politics  interested  him  keenly,  and  he  always  said  that  he 
had  a  prophetic  soul.  He  did,  in  fact,  predict  many  events. 
It  was  with  much  reluctance  that  he  left  the  peace  of  the  home 
life  in  his  beloved  Schillingsfiirst  to  take  his  large  family  to 
Hesse  for  the  annual  visit  which  was  rarely  missed ;  but  his 
affection  for  his  brothers  obliged  him  to  make  this  sacrifice  to 
the  pleasure  of  good  Uncle  Victor.  He  was  not  very  fond  of 
Corvey,*  and  when  staying  there  was  always  longing  to  get 
back  to  South  Germany."  This  sketch  may  be  supplemented 
by  the  words  of  a  longstanding  member  of  his  family,  Frau 
Schneemann  (nie  Freiin  von  Etzdorff),  the  governess  of  Princess 
Therese.  She  writes  with  regard  to  Prince  Franz:  "The 
light  and  lodestar  of  his  existence  was  his  love  for  his  wife. 
Her  loftiness  of  soul,  her  strength  of  character,  and  the 
fidelity  of  her  love  are  above  all  praise.  'My  wife  fully 
justifies  her  name  (Konstanze,  Constance)/  said  the  Prince, 
when  praising  the  patient  love  and  care  with  which  she 
tended  him  in  a  long  illness.  He  was  not  a  profound  student, 
but  on  many  points  his  instinct  proved  more  reliable  than  the 
judgment  of  many  a  scholar.  History  was  his  favourite  study, 
and  his  criticisms  were  clear  and  impartial.  Class  prejudice 
he  had  none,  and  was  ready  to  respect  an  honest  and  straight- 
forward worker,  whatever  his  rank  in  life.  The  spirit  of  Josephine 
which  had  purified  the  upper  classes  in  Austria  as  elsewhere, 
for  a  time  at  least,  had  made  a  beneficial  impression  upon  him. 
In  his  best  moments  the  richness  of  his  humour  was  delightful. 
Family  life  was  everything  to  him.  Unable  at  that  time  to 
serve  his  country,  he  took  care  that  his  children  should  grow 
up  in  an  atmosphere  of  parental  love.  He  constantly  spent 
the  evening  with  them,  and  their  mutual  confidence  was  abso- 
lutely unrestrained.  The  Princess  was  an  aristocrat,  but  her 
inexorable  common  sense  saved  her  from  the  errors  committed 
by  others  of  her  class.  Kindliness  and  enlightened  religious 
opinions  gave  a  special  character  to  the  every  action  of 
husband  and  wife.  They  were,  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word,  a 

*  See  p.  6. 


noble  prince  and  princess,  and  this  because  they  were  a  noble 
man  and  woman." 

The  sons  were  brought  up  as  Roman  Catholics,  while  the 
daughters  were  trained  in  the  faith  of  their  Protestant  mother. 
Religious  toleration  was  thus  for  them  the  foundation  and  the 
indispensable  condition  of  domestic  happiness,  and  the  dominant 
motives  which  guided  the  political  career  of  Prince  Chlodwig 
were  the  natural  outcome  of  his  tender  affection  for  his 
Protestant  sisters. 

The  boy  received  his  first  lessons  with  his  brother  Victor, 
afterwards  Duke  of  Ratibor,  who  was  bom  on  February  10, 
1818.  The  earliest  account  of  their  lives  and  lessons  at  this 
period  is  found  in  the  following  letter  from  their  mother  to  a 
friend : 

ROTHENBURG,  February  13,  1826. 

.  .  .  Chlodwig  is  very  amusing  over  his  lessons,  and  the 
Chamberlain  is  always  laughing  at  his  drolleries.  Both  the 
boys  are  now  having  piano  lessons.  Father  Ildephons  gives  them 
religious  instruction,  and  is  so  extraordinarily  kind  and  gentle 
that  I  am  quite  delighted  with  him.  ...  In  the  afternoon 
they  had  a  large  children's  party,  and  acted  proverbs  with 
great  zest;  this  is  almost  a  Sunday  institution.  Among  other 
proverbs  they  recently  performed  "Throw  a  sprat  to  catch 
a  salmon."  Chlodwig  was  the  salmon  and  Philipp  Ernst  *  the 
sprat;  Otto  Quessel  threw  the  latter  against  Chlodwig  with 
such  violence  that  the  unfortunate  sprat  tumbled  down  and 
roared  loudly.  A  short  time  ago  Chlodwig  was  asked  in  his 
geography  lesson  what  the  people  were  whose  business  it  is 
to  see  that  their  subjects  (Untertaneri)  obey  the  laws;  he 
replied:  "The  objects  (Obert&nen)."  Yesterday  we  had 
theatricals,  that  is  to  say,  a  kind  of  panorama,  in  which 
the  battle  of  Leipzig  was  represented.  The  showman  pointed 
to  certain  figures,  and  said  that  they  represented  the  allied 
powers  (Mdchte),  whereupon  Chlodwig  observed:  "But  I  don't 
see  any  girls  (Magde)."  A  short  time  ago  he  was  asked  to  give 
the  half  of  10,  and  replied:  "o,  because  the  two  figures  could 
be  divided  by  a  stroke,  thus,  i/o." 

The  Coblentz  diary  |  refers  to  the  winter  of  1830-1831  in 
Rothenburg  in  the  following  terms:  "Broken  health  of  body 
and  mind;  despondent  imaginings." 

From  1832  to  1833  the  three  Princes,  Victor,  Chlodwig,  and 
Philipp  Ernst,  were  sent  to  the  Ansbach  Gymnasium.  Chlodwig 
was  attacked  by  scarlet  fever  in  the  summer  of  1833,  and  in  the 
autumn  of  that  year  the  diary  again  refers  to  "sick  ness." 

In  October  1833  Victor  and  Chlodwig  entered  the  Erfurt 
Gymnasium,  and  were  placed  in  the  Tertia  (third  form).  "A 

*  The  third  of  the  brothers,  born  on  May  24,  1820.  f  See  Preface. 


joyless  and  friendless  life,"  is  the  diary  reference  to  early  days 
at  Erfurt. 

In  1834  the  Prince  was  promoted  to  the  Secunda.  In  the 
autumn  of  this  year  the  diary  observes:  " Arrival  of  the  whole 
family  at  the  new  inheritance;  everybody  ill."  The  fact  was 
that  the  Landgrave  Victor  Amadeus  had  died  on  November  12, 
1834,  leaving  to  his  nephews,  the  Princes  Victor  and  Chlodwig, 
his  allodial  estates,  the  Duchy  of  Ratibor  in  Silesia,  the  Principality 
of  Corvey  in  Westphalia,  and  the  estate  of  Treflurt  in  the  Govern- 
ment Department  of  Erfurt.  Henceforward  Corvey  became  the 
family  home. 

The  first  of  the  Prince's  letters  which  has  been  preserved 
belongs  to  the  summer  of  1835.  &  was  written  during  a  walk- 
ing tour  through  the  Harz  mountains,  and  is  dated  from  the 
Brockenhaus,  June  12, 1835.  The  letter  describes  the  road  through 
the  "awful  and  romantic  beauty  of  the  Bodetal,"  and  re- 
cords with  much  satisfaction  certain  botanical  discoveries.  On  the 
Brocken  he  found  trientalis  Europaa  and  the  "Brocken  myrtle." 

The  summer  holidays  were  again  spent  by  the  family  in 
Corvey,  whence  visits  were  exchanged  with  the  Buckeburg  Court. 
The  Prince's  social  life  during  his  school  days  is  described  in 
the  following  letter  to  his  sister  Amalie.*  She  was  eighteen 
months  younger  than  himself,  and  their  confidence  became  ever 
closer  as  he  grew  towards  man's  estate. 

ERFURT,  March  3,  1836. 

.  .  .  Yesterday  evening  we  were  at  the  house  of  the  district 
doctor,  where  we  spent  a  very  pleasant  evening,  though  the 
company  was  not  numerous.  First  charades  were  played, 
and  then  there  was  dancing  to  the  piano.  Herr  Golde  played. 
This  evening  we  are  going  for  an  hour  or  two  to  the  Casino 
ball;  we  cannot  get  out  of  it,  as  this  is  the  second  time  we 
have  been  invited,  and  we  did  not  go  before.  .  .  . 

Ketschau  brought  us  a  very  fine  song  yesterday  for  bass 
voices,  of  his  own  composition;  we  are  learning  it  now,  and 
I  am  sure  you  will  like  it.  Gustel'sf  new  piano  is  splendid, 
and  Ketschau  says  it  has  a  better  tone  than  the  piano  at  Corvey ; 
Gustel  is  always  playing  on  it.  I  forgot  to  tell  you  that  we 
had  a  very  pleasant  visit  to  Weimar  a  short  time  ago.  A  new 
opera  by  Auber  was  produced  with  immense  splendour,  the 
Ballnacht.  I  can  say  nothing  about  the  music,  for  I  sat 
next  to  the  Grand  Duke,J  and  he  talked  nearly  all  the  time. 
The  Weimar  family  are  tremendously  civil.  They  have  asked 
us  to  a  concert  next  Sunday,  but  of  course  we  are  not  going. 
The  Grand  Duke  also  spoke  of  a  State  ball. 

*  Born  August  31,  1821. 

fThe  Cardinal  of  later  years;    born  February  26,  1823.     He  entered 
the  Erfurt  Gymnasium,  as  also  did  Prince  Philipp  Ernst. 
J  Karl  Friedrich  (1828-1853). 


We  have  a  great  deal  to  tell  one  another,  and  I  am  eagerly 
looking  forward  to  the  Easter  holidays.  Give  my  love  and 
kind  remembrances  to  everybody, 

Ever  your  loving 


In  the  autumn  of  1836  the  diary  notes  :  "  Fears  of  the  approach- 
ing abiturient  (leaving  certificate)  examination.  Solitary  rides." 

At  the  request  of  Prince  Franz  Joseph  the  Minister  Alten- 
stein  issued  a  decree  on  April  28,  1837,  admitting  the  Princes 
Victor  and  Chlodwig  under  exceptional  circumstances  to  the 
abiturient  examination,  though  they  had  been  in  the  Prima  for 
little  more  than  a  year.  Chlodwig  announces  his  success  in  the 
examination  to  his  sister  in  the  following  letter : 

ERFURT,  June  i,  1837. 

To-day  I  write  my  last  letter  from  Erfurt;  perhaps  we 
shall  arrive  before  it.  The  examination  took  place  this  morning, 
and  the  business  actually  lasted  from  eight  to  one  o'clock. 
Naturally  we  are  glad  to  see  the  end  of  it,  partly  because  one 
is  always  glad  to  have  an  examination  over,  partly  because 
we  are  delighted  at  the  prospect  of  coming  home.  We  have 
not  yet  received  our  certificates.  At  the  end  of  the  affair, 
the  Landrat  Turk  (presiding  examiner)  told  us  that  we  had 
passed  without  difficulty.  So  we  are  now  free  from  anxiety, 
though  we  shall  be  even  more  so  at  Corvey  with  you  than  here. 
Packing  is  going  on  vigorously,  and  there  is  plenty  of  "row," 
as  they  call  it.  We  have  a  heap  of  visits  to  pay  to-morrow. 
After  all,  there  is  always  something  sad  in  leaving  people  with 
whom  one  has  spent  three  years.  But  hope  overcomes  the 
unpleasantness  of  the  moment,  the  hope  of  seeing  you  all 
again.  .  .  . 

The  formal  leave-taking  of  the  Prince  took  place  on  June  3. 
In  his  farewell  speech,  the  Direktor  (headmaster)  Strass  said : 
"One  of  the  triumphs  of  the  age  and  of  its  learning  is  to 
be  seen  in  the  fact  that  young  German  Princes  are  not  content 
to  rely  upon  the  achievements  of  their  great  ancestors,  but 
are  desirous  of  proving  their  own  value  by  showing  themselves 
worthy  sons  of  those  progenitors;  thus  they  make  it  impossible 
for  envy  and  malice  to  deny  them  that  recognition  which  is 
now  more  than  ever  their  due.  By  entering  into  that  open 
field  of  competition  where  a  man  can  secure  respect  only  by 
his  actions  and  his  character,  they  have  put  to  shame  purse- 
proud  indolence,  complacent  emptiness,  and  presumptuous  igno- 
rance, the  forwardness  of  the  boor  and  the  underhand  intrigues 
of  the  hypocrite,  while  they  have  also  secured  a  higher  place 
in  the  ranks  of  their  equals." 

Prince  Chlodwig's  certificate  praises  his  high  moral  character, 


his  talents  and  his  industry.  "Ever  distinguished  by  moral 
earnestness  and  good  behaviour,  honourably  desirous  to  be  blame- 
less in  every  respect,  and  to  succeed  by  his  own  efforts,  the  Prince 
invariably  secured  the  sincere  respect  of  his  companions,  and 
the  warm  affection  of  all  his  masters.  His  excellent  abilities 
were  stimulated  and  developed  at  an  early  date,  and  found 
congenial  employment  in  the  various  branches  of  learning. 
His  attention  and  eager  interest  in  every  subject  of  instruction 
was  a  marked  feature,  and  was  evidenced  by  his  indefatigable 
industry  both  in  school- work  and  private  study."  As  regards 
the  attainments  of  the  Prince  in  the  various  subjects  of  the 
curriculum,  special  emphasis  was  laid  upon  his  German,  and 
his  "power  of  grasping  the  essential  points  of  a  subject,  and 
of  arranging  them  in  logical  order."  "He  writes,"  the  document 
continues,  "correctly  and  fluently,  and  his  poetical  essays  show 
much  life  and  imagination." 

On  June  23  the  Prince  matriculated  at  Gottingen,  and 
attended  Miihlenbruch's  lectures  on  the  Institutes  during 
that  summer.  In  September  he  made  a  tour  from  Corvey 
through  Driburg  to  Paderborn,  Iserlohn,  Barmen  and  Elberfeld, 
Cologne,  Bonn  and  Neuwied.  The  diary  of  this  tour  has  been 
preserved,  and  contains  lively  and  vivid  descriptions  which  show 
that  the  young  traveller  was  possessed  of  a  keenly  inquiring  mind. 
During  the  winter  of  1837-38  the  Prince  attended  Miihlenbruch's 
lectures  on  the  Pandects,  "without  understanding  them," 
as  the  diary  observes.  He  also  attended  Herbart's  lectures 
on  logic  and  on  elementary  philosophy. 

The  only  record  in  the  diary  of  the  Easter  vacation  at 
Corvey  runs:  "Sentimental.  Beautiful  April.  Read  Werther." 

During  the  summer  semester  of  1838  the  Prince  studied 
at  Bonn.  The  diary  refers  to  his  social  companions  among 
his  contemporaries ;  these  were  the  Grand  Duke  of  Mecklenburg- 
Strelitz,  the  Princes  of  Schaumburg-Lippe  and  Lowenstein, 
the  future  Duke  Ernst  II.  of  Saxony,  and  his  brother,  Prince 
Albert,  afterwards  consort  of  Queen  Victoria. 

Information  about  social  life  in  Bonn  is  provided  by  a  letter 
to  Princess  Amalie: 

BONN,  July  20,  1838. 

,  .  .  Our  mode  of  life  here  is  almost  equally  divided  by 
study  and  amusement.  I  had  begun  a  letter  to  you,  but  my 
visit  to  Buckeburg  prevented  its  completion.  We  were  invited 
to  Godesberg,  where  a  splendid  dinner  awaited  us.  The  Prince 
was  very  kind  and  the  Princess  also,  though  the  latter  seemed  to 
keep  a  sharper  eye  upon  us  than  before:  perhaps  she  did  not 
quite  trust  us,  or  she  was  looking  to  see  which  of  the  eight  Princes 
would  be  most  suitable  for  her  daughters.  I  was  not  so  for- 
tunate as  to  have  much  of  her  conversation,  as  I  was  not  often 
placed  next  to  her.  In  the  evening  we  went  up  to  the  Godesberg 
ruins,  and  an  old  Count  Beust,  to  the  general  amusement,  talked 


Count  Erbach  over  a  vineyard  wall.  Both  were  so  absorbed  in 
their  conversation  that  they  did  not  notice  the  proximity  of  the 
precipice  until  Erbach  found  himself  at  the  bottom  of  it.  Of 
course,  he  was  not  hurt.  The  next  day  there  was  a  professors' 
dinner  at  the  Prince's  house,  at  which  we  were  not  present.  In 
the  afternoon  we  made  an  excursion  with  the  Prince's  family 
to  the  Rosenburg  and  Kreuzberg,  and  took  tea  in  Godesberg. 
Then  there  was  a  general  leave-taking.  The  Princess  Mathilde  * 
looks  very  well. 

On  Monday  the  Duke  of  Coburg  f  is  returning  here  from 
England.  .  .  .  You  will  see  that  life  here  is  by  no  means 
monotonous.  We  are  sowing  seed  for  the  future,  which  should 
bring  forth  valuable  fruit. 

Our  swimming  lessons  from  one  to  three  o'clock  every  day 
are  extremely  pleasant.     We  are  a  cheerful  and  noisy  company  - 
the  Hereditary  Prince,  the  Prince  of  Coburg,  the  Prince  of  Lowen- 
stein,  Erbach,  and  myself.     We  have  had  a  boat  built  to  suit 
us,  which  bears  our  several  flags  and  in  which  we  row  ourselves. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  vacation  of  1838  the  Prince  made  a  tour 
in  Switzerland  with  his  brothers  Victor  and  Philipp  Ernst.  The 
tourists  travelled  up  the  Rhine  to  Mannheim  and  Leopoldshofen. 
There  they  left  the  steamer  and  passed  through  Karlsruhe,  Baden, 
Freiburg,  and  the  Hollental  to  Schaffhausen,  Zurich,  and  Zug, 
over  the  Rigi  to  Lucerne,  Langnau,  and  Bern,  and  finally  through 
Lausanne  to  Geneva,  where  they  stayed  at  the  Hotel  des  Bergues. 
After  an  excursion  to  Chamonix,  they  settled  in  Plongeon,  near 
Geneva,  to  pursue  the  study  of  French.  Their  stay  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  devoted  exclusively  to  educational  purposes,  for 
the  diary  reports:  "Follies,  fine  evenings,  recollections!  Philipp 
Ernst  and  myself  thoughtful  under  the  chestnut-trees.  Miss 

In  November  the  Princes  moved  to  Lausanne;  the  diary 
refers  to  their  stay  as  "sad  days,"  perhaps  with  reference  to  the 
greater  cheerfulness  of  life  at  Plongeon.  A  letter  from  the  Prince 
to  his  sister,  under  date  December  18,  is  written  in  French  and 
gives  proof  of  the  industry  and  zeal  with  which  the  writer  pursued 
his  studies.  Vaudois  society  received  the  German  Princes  with 
much  kindness,  and  in  this  connection  we  hear  of  M.  de  Blonay, 
Mesdemoiselles  de  Seigneur,  and  Madame  de  Gingins ;  also  of  the 
Baron  de  Chavette,  whose  wife  was  a  daughter  of  the  Due  de 
Berry.  The  Prince  attended  lectures  in  the  Academy,  and  was 
constantly  present  at  the  sessions  of  the  Vaudois  Assembly. 
About  noon  he  usually  "walked  alone  and  gave  audience  to 
his  own  thoughts,  which  turned  chiefly  upon  recollections  of 
the  past,  plans  for  the  future,  and  soi-disant  philosophical,  or 
possibly  misanthropical  and  philanthropical,  speculations."  A 

*  Afterwards  Duchess  of  Wurtemberg  (1818-1891). 
t  Ernst  I.  (1784-1844). 


society  was  formed  by  seven  young  men  in  the  pension,  and  in- 
cluded the  three  Princes,  two  Kantakuzeni,  a  Dutchman,  and 
a  Swiss;  the  society  possessed  a  president,  vice-president,  and 
secretary,  and  discussed  political  questions  in  French.  "We 
generally  discuss  politics,"  he  writes  to  Princess  Amalie  on 
January  15,  1839.  "Discussion  sometimes  grows  so  fierce  that 
the  members  turn  white,  green,  and  red.  We  defend  our  position 
and  they  theirs,  from  their  liberal  standpoint.  Afterwards  our 
former  relations  are  resumed,  and  every  one  adheres  to  his  own 
opinion.  We  have  constantly  attended  the  sessions  of  the 
Grand  Conseil  du  Canton  de  Vaud  the  Legislative  Assembly. 
The  arguments  are  often  terrible  stuff  —  bad  logic  as  well  as  bad 
politics.  The  local  peasantry  have  a  certain  veneer  of  education, 
which  is  really  worse  than  none.  Their  culture  is  only  on  the 
surface.  But  the  fellows  plume  themselves  upon  their  wisdom, 
boast  of  their  fine  republic,  and  so  forth.  I  never  felt  so  strong 
an  aristocrat  and  monarchist  as  in  this  republic.  I  hate  the 
Radicals  more  than  ever,  now  that  I  have  been  behind  the  scenes 
and  learned  the  nature  of  their  egotistical  projects.  However, 
one  must  give  many  of  the  members  their  due  —  for  instance, 
Professor  Monnard,  whose  name  you  may  have  seen  in  the 
newspapers.  People  cry  out  against  him  as  a  radical,  but  he  is 
nothing  more  than  a  simple  republican,  and  in  a  republic  he  could 
hardly  be  anything  else.  He  is  a  very  noble  and  high-minded 
character,  and  the  best  speaker  in  the  Grand  Conseil.  It  is  very 
interesting  to  see  the  working  of  this  constitution,  which  is  quite 
new  to  us. 

You  cannot  imagine  the  pleasure  of  talking  French  in 
society.  Now  that  I  have  attained  some  fluency,  I  become 
more  and  more  convinced  that  French  is  the  one  language  for 
conversation.  One  can  talk  the  whole  evening  without  saying 
anything.  Several  Frenchmen  are  here  just  now  whose  con- 
versation is  full  of  interest  at  times  —  for  instance,  the  well- 
known  Carlist,  Chavette,  a  very  nice  fellow." 

The  Princes  made  a  tour  in  Italy  from  March  5  to  April  29, 
and  went  as  far  as  Naples.  In  Rome  they  met  Prince  Albert  of 

In  May  1839  a  move  was  made  to  the  University  of  Heidel- 
berg. Among  his  fellow  students  the  Prince's  diary  names  the 
Prince  Karl  Egon  of  Furstenberg  (born  March  4,  1820),  Count 
Erbach-Erbach  (born  November  27,  1818),  and  the  Marshals  of 
Baden,  Dusch  and  Sternberg.  The  Prince's  letters  to  his  sister 
testify  to  his  great  industry.  Every  morning  he  worked  from 
five  to  ten  o'clock;  lectures*  then  began,  and  only  the  evenings 
were  reserved  for  recreation. 

*In  the  summer  of  1839  the  Prince  attended  lectures  upon  feudal 
law,  general  European  International  law,  general  and  German  constitutional 
law  by  Zacharia,  upon  criminal  law  by  Zopfl,  upon  psychology  and  Goethe's 
Faust  by  Reichlin-Meldegg ;  in  the  winter  of  1839-40  he  followed 
courses  on  German  constitutional  law  by  Morstadt,  on  Catholic  and 


HEIDELBERG,  June  30,  1839. 

.  .  .  Lectures  are  a  magnificent  spectacle  during  the  hot 
weather,  as  it  is  the  custom  here  for  students  to  take  off  their 
coats.  A  very  disgusting  custom,  too,  as  the  original  whiteness 
of  their  shirt-sleeves  is  a  matter  of  conjecture,  from  which  fact 
other  inferences  may  be  made. 

I  am  working  hard  now,  and  go  out  very  little ;  I  sometimes 
get  a  ride  in  the  evening  with  Furstenberg  and  Erbach,  or  a  walk 
with  Sternberg  and  a  certain  Herr  Uhde  of  Dresden.  The  last 
named,  a  friend  of  Steinberg's,  is  very  pleasant  and  intelligent. 
I  prefer  these  walks  to  any  other  form  of  excursion,  and  certainly 
to  the  long  rides  with  a  large  number  of  friends,  on  which  Erbach 
is  very  keen;  on  these  occasions  he  generally  insists  on  riding 
through  the  streets  five  abreast. 

To  his  MOTHER. 

HEIDELBERG,  August  5,  1839. 

.  .  .  Prince  Wilhelm  of  Prussia  (the  King's  son)  was  ex- 
pected in  Heidelberg  in  the  afternoon,  but  did  not  arrive  until 
eleven  o'clock  at  night.  We  could  not  possibly  call  upon  him 
then.  To-day  we  learned  that  he  was  staying  until  half-past 
eleven,  so  we  (Victor  and  I)  paid  our  call  to-day.  He  received  us 
very  kindly,  asked  how  long  our  studies  were  to  continue,  &c. 
.  .  .  He  seemed  to  be  pleased  by  our  inquiries  after  his  health, 
which  is  said  to  have  been  very  indifferent.  As  we  went  away 
he  shook  hands,  and  hoped  we  would  work  hard  that  we  might 
be  better  fitted  for  the  duties  of  life.  This  wish  has  reassured  me 
considerably  with  regard  to  my  plans  for  the  future,  as  he  must  have 
assumed  that  I  should  enter  the  Civil  Service,  because  he  wished 
me  success  in  my  legal  studies  (I  had  previously  mentioned  that 
I  was  thus  occupied).  Moreover,  we  may  also  infer  that  he  is 
not  surprised  at  our  long  absence  from  Berlin.  It  is  assumed 
that  we  are  to  learn  something,  before  we  present  ourselves  at 
Court.  All  this  is  mere  conjecture,  but  so  much  and  more  may 
be  inferred  from  the  tone  and  course  of  the  conversation. 

The  vacation*  was  spent  amid  the  pleasures  of  family  life  at 

Protestant  ecclesiastical  law  by  Zacharia,  on  the  history  of  the  German 
States  and  constitutions  by  Zopfl,  and  on  the  philosophical  systems  of 
Kant,  Fichte,  Schelling,  and  Hegel  by  Reichlin-Meldegg. 

*"It  was  very  pleasant,"  writes  the  Prince's  surviving  sister,  the 
Princess  of  Salm-Horstmar,  "when  the  brothers  came  home  for  the 
vacations  from  the  University  and  brought  some  life  into  the  great  Castle 
of  Corvey.  My  sister  Amalie  would  sit  at  the  piano  in  the  splendid  large 
room  and  accompany  my  brother  Chlodwig,  who  had  a  fine  baritone  voice, 
or  would  sing  duets  with  him.  I  was  then  a  small  child,  and  looked 
with  admiration  upon  my  brother  and  sister.  My  sister  would  also 
accompany  herself  upon  the  harp.  My  other  brothers  were  fond  of 
drawing,  especially  Philipp  Ernst,  whose  life  was  to  be  so  short," 


The  studies  at  Heidelberg  were  then  resumed  and  continued 
over  Christmas  without  interruption.  "A  quiet  Christmas," 
says  the  diary.  On  Christmas  Day  the  Prince  writes  to  his 
sister : 

"lam  now  reading  Muller's  letters  to  Bonstetten.  Nothing 
so  inspires  the  ordinary  man  as  to  see  how  great  men,  the  glorious 
phenomena  of  the  intellectual  world,  rose  by  their  own  efforts, 
though  also  with  the  help  of  'genius,'  to  a  height  which  we  poor 
sublunary  mortals  can  only  admire.  I  have  bought  a  Lathi  copy 
of  Thomas  a  Kempis.  It  is  a  revelation  hi  the  original:  a  fine 
strong  language  the  spirit  of  which  does  not  lend  itself  to  a  Ger- 
man translation.  And  the  meaning  can  only  be  grasped  in  its 
entirety  in  the  original." 

HEIDELBERG,  January  25,  1840. 

Our  life  is  at  present  diversified  by  many  distractions  in  the 
form  of  evening  entertainments,  which  contribute  little  to  the 
study  of  jurisprudence,  little  to  the  study  of  people  not  worth 
studying,  and  nothing  at  all  to  our  personal  pleasure.  However, 
I  must  not  do  any  one  an  injustice.  A  few  days  ago  Philipp 
Ernst  and  myself  had  a  very  pleasant  time  at  Count  Rantzau's 
house.  He  has  a  small  reading  circle  where  parts  are  distributed 
and  tragedies  read.  The  Merchant  of  Venice  was  read  when  we 
were  there.  We  both  took  parts,  and  on  the  whole  amusement 
is  not  lacking. 

We  are  delighted  with  the  kind  letter  which  Prince  Albert 
sent  in  reply  to  our  congratulations.*  It  was  a  really  kind  and 
sympathetic  letter.  I  am  looking  forward  to  a  ball  which  the 
Grand  Duke  f  is  soon  to  give  at  Mannheim.  One  of  my  fancies  is 
a  growing  preference  for  the  society  of  large  towns  as  against  that 
of  small,  though  the  results  in  either  case  are  the  same.  The 
evening  parties  sometimes  given  by  Count  Rantzau  are,  in  the 
first  place,  entertaining;  and  further,  instead  of  the  odious  gossip 
and  the  medisances  of  scandal-mongers  male  and  female,  one  can 
indulge  in  sensible  conversation  and  avoid  that  horreur  des 
horreurs,  the  affectations  of  a  provincial  tea-party.  I  know  that 
il  faut  savoir  s'ennuyer  avec  grace!  Bien!  mais  je  riai  pas  le 
temps  de  m'ennuyer.  On  the  other  hand,  I  must  admit  that 
one  ought  not  to  despise  tiresome  parties  so  absolutely.  In 
every  company  of  people  there  is  an  element  of  interest  which 
ought  to  be  discovered  and  stimulated.  The  man  who  is  bored 
usually  has  only  himself  to  blame,  and  he  ought  to  determine 
not  to  be  bored.  For  instance,  a  short  time  ago  I  took  a  young 
Polish  countess  in  to  supper.  She  was  said  to  be  a  poor  conver- 
sationalist, and  generally  has  nothing  to  say.  My  lucky  star 
led  me  to  begin  upon  a  topic  which  proved  surprisingly  successful 
and  attracted  the  general  attention  to  the  liveliness  and  the 

*  On  his  betrothal  to  Queen  Victoria. 
t  The  Grand  Duke  Leopold  of  Baden. 


excellent  French  of  this  usually  silent  lady.  So  I  say  that  a 
man  who  is  bored  has  only  himself  to  blame.  In  the  case  of 
unintellectual  people  who  cannot  express  themselves  one  must  be 
content  to  study  their  character  and  to  compare  their  stupidity 
with  one's  own  —  a  process  which  in  my  case  has  often  led  to 
pleasant  and  often  to  sad  results;  in  other  words,  one  must  be 
contented  to  remain  a  psychologist,  an  investigator  of  mental 
powers.  Only  thus  can  one  retain  one's  own  character  in  the 
presence  of  a  scoundrel,  one's  small  intellectual  powers  before  a 
fool,  and  one's  cheerfulness  before  a  grave-digger. 

In  a  letter  of  February  13,  1840,  the  Prince  speaks  of  the 
pleasures  of  music,  and  concludes  with  the  words,  "without 
music  man  is  but  half  complete." 

Speaking  of  foolish  and  uninteresting  society,  he  says:  "It 
has  happened  to  me  to  stand  by  a  lady  with  such  a  lack  of  interest 
in  her  that  I  was  able  to  run  over  the  whole  of  my  revision-lecture 
for  the  next  day."  The  Prince  also  felt  strongly  about  the  "anti- 
pietist"  movement  which  arose  in  Heidelberg.  "The  greatest 
philosophers,"  he  writes,  "have  been  led  back  to  the  fundamental 
truths  of  Christianity  in  the  course  of  their  investigations,  and 
have  been  astounded  by  the  magnificence  of  these  truths;  yet 
insignificant  creatures,  unworthy  to  loose  their  philosophical  shoe- 
strings, would  cast  off  the  faith  and  the  principles  of  true  piety." 

At  the  beginning  of  March  1840,  the  Prince  was  present  at  the 
carnival  of  Mannheim.  Thence  he  writes  on  March  2  :  "  Yester- 
day there  was  a  really  magnificent  pageant  here;  a  hunting 
procession  in  costume  from  the  earliest  times  of  German  history 
to  the  present  day.  Splendid  dresses,  beautiful  horses,  a  hundred 
chief  figures  and  many  attendants.  The  local  gentlemen,  officers 
and  others,  organised  the  undertaking  at  much  expense  and  with 
great  historical  accuracy." 

The  Easter  holidays  were  spent  at  Corvey,  and  University 
work  was  resumed  in  the  spring  of  1840.*  The  Prince's  letters  to 
his  sister  are  full  of  his  delight  with  the  situation  of  the  new  house 
on  the  Neckar. 

"The  University  has  not  as  yet  entirely  assembled,"  he 
writes  on  May  9,  1840.  "Mittermaier  and  Rau,  two  of  our 
best  professors,  are  still  at  the  Landtag,  which  I  have  so 
often  and  so  comprehensively  anathematised.  I  am  at  some 
pains  to  avoid  the  use  of  even  stronger  language  in  description 
of  this  idiotic  assembly.  These  chattering  institutions  have 
never  made  me  so  angry  as  now,  when  we  are  suffering  under 
them  ourselves.  If  I  ever  get  an  opportunity  of  venting  my 
indignation  upon  them  and  their  like,  I  shall  seize  it." 

*  During  the  summer  semester  of  1840  the  Prince  attended  lectures 
on  Roman  civil  law  and  procedure  and  on  the  Roman  testamentary  law 
by  Deurer,  on  civil  procedure  by  Mittermaier,  on  natural  law  by  Roder, 
on  political  economy  by  Rau,  and,  finally,  special  lectures  by  Zopfl  on 
German  constitutional  law  and  civil  procedure. 


In  September  of  the  same  year  the  Prince  was  invited  to 
Windsor  by  Prince  Albert,  whose  marriage  with  Queen  Victoria 
had  been  celebrated  on  February  10.  The  Prince  was  in  England 
from  September  20  to  24,  but,  unfortunately,  the  only  records  of 
this  visit  are  the  names  of  persons  and  places  of  interest.  The 
rest  of  the  autumn  vacation  was  spent  at  Corvey,  but  was  inter- 
rupted by  a  journey  to  Berlin  for  the  act  of  homage  on  October  15 
and  to  Silesia.  Then  followed  "  cheerful  wedding-days,"  when 
his  eldest  sister,  Therese  (born  April  19,  1816),  was  married  to 
Prince  Friedrich  Karl  of  Hohenlohe- Waldenburg ;  the  ceremony 
took  place  at  Langenburg  on  November  26,  1840.  Shortly  after- 
wards Prince  Franz  Joseph  fell  seriously  ill,  though  this  did  not 
prevent  the  Prince  from  concluding  his  studies.  Bonn  was  chosen 
for  his  preparation  for  the  examination.  "  The  whiter  months 
here  are  very  quiet  and  sad,"  says  the  diary. 

On  January  14,  1841,  the  Prince  Franz  Joseph  died.  "A  sad 
journey  to  Corvey.  Return  to  Bonn,"  says  the  diary.  The 
preparation  for  the  examination  admitting  to  the  legal  pro- 
fession (Auskultator)  was  now  completed,  and  the  Prince  sat 
for  his  examination  on  April  3  in  Coblentz.  According  to  the 
certificate  dated  April  10  he  displayed  "unusual  knowledge  and 
capacity."  When  the  examination  was  over  the  Prince  employed 
his  leisure  in  visiting  his  relations.  The  diary  observes :  "  Pleasant 
journey  to  Castell  by  way  of  Meiningen,  Langenburg,  Kupferzell, 
and  Wickersheim.  Wonderful  May  weather.  Cheerful  recol- 
lections of  a  joyous  union."  A  page  of  the  diary  informs  us  of 
his  state  of  mind. 

KUPFERZELL,  May  6,  1841. 

Why,  among  the  many  hearts  that  can  feel,  should  it  not  be 
possible  to  find  one  capable  of  understanding  us  because  it  tenderly 
loves  us?  How  true  it  is  that  the  differences  between  people 
largely  consist  in  their  varying  possession  of  that  most  indi- 
vidual characteristic,  the  power  of  feeling.  Education,  environ- 
ment, difference  of  inclination  and  talent  necessarily  imply  a 
different  point  of  view  in  any  two  individuals.  But  is  the  power 
of  "understanding"  a  person  —  I  use  the  term  in  its  consolatory 
sense  —  merely  the  product  of  these  influences  ?  Surely  the  true 
consolatory  "  understanding  "  consists  rather  in  the  appreciation 
of  another  person's  ideas,  of  new  points  of  view,  in  receptivity  to 
another's  sorrows,  and  in  all  other  impressions  of  the  kind,  in 
an  ever-intensified  harmony  of  two  kindred  souls.  Is  any  other 
theory  desirable  or  possible,  and  is  this  one  impossible?  At 
any  rate  I  do  not  abandon  hope ! 

After  their  father's  death  the  brothers  had  agreed  that  the 
third  of  them  should  be  Prince  in  Schillingsfurst  as  the  two  elder 
were  provided  with  the  Rothenburg  inheritance,  Victor  in  Ratibor 
and  Chlodwig  in  Corvey.  In  June  1841  the  Prince  travelled  to 


Silesia  to  visit  his  elder  brother,  who  had  gone  into  residence  at 
the  Castle  of  Rauden,  near  Ratibor,  on  November  3,  1840.  A 
further  object  of  this  journey  was  to  enter  into  relations  with  the 
leading  personalities  of  the  Prussian  Ministry  with  the  intention 
of  securing  admission  to  the  Prussian  Diplomatic  Service.  The 
Prince  resolved  to  prefer  a  request  to  the  King  that  he  might 
be  excused  the  necessity  of  performing  the  prescribed  preliminary 
service  under  the  judicial  and  administrative  authorities  —  a 
regulation  which  the  high  nobility  regarded  as  somewhat  deroga- 
tory. On  September  21,  1841,  he  wrote  to  his  mother  from 
Rauden:  ".  .  .  Our  journey  to  Breslau  went  off  very  well.  I 
had  an  interview  with  Count  Stolberg,  who  was  very  kind  and 
encouraging.  We  have  been  received  in  the  kindest  manner  by 
the  high  society  of  Breslau,  especially  by  the  Prince  of  Prussia, 
and  on  this  Count  Styrum  observed:  'On  volt  que  le  roi  vous 
veut  du  Hen.  a  votre  place  fen  pr o filer ais ';  and  turning  to 
Victor  he  said:  '//  n'y  a  pas  d'autre  moyen  d'en  profiler,  Mon- 
seigneur,  que  d'entrer  au  service  militaire?  But  this  Victor  can- 
not do.  .  .  ." 

In  pursuit  of  his  intentions  Prince  Chlodwig  spent  the  autumn 
in  Berlin.  "Fine  promises,"  observes  the  diary.  At  the  end 
of  the  autumn  he  went  to  Corvey  to  await  the  decision.  It  was, 
however,  long  delayed.  In  his  impatience  he  began  to  consider 
the  advisability  of  renouncing  his  hopes  of  a  Government  post 
and  of  living  in  Corvey  as  an  independent  nobleman.  But  the 
passion  for  politics  was  rooted  in  him,  and  was  far  too  strong  to 
permit  the  permanent  abandonment  of  his  original  intention. 
Thus  he  writes  to  his  mother  from  Corvey  on  November  23,  1841 : 
"My  stay  here  has  shown  me  more  clearly  the  impossibility  of 
settling  here  definitely,  which  in  its  way  is  no  bad  thing.  I  am 
now  setting  forth  homeless  through  the  world,  and  must  zealously 
pursue  some  prospect  of  entering  a  profession,  and  in  this  quest 
homelessness  is  the  best  condition  to  be  in.  ...  If  I  could  only 
be  certain  of  my  future  and  settle  my  plans  for  the  winter !  If  I 
cannot  enter  the  Diplomatic  Service  I  shall  try  to  enter  the  Eng- 
lish military  service  and  then  join  the  Chinese  expedition.  But 
this  plan  is  as  yet  quite  vague." 

CORVEY,  December  19,  1841. 

...  I  have  just  received  a  letter  from  Lowenstein  which 
has  decided  me  to  start  for  Berlin  at  once.  I  think  Stolberg 
cannot  have  given  my  letter  to  the  King.  However,  that 
does  not  matter  now;  I  shall  stay  the  winter  in  Berlin  and 
settle  down  there.  If  I  meet  with  a  refusal  I  shall  wait  till  spring 
and  see  what  else  there  is  to  do. 

From  Berlin  he  wrote  to  his  mother  on  January  3,  1842 :  "I 
have  your  dear  letter  of  the  2ist,  and  thank  you  most  heartily  for 
your  wishes  and  hopes.  I  will  gather  my  forces  for  an  advance 


upon  the  object  which  I  have  set  before  me.  Nobody  can 
advise  an  individual  upon  his  future  life ;  I  have  had  far  too  much 
advice  already,  both  about  the  end  and  the  means,  and  for 
this  reason  I  have  often  been  led  astray,  but  I  think  I  pretty 
well  understand  my  position  at  present.  I  am  beginning  to 
work  and  to  see  and  hear  a  lot.  I  go  about  a  great  deal,  and 
I  have  very  pleasant  society  in  the  Furstenbergs,  Lowenstein, 
and  other  very  nice  people." 

January  17,  1842. 

Unfortunately,  I  have  no  very  good  news  for  you  to-day.  I 
have  an  answer  from  the  King  in  the  negative.  It  runs  as 
follows : 

YOUR  HIGHNESS,  —  I  have  requested  a  report  from  the 
Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs  upon  your  Highness' s  wish, 
communicated  to  me  on  October  19,  respecting  your  admission 
to  the  examination  for  the  Diplomatic  Service  without  under- 
going the  preliminary  training  in  judicial  and  administrative 
practice  hitherto  obligatory.  In  view  of  the  report  I  hesitate 
to  comply  with  your  request,  and  my  decision  is  determined 
not  only  by  the  general  considerations  upon  the  present  con- 
ditions of  the  service  examination  which  the  report  brings  to 
my  notice,  but  chiefly  by  personal  regard  for  the  interests 
of  your  Highness.  You  cannot  fail  to  see,  as  I  see,  that  to 
grant  the  preference  which  your  Highness  desires  would  be  to 
place  you  in  a  position  of  some  inferiority  to  those  with  whom 
the  Diplomatic  Service  would  bring  you  into  association. 
In  consequence,  it  will  be  a  pleasure  to  me  if  your  Highness 
will  pursue  your  desire  of  beginning  a  diplomatic  career  in 
our  service,  by  first  complying  with  the  general  regulations 
existing  upon  this  head. 

Your  Highness's  affectionate  friend, 

BERLIN,  January  14,  1842. 

Thus  the  matter  now  stands.  You  may  well  imagine  that  my 
state  of  mind  is  by  no  means  cheerful. 

The  Prince,  however,  overcame  the  prejudice  of  the  media- 
tised against  the  obligatory  training  in  the  Prussian  Civil 
Service,  and  agreed  to  follow  the  course  which  the  King  had 
indicated.  On  April  6,  1842,  he  went  to  Coblentz  to  work  as 
Auskultator  in  the  law  courts. 

The  diary  complains  of  the  "monotony  of  the  first  days," 
gives  the  names  of  the  people  he  met  at  dinner,  chiefly  officers 
and  functionaries,  and  the  visits  which  he  paid.  Among  others, 
the  Chief  President  von  Bodelschwingh  is  mentioned  as  "a  very 
agreeable  man  whose  face  betokens  the  uprightness  of  his 
character  and  the  nobility  of  his  mind,  as  well  as  his  high 


The  Prince  soon  found  complete  satisfaction  in  the  serious 
work  of  legal  practice,  and  his  spare  time  was  employed  in  hard 
study.  "The  meaning  and  delight  of  real  hard  work,"  says  the 
diary,  "I  experienced  to-day  and  yesterday  to  the  full,  in  the 
careful  study,  pen  in  hand,  of  the  work  of  Biilow-Cummerow.* 
When  the  intellectual  life  revives,  all  minor  external  cares  dis- 
appear, life  loses  its  monotony  and  I  begin  once  again  to  live. 
It  was  fortunate  that  the  King's  decision  sent  me  back  to  the 
realities  of  life.  The  form  of  judicial  procedure  customary  here 
gives  me  no  insight  into  the  Prussian  system,  but  the  training  which 
I  am  gaining  from  it,  and  the  power  of  clear  and  definite  judi- 
cial thought,  is  even  more  valuable.  Circumstances  have  sho'.vn 
me  that  my  stay  here  was  necessary,  and  that  there  was  no  other 
course  open  to  me.  I  must  make  the  best  I  can  of  it. 

"One  advantage  I  am  obliged  to  do  without,  and  yet  I  need  it 
so  greatly :  a  friend  or  any  soul  in  whom  I  can  thoroughly  confide 
and  to  whom  I  can  tell  my  sorrows  and  my  joys.  Except  Philipp 
Ernst  and  Victor,  I  have  never  had  any  one  of  the  kind.  Stern- 
berg,!  a  noble  sympathetic  character  with  high  ideals,  has  been 
the  only  friend  of  the  kind  with  the  exception  of  those  two  (and 
mother  and  Amalie).  Alas !  why  is  man  so  distant  with  his  un- 
fortunate fellow  men?  Why  should  an  unhappy  soul  torment 
itself  throughout  the  paltry  span  of  human  life?  And  to  what 
end  ?  Merely  to  die ;  and  yet  they  all  pass  to  and  fro  unheeding, 
make  their  plans,  torture  and  deceive  themselves." 

April  ii,  1842. 

The  homely  manners  of  the  Coblentz  high  society  do  not 
altogether  please  one.  One  misses  the  aplomb  and  the  lack  of 
restraint  which  characterise  the  great  world.  An  evening  party 
is  an  extraordinary  event  in  a  small  town  and  seems  to  throw 
every  guest  into  a  state  of  surprise  which  speedily  tends  to  vul- 
garity, unless  natural  good-breeding  holds  the  balance. 

On  April  12,  the  diary  complains  of  "intellectual  indolence, 
the  result  of  idleness  in  Berlin."  "What  a  wholly  different 
character  I  might  have  become  had  I  remained  free  from  strict 
domestic  supervision  from  my  sixteenth  year  onwards.  I  should 
have  committed  many  follies  and  perhaps  have  gone  to  the  devil. 
But  it  seems  to  me,  though  I  do  not  complain  of  the  past,  that  I 
might  have  become  a  better  man.  A  passive  and  dreamy  character 
weak  in  action  requires  the  stimulus  of  being  left  to  act  for  itself, 

*  Von  Bulow-Cummerow,  Preussen:  seine  Verfassung  und  Verwal- 
tung,  sein  Verhaltnis  zu  Deutschland.  Berlin,  1842.  Cf.  Treitschke, 
Deutsche  Geschichte,  vol.  v.  p.  198. 

f  Freiherr  August  von  Ungern-Sternberg  was  a  fellow  student  of  the 
Prince  at  Bonn  and  Heidelberg.     He  was  born  at  Mannheim  on  August  16, 
1817,  and  died  March  20,   1895.        He  was  then  Privy  Councillor  to  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Baden  and  President  of  the  Privy  Council  of  Karlsruhe. 
VOL.  i  —  c 


and  must  not  be  allowed  to  let  things  slide  if  it  is  really  to 
develop.  I  am  by  nature  passive,  and  this  continuous  state  of 
tutelage  has  given  me  a  great  capacity  for  introspection,  I  can 
hardly  say  for  philosophy,  but  has  contributed  in  no  way  to  the 
strengthening  of  my  character.  Upon  this  latter  object  my 
efforts  must  now  be  concentrated. 


COBLENZ,  May  3,  1842. 

.  .  .  You  are  right  when  you  think  that  I  can  never  be 
unhappy,  I  mean  really  unhappy.  The  power  to  appreciate 
unhappiness  and  to  think  about  it  will  save  me  from  ever  being 
entirely  crushed  by  it.  "The  only  man  who  is  really  unhappy  is 
the  man  who  is  unable  to  weep  over  his  troubles;"  I  shall  put 
this  into  a  novel  some  day.  This  brings  a  poem  to  my  mind 
which  I  have  recently  composed  and  which  fits  very  well  here. 
It  is  in  the  so-called  gazul  metre: 

Clouds  o'ercast  with  gloom  the  sky; 

Wilted  blossoms  droop  the  head; 

Waters  cease  their  lullaby. 

Comes  a  boding  hush  of  dread 

O'er  the  parching  face  of  earth. 

Ah,  the  signs  of  thunder-shower 

In  the  sultry  summer  days 

Oft  recall  each  weary  hour 

When  the  worn,  long  hardened  heart 

Yearns  for  tear-drops'  softening  power. 

You  are  right  when  you  envy  me  my  pleasant  stay  here. 
For  almost  three  weeks  the  weather  has  been  so  warm  that 
everything  is  calling  for  rain.  The  fruit  blossom  is  almost  over, 
and  the  woods  are  beginning  to  grow  green.  It  is  a  beautiful 
sight  to  behold  the  silvery  moonlight  reflected  in  the  Rhine  and 
the  dark  mountains  and  the  noble  Ehrenbreitstein  opposite  me. 
Were  it  not  for  the  beauties  of  nature  I  should  be  unhappy 
in  spite  of  all  my  philosophy,  for  the  natives  are  anything  but 
oreads  or  hamadryads.  I  have  made  the  acquaintance  of  many 
excellent  people,  and  many  of  them  I  like  very  well.  But  they 
like  distinction  and  the  power  of  taking  things  for  granted ;  you 
will  understand  what  I  mean.  It  is  a  faculty  only  found  in  well- 
bred  or  cosmopolitan  people.  My  social  amenities  are  more  or 
less  confined  to  those  of  the  "how-do"  type,  even  in  the  case 
of  the  most  superior  ladies,  Excellencies,  &c.  (with  honourable 
exceptions).  A  fair  widow  .  .  .  twenty-one  years  of  age,  with  a 
very  beautiful  contralto  voice,  pleases  at  the  first  glance.  But  an 
attentive  listener  speedily  discovers  a  lack  of  proper  training  in 
her  singing,  and  similarly  her  manners  soon  displayed,  to  my 
thinking,  a  kind  of  rustic  vulgarity,  tempered  by  an  acquaintance 
with  sentimental  literature  and  with  the  English  language,  a 


mixture  even  more  disagreeable  to  my  mind  than  the  unadul- 
terated country  bumpkin  who  is  neither  able  nor  wishes  to  be  other 
than  he  is.  The  old  ladies  are  great  bores,  and  I  miss  my 
talks  with  my  Berlin  lady  friends,  Frau  von  Luck  and  others. 
Among  the  men,  and  indeed  throughout  the  country,  not- 
withstanding their  Rhenish  good-nature,  a  certain  pot-house 
tone  prevails  which  galls  me  exceedingly.  The  sole  consolation 
here  is  music.  Everybody  is  musical,  and  the  charming  Frau  .  .  . 
and  her  sister  .  .  .  sing  and  play  at  every  party  from  the  beginning 
to  the  end ;  a  chorus  or  a  trio  or  a  quartette  or  something  of  the 
kind  is  then  sung  and  Maitrank  is  handed  round ;  so  the  evening 
passes  and  one  quite  enjoys  oneself.  My  singing  powers  have 
not  yet  been  discovered.  I  now  take  singing  lessons  regularly, 
and  after  some  practice  shall  suddenly  appear  the  only  decent 
baritone  in  the  town  and  enchant  everybody.  My  teacher  is  not 
so  bad,  he  makes  me  sing  the  solfeggi  of  Cherubim,  drums  the 
notes  into  me,  and  is  anxious  that  I  should  be  able  to  sing  at 
sight  in  two  months.  Think  what  a  pleasure  that  will  be! 
I  am  also  learning  to  understand  the  scales,  B  flat  minor,  C 
major,  the  minor  keys,  accidentals,  &c.  I  shall  soon  have  got 
far  enough  to  compose  songs,  and  my  teacher  will  then  have  to 
accompany  me. 

Yesterday  I  went  to  Neuwied  and  cannot  say  enough  in  praise  of 
the  good  people  there.  I  had  feared  they  would  look  at  me  askance 
on  account  of  my  position  as  Auskultator,  but,  on  the  contrary,  I 
was  received  with  astonishment  as  an  extraordinary  phenomenon. 
This  calmed  my  fears  entirely.  For  such  is  human  nature; 
man  looks  for  outward  approval  though  he  should  be  satisfied 
with  the  consciousness  that  his  motives  are  pure.  The  Prince* 
has  something  very  interesting  in  his  suffering  face;  his  fine  eyes 
contrast  in  an  extraordinary  manner  with  the  deathly  pallor  of 
his  complexion;  he  is  said  to  be  very  talented,  draws  beauti- 
fully, &c.  I  liked  him  at  first  sight  and  much  regret  his  shattered 
health.  Schonleinf  was  here  a  short  time  ago,  and  gave  great 
hopes  of  improvement;  he  is  in  fact  somewhat  better.  Prince 
Max  is  a  capable  and  talkative  man.  Prince  Karl  often  used  to 
see  papa  and  mamma  in  Vienna,  and  looked  back  upon  that  time 
with  much  pleasure.  Prince  Philipp  Lowenstein  came  in  during 
dinner,  jeune  homme  fort  elegant  as  usual  and  rajeuni  if  possible. 
He  seemed  never  tired  of  saying  to  me,  "Why,  you  are  looking 
very  well." 

Last  summer  you  observed  that  the  air  of  the  pine  woods 
has  a  bad  influence,  and  here  the  contrary  observation  seems  in- 
dicated that  spring  air  on  the  Rhine  exerts  a  good  influence.  When 
I  take  my  evening  walk  along  the  most  frequented  of  the  paths 
by  the  Rhine,  I  find  even  the  most  prosaic  Philistines  inspired  by 
a  kind  of  poetical  illumination  which  is  quite  touching.  And  yet 

*  Prince  Hermann  of  Wied  (1814-1846). 
t  The  famous  Berlin  pathologist. 


no  other  result  is  conceivable ;  when  the  cool  Rhine  breeze  comes 
down  laden  with  the  scent  of  flowers,  no  matter  how  sad  my 
thoughts,  straightway  my  whole  being  is  cheered,  and  I  look 
with  keener  pleasure  upon  the  golden  hills  and  the  peaceful  church 
towers  of  the  opposite  villages.  Then  the  evening  bells  begin  to 
ring,  and  I  am  borne  perforce  into  that  heavenly  frame  of  mind 
which  excludes  all  earthly  wishes,  except  that  you  might  be  here 
with  me. 

This  letter  has  been  at  a  standstill  for  several  days;  an 
excursion  to  Frankfurt,  and  the  sense  of  isolation  which  follows 
the  conclusion  of  these  steamer  trips  prevented  me  from  writing. 
In  Frankfurt  I  sat  opposite  to  Paul,  Duke  of  Wiirtemberg  dur- 
ing lunch;  he  talked  incessantly,  the  more  so  as  his  neighbour 
Riippell,*  one  of  the  most  famous  travellers  of  the  day,  was  good 
enough  to  act  as  gutter-spout  for  the  trickle  of  his  stories.  It 
was  all  I  could  do  to  avoid  laughing  at  the  fellow,  nice  as  he  is. 

The  steamer  was  as  utterly  wearisome  as  ever.  Moreover,  I 
made  the  acquaintance  of  a  young  Saxon  officer  whose  behaviour 
was  entirely  governed  by  those  "  manuals  of  polite  society,"  as 
they  are  called,  and  who  consequently  proved  a  terrible  bore.  Now 
I  am  sitting  again  at  my  desk  studying  my  statutes  and  rejoicing 
over  a  Havana  cigar  (50  thalers  a  thousand,  tell  this  to  Victor) 
and  a  cup  of  coffee. 

I  advise  you  to  keep  my  letters,  as  I  keep  yours  and,  in  fact,  all 
that  I  receive.  Even  if  we  do  not  hereafter  publish  the  Bettina 
correspondence  it  will  be  interesting  to  read  it  again  in  after  years. 
When  we  afterwards  secure  some  measure  of  personal  success  it  is 
pleasant  to  look  back  upon  the  path  by  which  we  have  travelled. 

Tell  Victor  that  if  the  Arnimsf  come  to  Winkel-am-Rhein, 
I  shall  go  there  and  hope  to  spend  some  pleasant  hours  (in  the 
society  of  Bettina). 

From  the  Journal. 

June  3,  1842. 

From  May  3  to  June  3  my  activity  has  been  interrupted  by  an 
attack  of  measles.  Unpleasant  as  such  an  illness  is,  it  has  this 
benefit,  that  it  entirely  absorbs  any  superfluous  energy,  and  I  must 
admit  that  this  illness  and  my  solitary  studies  and  self-question- 
ings have  done  much  to  clear  my  mind.  I  have  even  come  to  love 
this  solitude;  the  monotony  of  a  sick-bed,  provided  one  is  in  no 
special  pain,  gives  many  pleasant  hours  to  any  one  capable  of 
thought,  and  some  sad  moments  also,  for  "it  brings  one  back  to 
the  question  that  torments  the  sick,  but  never  the  healthy  man." 
The  noise  of  the  children  was  abominable,  and  if  I  had  any  thought 

*Eduard  Ruppell  (1794-1884),  naturalist  and  traveller  in  Egypt, 
Nubia,  and  Arabia. 

f  The  Prince  had  made  the  acquaintance  of  Bettina  von  Arnim  in 
Berlin  in  the  winter  of  1841-42. 


of  marriage  it  would  be  postponed  for  ten  years  by  the  out- 
cries of  my  housemates.  There  is  nothing  more  unpleasant 
in  the  world  than  a  crying  child. 

As  soon  as  I  can  get  to  work  again,  I  shall  have  to  begin 
a  thorough  study  of  constitutional  law.  Nothing  is  more 
dangerous  than  a  state  of  mental  indolence  when  engaged  in  the 
study  of  constitutional  questions.  Without  thorough  training, 
we  become,  especially  in  the  Public  Service,  either  mere  tools  or 
fickle  weather-cocks,  or  one-sided  characters,  easily  absorbed 
by  party  considerations.  Thoroughness  is  the  only  means  by 
which  to  preserve  integrity  of  character. 

August  16,  1842. 

.  .  .  There  is  something  sad  about  the  lives  of  our  modern 
youth  in  their  constant  praise  of  "  freedom."  Any  one  who 
finds  satisfaction  in  immorality  is  certainly  welcome  to  such 
freedom.  But  in  this  freedom  of  the  old  bachelor  lie  terrible 
possibilities  of  selfishness  and  heartlessness. 

September  n,  1842. 

I  have  been  studying  the  report  of  Marheineke  upon  the 
Bruno  Bauer  affair*  in  which  his  arguments  are  by  no  means 
logical,  as  the  Deutsche  Jahrbucher  show.  It  must,  however, 
be  said  that  want  of  logic  may  easily  result  if  passages  torn 
from  their  context  are  fitted  together,  as  they  are  in  the 

In  the  course  of  the  summer  the  Prince  was  invited  to  an 
evening  party  at  the  Castle  of  Bruhl,  where  he  was  very  kindly 
received  by  the  King  and  Queen.  Among  the  guests  the  diary 
mentions  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  the 
Archduke  Johann  of  Austria,  the  Grand  Duke  of  Mecklenburg, 
and  the  Hereditary  Prince  of  Baden;  "the  latter  extremely 
agreeable."  At  the  concert  the  sisters  Milanollo  played. 

In  September  the  Prince  and  his  brother  Gustav  made  a 
journey  to  Lausanne,  by  way  of  Strassburg,  Basle,  Solothurn,  and 
Bern.  Here  the  diary  observes  on  September  27 : 

"  Notwithstanding  all  this  pleasure  I  cannot  say  that  I  am  so 
attracted  by  it  as  before,  or  that  I  could  give  up  everything  to 
remain  here  for  the  rest  of  my  life.  Perhaps  I  am  now  becom- 
ing too  thoroughly  German.  Perhaps  also  my  troubled  state  of 
mind  and  my  rising  ambition  are  also  responsible  for  this  change. 
A  man  must  make  trial  of  life  in  his  youth;  must  see  what  it 
brings  him  and  what  spiritual  help  he  can  thence  gain  for  himself 
and  others.  The  sentimental  appreciation  of  the  beauties  of 
nature  weakens  a  mind  which  ought  to  advance  more  and  more 

*The  Minister  Eichhorn  had  demanded  a  report  from  the  theological 
faculties  upon  the  question  whether  Bruno  Bauer  was  competent  or 
should  be  allowed  to  teach  theology  in  view  of  his  radical  publications. 


in  determination  and  clarity  of  view.  Such  development  can  be 
gained  only  by  extraordinary  energy  and  a  definite  object  in  life. 
Onward,  therefore!" 

On  his  return  from  Switzerland  the  Prince  spent  the  autumn 
with  his  relatives  at  Kupferzell.  Thence  he  visited  Bettina 
von  Arnim  in  Frankfurt.  The  diary  speaks  of  an  evening  spent 
with  her:  "Bettina's  daughters  are  no  less  amiable  and  clever 
than  before.  If  only  they  would  give  up  their  efforts  at  eccen- 
tricity, which  are  quite  unnecessary  !  They  are  so  amiable,  so  well 
educated  and  sensible  that  they  might  easily  avoid  foolish  para- 
doxical views.  I  heard  many  sharp  criticisms  upon  affairs  in 
Berlin,  for  instance,  upon  the  extraordinary  conference  of  poets, 
&c.  After  a  somewhat  unfavourable  criticism  of  the  character  of 
Tieck  they  went  on  to  Riickert,  who  came  in  for  their  special 
censure  as  being  a  man  with  whom  the  King  could  not  work,  an 
eccentric  unpolished  creature  who  always  used  to  wear  an  over- 
coat and  now  thinks  it  his  duty  to  appear  in  evening  dress,  which 
suits  him  very  ill.  They  compared  Riickert's  face  with  a  shoe 
down  at  the  heel,  if  I  am  not  mistaken.  Their  somewhat 
severe  judgment  of  the  King  is  inspired  by  their  great  love  for  him 
and  their  wish  that  his  fame  should  be  immortal;  this  in  their 
opinion  can  only  be  possible  if  he  boldly  advances  upon  the  path 
of  progress  which  he  formerly  entered,  and  declines  to  be  checked 
by  the  action  of  his  Ministers,  who  wish  to  assume  too  much 
power.  The  most  characteristic  and  pleasant  feature  about 
Bettina  is  that  she  is  not  merely  a  learned,  pompous  woman,  but 
a  true  child  of  nature,  notwithstanding  her  wide  intellectual 
interests.  There  is  no  restraint  in  her  circle;  every  one  acts  as 
he  pleases,  characters  are  taken  for  what  they  are,  and  she 
attaches  herself  to  any  one  who  seems  for  the  moment  to  be  novel 
and  interesting." 

In  the  year  1843  the  Prince  was  occupied  by  preparation  for 
his  second  examination  and  by  projects  for  his  future  career. 
He  resolved  after  the  second  examination  to  leave  the  legal  pro- 
fession and  to  prepare  for  the  Administrative  and  Diplomatic 
Services:  "I  will  be  a  Landrat*  or  a  diplomatist,  or  both !"  says 
the  diary.  On  February  18,  1843,  he  writes  to  his  mother: 

" .  .  .  At  the  same  time  my  liking  increases  for  my  legal  work, 
partly  because  I  can  see  that  I  am  getting  on,  and  also  because 
such  training  is  of  the  highest  value  to  an  ill-balanced  mind.  I 
wish  I  had  become  convinced  at  an  earlier  date,  as  I  am  now, 
that  a  civil  career  is  in  no  way  derogatory,  but  on  the  contrary 
highly  valuable.  The  unusual  nature  of  my  action  has  brought 
me  some  prestige,  and  after  all  the  nobility  can  only  maintain  a 
position  which  is  everywhere  disputed,  by  showing  intellectual 
or  moral  pre-eminence,  or  at  least  by  trying  to  show  it.  Had  I 
realised  this  before  I  should  have  saved  many  a  year  which  has 
been  expended  in  mere  projects.  Now  that  I  have  embarked 
*  President  of  an  administrative  district. 


upon  my  profession  all  former  objectors  have  been  silenced, 
and  hitherto  I  have  experienced  no  obstacles  except  such  as  were' 
raised  by  my  own  distraction  and  negligence.  Only  recently 
my  choice  has  been  again  approved  by  the  Duke  of  Nassau  and 
the  general  in  command  here,  both  of  whom  agreed  with  me 
upon  the  hopeless  nature  of  a  Prussian  military  career.  In  any 
case  I  trouble  very  little  at  present  about  other  people's  opinions 
and  rejoice  in  my  own  independence,  having  now  entirely  shaken 
off  the  last  traces  of  my  former  tutelage.  I  cannot  say  whether 
I  shall  remain  in  this  profession  when  my  time  of  training  is 
passed  and  the  actual  work  begins.  I  should  derive  more  benefit 
if  I  could  then  retire  peacefully  into  private  life,  live  somewhere 
or  other  with  you  and  continue  my  studies.  I  am  of  the  opinion 
of  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt,  that  man's  chief  object  must  be  his 
individual  development  and  if  possible  his  perfection,  in  order 
that  we  may  then  influence  others  by  our  own  power  and  thus 
become  centres  of  beneficial  force ;  but  this  is  better  done  alone 
and  in  peace  than  in  the  college  of  some  great  town." 

The  following  observations  in  the  diary  probably  reflect  some 
unpleasant  experiences  in  Coblentz  society: 

July  30,  1843. 

...  It  is  advisable  and  in  fact  necessary  for  me  to  be  constantly 
upon  my  guard.  These  characters  that  in  many  respects  happen 
to  harmonise  with  my  own  are,  after  all,  nothing  to  me.  I  must 
be  careful  lest  I  fall  into  some  base  surrender.  Watchfulness  and 
prudence  upon  every  occasion,  combined  with  the  utmost  outward 
friendliness  and  affability,  is  an  object  that  every  prince  should 
place  before  himself  if  he  does  not  wish  to  be  led  into  follies  from 
which  other  young  men  are  protected  by  their  lower  position. 
Caution,  therefore ! 

Great  indeed  is  the  artificiality  of  the  age,  great  the  corruption 
of  the  present  generation,  and  miserable  the  state  of  our  society 
when  a  strong  man  can  only  attain  his  object  by  spending  his 
strength  and  blunting  his  feelings  in  order  to  reduce  himself  to  the 
level  of  his  environment,  when  he  must  become  bad  that  he  may 
not  hurt  the  feelings  of  the  bad. 

After  the  Prince  had  passed  his  examination  on  August  17,  he 
was  appointed  Rejerendarius*  on  September  9,  1843.  During  this 
month  he  made  a  long  tour  through  Switzerland  to  Southern  France 
and  Upper  Italy,  starting  from  Lausanne  with  his  brother  Gustav, 
who  had  there  been  continuing  his  studies  in  French.  In  Lyons  the 
brothers  were  present  when  the  Due  de  Nemours  arrived  to  hold  a 
review,  and  witnessed  his  arrival  on  board  the  steamer.  "  Among 
a  hundred  thousand  spectators,"  says  the  diary,  "not  a  single 
cheer  was  heard."  From  October  10  to  25  the  Prince  travelled 
alone  to  Sardinia  and  returned  from  Genoa  over  the  Spliigen. 
He  spent  November  in  Kupferzell  and  then  went  to  Rauden  by 
*  A  barrister  practising  without  emolument. 


way  of  Corvey  and  Berlin,  remaining  there  until  the  end  of  the 
year.  Here  he  also  spent  the  first  weeks  of  the  year  1844,  and 
came  back  after  a  stay  in  Berlin  extending  from  February  8  to 
March  25.  April  was  spent  on  a  tour  to  Vienna. 

Meanwhile  he  had  been  appointed  to  a  post  under  the  Potsdam 
Government  on  April  4,  and  at  the  instance  of  the  Minister  of 
Justice  he  was  retired  from  the  legal  service  on  April  17,  "in  con- 
sequence of  being  transferred  to  the  Administration,"  with  a 
certificate  "of  good  qualifications  and  praiseworthy  behaviour." 
On  May  13  the  Prince  arrived  in  Berlin  to  begin  work  under  the 
Potsdam  Government. 

From  the  Journal. 

April  19,  1844. 

.This  book  has  been  unopened  for  weeks  and  months.  Mean- 
while many  changes  have  taken  place  both  about  me  and  in 
myself.  However,  throughout  the  movements  of  my  life  I  have 
been  but  confirmed  in  my  former  opinion  that  intellectual 
occupation  can  alone  make  a  man  happy.  All  else  is  but  a 
subordinate  matter,  though  beneficial  as  a  relaxation.  But 
when  relaxation  becomes  the  business  of  life  it  is  a  toil  and 
of  course  ceases  to  be  a  relaxation. 

To  his  MOTHER. 

BERLIN,  May  16,  1844. 

I  am  to  be  introduced  to  the  Department  at  Potsdam  to-morrow. 
I  have  an  infinite  objection  to  Potsdam  and  its  inhabitants  which 
I  do  not  expect  to  lose,  as  I  shall  employ  every  spare  moment  in 
making  excursions  to  Berlin.  My  calls  have  all  been  paid.  I 
met  the  Princes  in  the  train  and  was  received  with  their  usual 
cheerfulness,  which  was  increased  when  I  told  them  of  my  plans ; 
this  information  induced  Prince  Friedrich  to  observe  that  I 
should  probably  become  a  Landrat;  he  did  not  know  how  near  he 
was  to  the  truth.  Apart  from  this,  the  Prince  of  Prussia  ap- 
proved my  intention  of  working  under  the  Government  and  said 
that  he  was  especially  delighted,  "as  we  can  ask  you  now  and 
then  to  come  and  have  a  bit  of  dinner." 

From  the  Journal. 

May  29,  1844. 

I  have  recently  felt  no  inclination  to  attempt  a  description  of 
my  feelings.  The  gentle  stimulus  of  my  life  in  the  law  does  once 
more  arouse  the  capacity  for  writing  down  one's  thoughts ;  indeed 
it  becomes  a  necessity  to  see  in  writing  what  cannot  be  expressed 
in  words.  This  was  indeed  my  object  in  resuming  my  career; 
I  wished  once  more  to  recover  my  knowledge  of  myself.  That  my 


powers  of  introspection  have  not  disappeared  but  were  merely 
dormant  is  a  conviction  which  fills  me  with  joy  and  atones  for  the 
many  disadvantages  of  my  profession. 

June  25,  1844. 

The  legislation  of  the  period  between  1807  and  1811  had 
aroused  a  certain  spirit  of  Liberalism  in  Prussia  which  was  to 
culminate  in  a  universal  and  remarkable  display  of  national 
enthusiasm  during  1813  and  1814. 

After  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  the  Governments  were  inclined  to 
consider  the  widespread  spirit  of  Nationalism  in  Germany  a  some- 
what dangerous  tendency.  Even  though  the  legislation  of  1820 
and  1821  pointed  to  the  speedy  institution  of  a  State  Constitution 
in  Prussia,  the  nation  was  soon  deprived  of  these  prospects  by  the 
establishment  of  a  constitution  based  upon  the  provincial  orders. 
Meanwhile  people  were  contented  with  the  possession  of  an  orderly 
administration,  and  were  ready  to  trust  to  the  King's  sense  of 
justice,  seeing  that  he  had  passed  through  many  joys  and  sorrows 
with  his  people,  like  a  father  with  his  children,  and  that  his  in- 
tentions were  as  sound  a  guarantee  for  the  maintenance  of 
what  was  good  and  the  suppression  of  what  was  not,  as  any 
constitution  upon  a  monarchical  basis  could  provide.  This  was 
the  situation  when  King  Friedrich  Wilhelm  III.  died. 

The  speeches  delivered  upon  the  occasion  of  the  homage 
aroused  general  hopes  of  a  free  constitution,  though  the  public 
was  inclined  to  see  some  sign  of  the  King's  ecclesiastical  lean- 
ings in  the  appointment  of  such  Ministers  as  Eichhorn,  Stolberg, 
Thiele,  and  other  officials.  This  tendency  soon  became  more 
obvious.  It  also  speedily  appeared  that  these  speeches,  far  from 
promising  any  representative  constitution,  implied  the  contrary. 
General  dissatisfaction  was  aroused,  which  began  to  find  expression 
at  the  outset  of  1842.  The  censorship  legislation,  which  seemed  to 
promise  greater  freedom  of  discussion,  was  opposed  by  the  Arnim 
Ministry,  which  aimed  rather  at  restriction,  while  the  High  Court 
of  Appeal  on  questions  of  censorship  acted  upon  wider  principles 
and  allowed  many  articles  to  pass.  To  these  disturbing  elements 
were  added  many  economic  evils,  such  as  still  persist,  want  of 
employment  in  Silesia,  railway  company  legislation  which  had  re- 
cently become  a  necessity,  &c.  Finally  there  is  a  general  want 
of  principle  and  all-pervading  lack  of  vigour,  or  rather  of  system, 
among  the  supreme  administrative  authorities;  business  is 
delayed,  money  is  wanting,  and  the  finances  are  in  confusion,  so 
that  the  general  dissatisfaction  increases,  though  varying  in 
particular  provinces.  They  have  just  been  sending  some  excellent 
gentlemen  to  sound  popular  feeling  in  the  Rhine  provinces,  as  if 
the  local  authorities  were  not  likely  to  be  far  better  informed. 
This  action  is  discussed  and  criticised  on  the  Rhine.  The 
nobility  is  brought  into  contempt  by  the  misdeeds  of  indi- 
viduals. Much  else  might  also  be  mentioned,  not  to  speak 


of  the  divorce  law  and  the  criminal  law.  If  the  popular  feeling 
be  taken  into  consideration  along  with  the  personnel  of  the 
present  Ministry,  it  becomes  obvious  that  no  alleviation  is  to 
be  expected  unless  a  complete  change  is  made  in  the  supreme 
authority.  We  dare  not  shut  our  eyes  to  the  fact  that  on  the 
slightest  provocation  he  may  have  a  rebellion.  One  movement 
leads  to  another;  the  military  are  untrustworthy,  and  there  is 
nothing  to  check  the  stream  if  it  bursts  its  banks  and  rushes  over 
meadow  and  field.  All  who  do  not  now  work  their  hardest  to 
secure  a  capable  education  are  lost.  A  time  will  come  when 
birth  will  no  longer  be  of  importance,  when  high  and  low  will 
be  forced  to  contend  in  open  discussion.  It  is  the  duty  of  the 
aristocracy  to  arm  themselves,  not  with  sword  and  shield,  but  with 
the  word  of  power  drawn  from  science,  that  they  may  thus  become 
a  firm,  loyal,  and  immovable  support  for  the  throne  and  for 
themselves.  We  are  the  trees  upon  which  drowning  men  may 
climb  to  safety  from  the  flood.  Let  us  see  to  it  that  our  roots 
be  not  rotten  but  firmly  planted  in  the  soil. 

To  his  MOTHER. 

BERLIN,  July  15,  1844. 

I  have  been  almost  every  Sunday  to  dine  at  Court,  and  to  my 
astonishment  have  secured  the  favour  of  exalted  personages. 
Yesterday  the  King  actually  offered  me  his  snuff-box,  from  which 
I  took  a  pinch  with  delight. 

"In  the  middle  of  July,"  says  the  diary,  "I  travelled  to  Corvey 
and  felt  a  difference  in  the  air  immediately.  Here  body  and  mind 
are  oppressed,  there  they  revive.  Then  there  was  the  pleasant 
meeting  with  Victor,  Gustav,  and  Konstantin.*  Then,  until 
October,  was  a  peaceful  and  undisturbed  time  at  Potsdam. 
Stag-hunting,  ending  with  a  fright.  In  December  to  Rauden. 
Joyful,  tender,  and  ever  memorable  days  spent  with  mamma, 
Philipp  Ernst,  Konstantin,  and  Gustav.  On  January  8,  1845,  to 
Berlin.  Interesting  carnival,  romanticism  of  Kroll,  railway, 
Court  festival.  Arrival  of  Victor.  Delight  at  his  happiness."  f 

To  his  MOTHER. 

BERLIN,  January  17,  1845. 

Yesterday  I  received  a  letter  from  Victor  with  the  news  that 
he  would  not  arrive  here  until  the  2oth.  At  the  same  time  he 
confirmed  the  news  of  my  election  to  the  Landtag.  J  I  am  then 
going  with  Victor  to  Breslau.  I  do  not  know  what  use  this 
Landtag  will  be  to  me;  I  have  had  the  most  interesting  con- 

*  The  youngest  of  the  brothers,  born  September  8,  1828. 
t  On  his  engagement  to  Princess  Amalie  of  Furstenberg. 
j  The  Silesian  Provincial  Diet. 


versations  with  Ministers  and  others,  and  also  with  the  Prince 
of  Prussia  about  it,  and  I  am  by  no  means  dissatisfied. 
My  few  conversations  with  the  authorities  have  shown  me 
the  confusion  and  want  of  intelligence  prevailing  in  the  highest 
circles,  where  every  popular  desire,  if  it  does  not  correspond  with 
the  wishes  of  the  Government,  is  regarded  as  treason.  The 
assembly  might  become  a  turning-point  for  me  if  it  were  not  my 
business  as  a  novice  to  speak  but  little  and  to  keep  my  principles 
as  dark  as  possible. 

The  Prince's  visit  to  Breslau  lasted  from  the  beginning  of 
February  to  April  10.  On  April  19  was  celebrated  the  marriage 
of  the  Duke  of  Ratibor  with  Princess  Amalie  of  Fiirstenberg  in 
Donaueschingen.  The  serious  illness  of  Prince  Philipp  Ernst  had 
already  begun.  "  Cheerful  and  yet  sad  wedding  days,"  says  the 
diary.  Shortly  after  the  marriage  festivities  at  Donaueschingen  the 
Prince  grew  worse  and  died  on  May  3,  1845.  "This  event,"  says 
the  diary,  on  May  14,  "  marks  the  beginning  of  a  new  epoch  for  me. 
My  natural  cheerfulness  and  my  native  optimism  have  been 
shattered  for  ever  by  this  death,  which  has  taken  from  me  the  one 
closest  to  my  heart,  with  whom  I  thought  and  felt  in  such  perfect 
harmony,  and  with  whom  I  was  in  such  entire  intimacy  last 
winter.  I  told  him  what  I  have  never  entrusted  to  any  one,  as 
he  understood  everything,  was  in  every  case  indulgent  to  the 
feelings  of  others,  was  gentle  and  lovable.  ..." 

The  outward  consequence  of  this  bereavement  was  a  decision 
which  made  the  Prince  master  of  Schillingsfiirst.  In  the  course  of 
the  summer  the  negotiations  took  place  which  ended  in  a  conven- 
tion with  the  Duke  of  Ratibor.  By  the  terms  of  this  agreement, 
Prince  Chlodwig  renounced  his  claim  to  Corvey,  while  the  Duke 
of  Ratibor  resigned  the  Schillingsfiirst  succession  in  his  favour. 
The  domain  of  Treffurt  remained  in  the  possession  of  Prince 
Chlodwig;  he  afterwards  sold  this  estate  and  acquired  instead  a 
larger  property  in  the  Province  of  Posen.  Retirement  from  the 
Prussian  State  Service  was  the  next  consequence.  "On  June  n," 
says  the  diary,  "I  was  with  Arnim.  My  reception  was  very  formal 
and  unusually  cold.  Upon  my  explanation  he  merely  asked 
whether  I  wished  to  continue  work  in  Potsdam.  When  I  told 
him  that  this  was,  perhaps,  the  case  but  that  I  had  no  definite 
object,  he  went  so  far  as  to  admit  that  it  was  a  matter  of  total 
indifference  to  him,  or  even  a  matter  of  preference  if  I  abandoned 
my  career.  As  I  do  not  meet  with  the  least  encouragement,  I 
think  better  to  give  it  up.  For  the  moment  I  intend  to  leave 
the  question  of  my  return  to  Potsdam  open,  to  take  leave  for 
an  indefinite  period  and  then  to  see  what  is  to  be  done  at 

The  Prince  spent  the  whole  winter  between  1845  and  1846  in 
Schillingsfurst.  "A  terrible  winter,"  says  the  diary,  "which,  how- 
ever, has  had  its  good  side.  Man  can  bear  everything  if  he  only 


will.     Voluntas  est  potestas"     The  following  poem  belongs  to 
the  lonely  winter  spent  at  Schillingsf lirst  : 

From  the  castle's  rocky  height, 
Clear  beneath  the  winter  moon, 
See  the  valley  decked  in  light, 
See  the  church  and  see  the  tomb ! 

There  they  laid  thee  in  the  grave; 
Warm  and  loving  friends  we  were : 
Thou  wert  loyal,  strong,  and  brave ; 
None  with  thee  shall  e'er  compare. 

Many  a  bitter  tear  they  shed 
Standing  round  that  holy  spot; 
But  their  sorrows  now  are  fled, 
For,  alas,  they  knew  thee  not. 

But  my  tears  shall  ever  flow 
As  upon  that  gloomy  morn, 
When  I  made  thy  grave  below, 
Broken-hearted  and  forlorn. 

From  letters  to  the  PRINCESS  AMALIE. 

SCHILLINGSFURST,  March  4,  1846. 

O'er  the  valleys  and  the  hills 
I  would  be  a  wanderer  bold; 
Through  the  cruel  winter  storms 
Thunder  round  our  castle  hold. 

I  would  be  a  mariner 
Boldly  sail  the  waters  dark, 
Though  the  fury  of  the  wave 
Bode  destruction  to  my  bark. 

With  the  children  of  the  South 
Through  the  palm -groves  I  would  haste, 
And  upon  an  Arab  steed 
Scour  the  desert's  burning  waste. 

With  the  sword  for  freedom's  cause 
I  would  smite  the  enemy, 
And  the  triumph  of  my  land 
With  my  dying  gaze  descry. 

Anything  were  better  than 
Thus  o'er  musty  deeds  to  frown, 
Yawning,  sharpening  a  pen, 
Slippered,  in  a  dressing-gown. 

I  have  just  interrupted  my  restless  nervous  letter  and  looked 
out  of  the  window.  Ah,  how  that  calms  the  mind.  It  is  a  wonder- 
fully beautiful  moonlight  night,  beneath  which  wide  valleys  and 
mountains  lie  outspread.  It  is  all  quiet  and  peaceful  and  warm, 
and  the  spring  breezes  are  blowing  up  here  upon  the  mountain. 
The  remembrance  of  the  past  fills  my  heart  with  silent  sorrow, 


and  from  the  past  there  rise  the  good  thoughts  and  actions  of  our 
life,  together  with  the  remembrance  of  those  who  have  passed 
away ;  nay,  they  rise  in  person.  None  the  less,  it  is  a  consolation 
to  think  that  this  old  home  does  not  look  out  dead  and  desolate 
upon  the  lovely  night,  but  belongs  to  a  kind  of  third-rate  poet 
who  now  and  then  looks  out  upon  the  moonlight  himself.  And 
it  almost  seems  to  me  that  the  old  stone  barrack  itself  rejoices 
at  the  fact. 


March  14,  1840. 

...  I  have  now  got  a  very  good  parson  at  Frankenheim, 
a  zealous  capable  man  named  Bischof  who  was  here  lately.  Of 
all  the  applicants  his  testimonials  showed  him  the  most  capable 
and  his  conversation  was  a  pleasure  to  me  in  my  loneliness.  I 
felt  at  home  with  him  immediately  in  a  philosophical  discussion, 
and  that  is  always  something  in  his  favour.  At  the  same  time, 
he  is  no  rationalist,  but  a  real  Christian,  and  not  a  hypocrite 
either;  and  though  my  knowledge  of  human  nature  sometimes 
plays  me  false,  I  have  a  good  eye  for  parsons,  governesses,  and 

I  am  now  getting  the  garden  into  some  kind  of  order,  and 
making  plans  and  proposals  for  the  building  of  a  summer-house. 
Beyond  that  I  shall  never  bother  much  about  laying  out  and 
building.  I  get  terribly  bored  with  it,  especially  the  building. 

April  7,  1846. 

I  have  read  the  book  by  Gervinus.*  With  much  of  it  I  am  in 
complete  accord,  especially  the  horror  of  dogmatism,  which  has 
been  greatly  intensified  by  Gustel's  treatises.  His  remarks  also 
upon  Schleiermacher  are  very  true.  But  I  cannot  agree  with  the 
whole  of  his  optimism,  least  of  all  with  the  hopes  which  he  expresses 
of  such  windbags  as  Ronge  and  Scersky.  I  should,  indeed,  be 
delighted  to  see  a  great  universal  Christian  Church  embracing 
all  that  is  pure  and  lofty  in  Christianity.  I  think  also  that  this 
idea  is  possible,  though  I  dissent  from  the  opinion  that  eccle- 
siastical or  religious  unity  of  this  kind  must  precede  political 
unity.  This  I  neither  hope  nor  believe.  Political  unity  must 
precede  religious  unity,  unless  struggle  for  religious  unity 
produces  a  condition  of  affairs  leading  to  an  opposite  result. 
This  is  a  somewhat  confused  sentence  and  requires  development, 
but  I  hope  you  will  be  able  to  understand  it. 

It  is  impossible  for  me,  much  as  I  have  recently  attempted 
to  deceive  myself,  to  accommodate  myself  to  all  the  dogmas, 
and  for  that  reason  I  have  recognised  certain  passages  in  Gervinus 
as  the  expression  of  my  inmost  thoughts.  During  the  solitude 
of  this  winter,  I  have  been  entirely  honest  with  myself,  and  am 
now  striving  to  be  equally  honest  with  others.  Lying  is  entirely 
foreign  to  my  nature,  and  any  traces  of  it  in  me  are  due  to  the 

*  Die  Mission  der  Deutschkatholiken,  1846. 


education  of  Herr  Boltes,*  an  excellent  method  of  its  kind.  "To 
thine  own  self  be  true,"  is  a  phrase  that  should  be  written  every- 
where in  letters  of  gold.  .  .  .  Hence  I  must  also  say  that  I  have 
as  yet  absolutely  no  thoughts  of  marriage.  I  am  becoming 
more  and  more  convinced  that  marriage  for  a  man  is  not  an  end 
but  a  means,  a  means  to  the  enobling  of  his  character.  His  wife 
should  be  "a  shady  footpath  skirting  the  high  road  of  life." 
But  to  enjoy  such  happiness,  a  man  must  walk  boldly  upon  the 
high  road  of  life,  must  have  reached  one  goal  and  have  another 
before  him.  In  our  class,  marriage  is  too  often  made  the  chief 
end  of  life.  One  sees  a  prince  of  the  empire  settled  in  his  castle, 
getting  married,  hunting,  signing  decrees,  and  thinking  what  a 
hero  he  is ;  yet  however  happy  he  may  be  in  his  married  life,  he 
feels  a  certain  inward  dissatisfaction  which  he  cannot  explain 
and  which  embitters  his  days ;  this  is  the  want  of  some  definite 
object,  the  incapacity  for  taking  an  active  share  in  the  higher  in- 
terests of  humanity,  in  short,  the  voice  of  conscience  which  he  does 
not,  cannot,  or  will  not  understand.  An  estate  in  a  province  like 
Silesia,  the  more  vigorous  life  of  the  North  Germans  and  Prussians, 
provides  other  compensations  and  means  of  stimulus  to  such  an 
existence,  but  South  Germany  does  not.  The  happy  ones  in 
this  country,  and  in  our  class,  are  not  the  men  but  the  women, 
provided  that  they  appreciate  their  situation.  Nothing  more 
easily  depresses  a  clever  thoughtful  man  than  the  consciousness 
that  he  has  no  object  for  his  efforts  and  activities.  Do  not  tell 
me  that  I  ought  to  be  content  with  my  present  sphere.  It 
does  not  give  me  nearly  enough  to  do,  and  the  occupation  which 
it  provides  is  not  of  the  kind  to  raise  the  mind.  It  may  be  all 
very  well  for  later  years,  but  it  is  no  school  for  life,  and  I  must 
insist  upon  going  to  school.  I  will  and  I  must  recognise  the  truth 
of  Chamisso's  words:  "Let  us  work  and  create  by  means  of  our 
knowledge  lest  we  should  conceive  the  idea  of  blowing  our  brains 

On  April  1 8,  1846,  the  Prince  entered  the  Bavarian  Upper 
House,  and  took  part  in  its  proceedings  in  Munich.  His  im- 
pressions of  his  first  experiences  in  the  arena  of  Bavarian 
politics  are  given  in  the  following  description  from  the  diary: 

MUNICH,  May  9,  1846. 

Nothing  in  political  life  is  better  or  worse  than  the  transition 
from  doubt  to  firm  conviction.  It  is  a  bad  thing,  because  it 
wastes  the  inward  life;  a  good  thing,  because  it  puts  an  end  to 
the  state  of  doubt.  I  have  now  reached  this  point.  Previously 
I  held  to  the  so-called  Ultramontane  party,  because  I  re- 
garded it  as  safe;  but  this  idea,  which  had  previously  made 
me  doubtful  of  my  actions,  has  now  disappeared.  Since  my 

*  For  many  years  tutor  to  the  Princes. 


conversation  with  H.  J.,  my  views  have  become  decided.  The 
abyss  towards  which  I  was  being  carried  by  the  policy  of  the 
Jesuits  has  suddenly  been  revealed  to  me.  Their  intolerance, 
their  hatred  of  Protestantism,  which  is  one  of  their  leading 
features,  their  idea  that  the  Reformation  and  all  its  conse- 
quences was  a  mistake,  that  the  great  philosophical,  literary, 
and  other  splendid  moments  of  our  history  were  only  aberra- 
tions of  the  human  intellect,  is  an  absurdity.  It  is  treachery, 
utterly  opposed  to  my  inmost  being,  and  is  a  sign  of  internal 
corruption  and  decay,  which  makes  it  absolutely  impossible  for 
me  to  give  the  smallest  help  to  that  party,  so  long  as  I  place 
any  value  upon  the  whole  of  my  past  life  and  my  dearest 
convictions.  I  pray  God  for  strength  to  deliver  me  from  the 
temptations  of  this  devilish  society,  which  works  only  for 
the  subjugation  of  human  freedom,  and  especially  of  intellectual 
freedom;  I  pray  that  I  may  never  be  led  astray  from  the  path 
of  truth,  either  by  promises  or  threats.  For  this  purpose  there 
must  be  an  open  breach  with  the  whole  clique,  which  it  will  be 
my  business  to  bring  to  pass  as  soon  as  possible. 


MUNICH,  June  2,  1846. 

I  am  getting  more  and  more  acclimatised  to  Munich,  as 
Herr  Bolte  says.  I  am  already  able  to  talk  to  the  people  in 
a  dialect  composed  of  Hohenlohe  and  old  Bavarian  tongues, 
and  in  society  to  produce  a  dainty  mixture  of  French  and  German 
phrases.  Apart  from  this,  now  that  the  world  at  large  is  scattered, 
I  am  living  quietly  for  my  own  plans  and  for  art,  and  am  only 
sorry  that  I  cannot  take  you  to  see  the  beauties  of  this  place. 

To  his  MOTHER. 

SCHILLINGSFURST,   June   2O,    1846. 

My  plans  are  still  undecided ;  I  am  waiting  to  see  whether 
the  King  will  appoint  me  President  of  the  Central  Agricultural 
Union,  and  am  then  going  to  Munich  to  take  my  bearings. 
Here  I  am  occupied,  apart  from  other  business,  with  the  reading 
of  agricultural  works,  in  the  hope  of  being  able  to  speak  upon 
agricultural  improvement  with  proper  unction.  It  cannot  be 
said  that  the  past  is  in  any  way  a  continuation  of  my  Prussian 
career,  but  it  brings  me  into  close  association  with  the  Crown 
Prince,  and  makes  me  a  kind  of  intermediary  between  the 
Crown  Prince  and  the  King;  in  short,  it  would  be  a  difficult 
position,  but  a  valuable  experience,  and  perhaps  would  be  of 
use  to  my  future  prospects  in  the  higher  service  of  the  State. 
The  position  was  offered  to  me  without  my  seeking  it,  after 
I  had  only  been  known  a  few  weeks  in  Munich,  and  the  honour 
was  thus  too  great  for  me  to  decline. 


On  June  26,  1846,  the  Prince  was  retired  from  the  Prussian 
Civil  Service  through  the  Potsdam  Administration,  with  the  hope 
"that  the  memories  of  your  work  here  as  Referendarius,  during 
which  you  devoted  your  energies  with  all  zeal  to  the  business 
of  administration,  may  have  none  but  pleasing  recollections 
for  your  Highness." 


SCHILLINGSFURST,   July   I,    1846. 

The  fact  that  one  can  live  in  a  lonely  castle,  round  which 
the  wind  howls,  with  no  human  society,  occupied  only  with 
books  and  hunting,  and  yet  retain  one's  cheerfulness,  must 
surely  be  due  to  the  quality  of  the  air.  It  must  be  the 
air  also  which  makes  me  look  forward  with  pleasure  to  the 
new  activities  with  which  I  am  confronted.  In  any  case,  the 
system  of  agriculture  in  vogue  here  is  absolutely  wrong,  and 
for  that  reason  I  am  eagerly  studying  the  books  which  bear 
upon  the  subject.  A  new  field  of  knowledge  has  opened  before 
me,  a  new  world  of  discovery;  I  look  upon  men  and  cattle 
with  different  eyes,  respect  people  and  efforts  which  I  formerly 
despised,  and  find  the  old  phrase  more  and  more  true  that  all 
philosophy  and  abstraction  is  only  valuable  when  founded 
upon  a  concrete  basis  of  the  widest  and  deepest  positive  know- 
ledge. From  this  point  of  view,  and  considering  that  man, 
who  is  idle  by  nature,  must  have  some  outward  impulse  to 
occupation  if  he  is  not  to  perish,  and  that  a  man  is  only  half 
a  man  unless  he  can  really  do  something  (in  contrast  to  the 
woman,  who  must  be  something)  —  from  this  point  of  view,  I 
say,  and  from  many  others,  the  occupation  to  which  I  look 
forward  seems  highly  pleasing  and  desirable.  If  the  decision 
should  turn  out  in  my  favour,  and  it  is  not  yet  certain,  I  shall 
regard  it  as  a  happy  piece  of  fortune.*  How  I  should  like 
to  sit  with  you  for  an  evening  in  mamma's  room!  You  will 
rejoice  at  the  courage  and  energy  with  which  I  mean  to 
carve  out  my  career.  I  also  wanted  to  relieve  dear  mamma's 
anxiety  a  little,  by  telling  her  there  is  nothing  dangerous  in 
Gustav's  plan  of  going  to  Italy  for  the  winter.  There  are,  and 
always  must  be,  two  kinds  of  men:  those  who  serve  them- 
selves and  the  world  by  independent  thought  in  science  and 
politics,  and  those  who  hold  to  what  is  given  and  work  for  the 
positive  beliefs,  of  which  the  Catholic  Church  is  the  culminating 
point.  Every  one  can  choose  the  one  or  the  other,  but,  having 
chosen,  one  must  abide  by  it.  Gustav's  stay  in  Rome  will  not, 
therefore,  turn  him  into  a  Jesuit,  but  will  make  him  a  clear- 
headed, resolute  Catholic  priest,  like  Diepenbrock  and  Schwarzen- 
berg,  who  were  also  in  Rome.  Whatever  one  does  must  be 
done  thoroughly ;  our  age  of  contradiction  and  warfare  demands 

*  The  Prince  did  not  obtain  the  post  which  he  had  in  view. 


that  every  one  shall  express  his  convictions  and  take  a  side. 
Not  that  every  one  is  called  to  action,  but  each  must  help  to 
build  up  his  party,  so  that  all  may  be  ready  when  in  the  good 
providence  of  God  the  hour  of  reckoning  or  of  union  strikes. 

With  the  sense  of  inward  purity  and  manly  resolution 
expressed  in  this  letter,  the  conviction  arose  in  the  Prince's 
mind  that  the  time,  which  seemed  so  remote  on  April  7,  had  now 
come  for  the  consummation  of  his  lif e  by  marriage.  The  following 
letters  show  that  he  no  longer  rejected  the  friendly  offices  of 
various  people  who  sought  to  help  him  to  this  happiness. 


FRANKFURT,  August  8,  1846. 

Herr  von  Verno  told  me  in  Cologne  that  the  Wittgensteins  were 
coming  to  Schwalbach.  Uncle  Constantine's  friend,  Herr  Muhlens, 
from  Frankfurt,  knows  the  family  very  well.  From  his  account 
they  are  all  very  distinguished  people,  and  Herr  Muhlens  himself 
is  a  most  honourable,  fascinating,  and  accomplished  man  of  the 
world.  La  personne  principale  is  said  to  be  a  marvel  of  charm 
and  simplicity,  pious,  good,  &c.  &c.  Should  I  not  be  a  fool  to 
let  this  opportunity  of  seeing  her  escape?  Notwithstanding 
her  seventeen  years  the  lady  is  very  independent,  and  will  not  be 
an  easy  prize.  There  is  no  difficulty  about  an  introduction  to  the 
family.  Frau  von  Lazareff  and  Princess  Fanny  Biron,  who  are 
on  very  friendly  terms  with  the  Wittgensteins,  were  in  Ostend. 
I  won  both  their  hearts  by  my  flattering  attentions,  moonlight 
walks,  boating  expeditions,  and  songs,  so  that  they  invited  me 
warmly  to  call  on  them  in  Schwalbach,  where  they  are  to  stay 
for  a  week  with  the  Wittgensteins.  Without  exactly  speaking  of 
the  plan  I  had  had  in  view,  I  observed  that  they  cherished  the 
same  wish,  and  as  they  are  extremely  tactful  and  nice,  as  well  as 
somewhat  fond  of  matchmaking,  I  can  calmly  approach  the  situa- 
tion others  have  prepared  for  me.  The  web  of  intrigue  which  I 
have  spun  for  this  object  only,  with  the  people  who  have  been 
drawn  in  without  knowing  anything  about  it,  is  truly  Jesuitical, 
and  I  plume  myself  greatly  upon  it.  As  regards  the  main  point, 
however,  you  may  be  sure  I  shall  act  in  all  honour,  and  shall  not 
forget  Gelzer's  Tenth  Address.*  I  am  fully  persuaded  of  the 
serious  nature  of  the  step  that  may  ensue  on  this  journey,  and 
will  allow  no  external  circumstances  to  persuade  me  to  adopt  a  lie 
for  the  partner  of  my  life.  I  have  enough  courage,  and  am  calm 
and  sure  enough  of  myself,  to  manage  the  affair  with  prudence. 

BINGEN,  October  5,  1846. 

.  .  .  Each    day    makes    me   feel    more   and    more   what    in- 
describable happiness  has  quite  undeservedly  fallen  to  my  lot. 

*  Gelzer,  Die  Religion  im  Leben.    Reden  an  Gebildete.    Tenth  Address : 
"Marriage,  Moral  and  Religious." 
VOL.  i  —  D 


Each  day  brings  greater  intimacy,  not  in  the  ordinary  way,  but 
in  the  subtle  sympathetic  communion  in  which  the  eyes  express 
mutual  satisfaction,  that  even  here,  even  in  this,  each  soul  is  in 
unison  with  the  other.  And  this  is  the  more  remarkable,  since,  as 
you  know,  I  am  not  fond  of  serious  conversations  in  French  .  .  . 
amazing  too,  seeing  that  she  is  barely  seventeen  and  a  half.  You 
can  imagine  that  time  passes  under  these  conditions  as  if  I  were 
in  Paradise.  The  fact  of  there  having  been  no  definite  explana- 
tion as  yet,  lends  a  peculiar  charm  to  the  whole  affair. 

BINGEN,  October  30,  1846. 

As  soon  as  external  matters  had  been  settled,  the  internal 
aspects  and  considerations  presented  themselves  during  my 
journey.  The  sacred  nature  of  marriage  became  clear,  the  neces- 
sity for  mutual  and  unbounded  love,  unlimited  confidence,  and 
other  similar  reflections  welled  up,  and  disturbed  me  greatly. 
For  I  had  to  recognise  two  things.  In  the  first  place,  whatever 
my  own  inclination,  I  was  by  no  means  clear  about  her  feeling; 
then  again,  the  journey  to  Bingen  was  tantamount  to  a  proposal, 
and  it  would  be  very  difficult  to  draw  back  after  that.  These 
scruples  and  reflections  sent  the  blood  to  my  heart,  and  produced 
the  unpleasant  sensations  that  are  experienced  by  the  most 
frivolous  as  well  as  the  serious-minded,  on  the  verge  of  taking  a 
step  that  will  affect  the  whole  future  life.  It  was  therefore  "a 
rather  pale-looking  young  man"  (sic)  who  stepped  ashore,  and 
made  his  way  to  the  Hotel  Victoria.  No  one  would  be  at  home 
till  4.30.  So  I  had  time  to  get  calm.  At  the  appointed  hour  I 
betook  myself  to  the  salon.  The  Princess  came  in  first,  with 
another  beautiful,  tall  lady  behind  her.  All  the  bogies  I  had 
conjured  up  disappeared,  I  only  saw  a  cordial,  expressive  coun- 
tenance beaming  on  me  like  a  ray  of  gentle  sunshine,  before 
which  all  my  doubts  and  scruples  melted  away  like  ice.  From 
that  moment  all  embarrassment  vanished.  We  conversed  at  table 
with  the  exclusive  absorption  that  springs  from  satisfaction  in 
meeting  again  after  a  not  too  long  separation,  the  satisfaction  and 
joy  in  which  so  much  hope  and  promise  are  involved. 

MUNICH,  November  16,  1846. 

...  I  am  staying  here  a  little  longer,  till  about  December 
3,  and  shall  then  return  to  Schillingsfiirst.  I  have  had  other 
dear,  beautiful  letters,  and  see  more  and  more  what  a  world  of 
trust  and  confidence  has  opened  for  me,  giving  me  an  escape  into 
a  sure  haven  from  all  the  problems  and  fatalities  of  life.  .  .  . 

MUNICH,  November  21,  1846. 

.  .  .  Once  married  I  shall  devote  myself  with  fresh  courage 
and  energy  to  my  daily  task,  which  may  be  dangerous,  but  will 
always  be  honourable.  It  is  a  splendid  cause  to  work  whole- 
heartedly for  the  entire  country.  And  what  a  help  and  comfort 


to  be  supported  in  all  one's  labours  by  a  kind  and  sympathetic 
wife !  .  .  .  I  cannot  thank  God  enough  for  that.  I  have 
such  confidence  in  her  character  as  I  have  rarely  felt  in  any 
human  being.  In  regard  to  Marie,  a  sense  of  stability  and  con- 
stancy in  ideas  and  feelings  comes  over  me  such  as  I  have  never 
before  conceived  possible. 

The  Royalties  were  very  gracious  to  me.  I  have  also  made 
acquaintance  with  the  Duke  of  Leuchtenberg  and  the  Crown 
Prince  of  Sweden.  Deux  jeunes  gens  fort  aimables. 

FRANKFURT,  December  30,  1846. 

I  have  been  here  three  days,  and  even  if  it  were  possible  to 
tell  you  all  that  I  am  feeling,  I  should  want  time  and  peace,  and 
colossal  talents.  From  the  instant  when,  waiting  by  the  fire  of 
the  salon  in  the  evening,  I  saw  Marie  hastening  towards  me,  glad 
and  radiant,  while  our  joy  prevented  either  of  us  from  saying  a 
word  (fortunately  we  were  alone  together)  —  ever  since  I  have  been 
seeing  her  and  talking  to  her  every  day,  while  our  intercourse 
never  palls  —  since  I  have  found  her  once  more  lovely,  noble, 
candid,  all  it  is  possible  to  be,  I  love  her  no  more  with  a  quiet 
admiration  of  her  good  qualities,  no  longer,  one  might  say,  as  her 
intended,  but  I  am  .  .  .  c'est  une  expression  un  pen  triviale  .  .  . 
enamoured,  restless,  feverish.  And  yet  we  have  to  act  a  comedy 
a  little  longer,  as  the  announcement  cannot  be  made  for  a  few 

On  February  16,  1847,  a^  Frankfurt-on-the-Main,  the  Prince 
was  married  to  the  Princess  Marie  zu  Sayn-Wittgenstein- 
Berleburg.  The  young  couple  went  first  to  Corvey,  whence 
the  Prince  writes  to  Princess  Amalie: 

"I  have  no  feeling  other  than  a  joyous  sense  of  spring,  when 
one  lies  under  a  leafy  tree  on  a  gently  sloping  hillside,  watching 
the  clouds  course  over  the  blue  Heavens.  Beyond,  above  the 
Ziegenberg,  one  grey  snow-cloud  may  chase  another,  I  reck 
little  of  them,  for  I  am  happy  and  entirely  content.  My  heart 
is  filled  with  gratitude  to  God,  who  in  His  goodness  guides  the 
steps  of  men  to  blessings  and  happiness. 

"  Our  life  here  is  the  most  limpid,  beautiful,  and  rational  that 
could  fall  to  the  lot  of  any  mortal.  On  rising  between  eight  and 
nine  I  usually  go  for  a  ride,  and  return  when  Marie  is  ready. 
Then  we  breakfast  together  in  the  yellow  room,  rejoicing  every 
day  at  the  good  coffee,  or  some  new  sort  of  cake  the  cook  bakes 
to  surprise  us.  We  sit  and  talk  till  eleven,  when  I  go  to  my  room 
for  business,  while  Marie  reads,  plays  the  piano,  or  occupies  herself 
in  some  other  way.  About  two,  when  I  have  finished,  we  go  out  a 
little  in  the  Avenue  if  it  is  fine  enough,  to  meet  the  post,  and  read 
our  letters  on  the  spot.  After  two  we  dine,  again  in  the  yellow 
room,  and  then  drive  in  the  pony-carriage  to  Godelheim,  Brenk- 
hausen,  or  to  the  Chausse*e-Haus  on  the  Weser.  Sometimes  we 


both  ride,  Marie  in  a  fine  brown  habit  and  black  hat,  on  Fuchs, 
who  ambles  along  like  any  Spa  donkey.  On  returning  I  usually 
find  Dedie*  in  my  room,  to  give  me  his  reports  and  any  other 
news.  In  the  evening  we  read  all  kinds  of  books  or  make  music 
till  tea-time.  .  .  .  And  all  this  happiness  is  increased  by  the 
knowledge  that  we  are  not  living  simply  in  this  idyllic  life,  but 
can  push  on  the  great  Wheel  of  Time,  after  as  well  as  before  - 
better,  indeed,  than  before,  since  there  is  no  burden  of  care  to  drag 
us  down  into  the  squalor  and  boredom  of  the  mediatised.  ..." 

Their  stay  in  Corvey  lasted  till  April  29.  The  Prince  and  his 
bride  then  went  via  Berlin  to  Silesia.  On  June  29,  1847,  they 
made  their  entry  into  Schillingsfurst. 

*  Kammerrat  Dedie*,  one  of  the  Prince's  functionaries  at  Corvey. 





THE  Prince  was  busy  during  November  and  December  1847 
with  a  memoir  "On  the  Political  Condition  of  Germany,  its 
Danger  and  Means  of  Defence,"  of  which  we  have  the  rough 
draft  and  some  amplifications.  He  explains  the  discontent  that 
was  generally  diffused  among  all  circles  in  Germany,  by  a  con- 
sideration of  the  situation  in  Austria,  Prussia,  and  the  smaller 
States.  The  following  extract  treats  of  Prussia: 

"Since  the  House  of  Hohenzollern  first  stepped  forward  as 
Electoral  Princes  and  Sovereigns,  they  have  been  marked 
out  as  the  defenders  of  Protestantism  in  Germany.  So  long  as 
Prussia  protected  Protestantism  in  its  widest  sense  as  the  free 
development  of  the  human  mind  within  lawful  bounds,  and  held 
fast  as  the  watchword  of  her  policy  the  truth  that  a  Govern- 
ment should  anticipate  and  meet  the  Spirit  of  the  Age,  so  long 
was  Prussia  at  the  head  of  the  German  nation,  respected  and 
feared  by  her  enemies.  But  when  the  Prussian  Government 
renounced  her  calling,  she  sank  into  that  labyrinth  of  inconse- 
quence which  brings  a  State  to  the  verge  of  ruin.  Prussia  lay  in 
that  abyss  in  1806.  Nothing  but  the  political  genius  of  Stein 
and  his  friends,  who  were  like-minded  and  inspired  with  himself, 
could  have  saved  the  country  from  the  mire  of  unexampled 
squalor.  The  laws  passed  at  that  time  gave  the  people  back  their 
faith  in,  and  love  for,  their  Fatherland,  and  therewith  the  strength 
to  free  themselves  from  a  foreign  domination.  This,  however,  was 
only  the  prelude  to  the  further  development  of  the  nation.  The 
reactionary  tendencies  of  the  Government  from  1817  to  1840  could 
not  prevent  those  laws  from  bearing  an  abundant  harvest.  The 
municipal  regulations  of  1808,  the  agrarian  laws,  the  increasingly 
democratic  tendencies  of  the  Government  (despite  all  suppression 
of  local  activity),  religious  toleration,  which  afforded  free 
spiritual  development  under  the  philosophic  ministry  of  Altenstein, 
and,  lastly,  the  ineffaceable  impression  which  is  stamped  by  an 
epoch  of  inspiration  upon  the  old  and  new  generations  alike  —  all 
these  combined  to  produce  a  free-thinking,  if  not  yet  free-speaking, 



nation  —  a  nation  that  deliberately  set  before  it  the  aim  of  par- 
ticipating in  the  management  of  the  State.  At  the  outset  of  the 
reign  of  Friedrich  Wilhelm  IV.  this  nation  believed  itself  justified, 
out  of  the  mouth  of  its  Sovereign,  in  hoping  for  the  fulfilment  of 
its  desires,  which  had  been  silent,  though  not  asleep,  since  1817. 
But  the  Government  pursued  another  path  from  that  expected 
by  the  people.  .  .  . 

"The  ecclesiastical  policy  of  Friedrich  Wilhelm  III.  is  well 
known.  That  it  was  not  based  upon  unrestricted  ecclesiastical 
and  religious  liberty  appears  more  particularly  from  his  measures 
in  regard  to  the  Catholic  Church,  and  the  in  part  compulsory 
introduction  of  the  Union,  the  suppression  and  persecution  of  the 
so-called  Old  Lutherans.  But  when  we  ask  why  these  measures 
excited  rather  a  partial  than  a  general  agitation,  why  these  events 
passed  by  without  further  consequences,  we  can  only  explain  it 
by  saying  that  Friedrich  Wilhelm's  system  of  Government  was 
after  all,  despite  its  despotism  and  its  aggressiveness,  a  Protes- 
tant system,  that  these  very  despotic  measures  and  encroach- 
ments originated  in  the  Liberalism  of  the  Government,  and  hence 
were  less  disquieting  to  the  conscience.  This  policy  might  be 
branded  with  the  old  sign-manual  of  Prussian  supremacy,  educa- 
tion by  means  of  the  cudgel,  but  it  was  none  the  less,  and  more 
than  is  commonly  admitted,  too  much  hi  harmony  with  the 
spirit  of  the  nation  to  arouse  more  than  merely  momentary  dis- 
content. Free  investigation,  the  inborn,  rational  philosophy 
of  the  Prussians,  remained  unattainted. 

"The  Eichhorn  Ministry  .  .  .  who  can  deny  it?  ...  rests 
upon  an  anti-Prussian  soil  and  foundations.  His  system  of 
orthodox  Protestantism  is  known,  and  cannot  be  demonstrated." 

On  the  danger  of  the  universal  discontent  the  Prince  writes: 
"The  real  peril  lies,  not  in  the  parties  of  the  Communists, 
Socialists,  and  Radicals,  who  have  existed  in  every  State  and  in  all 
ages;  not  in  the  secret  machinations  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  and 
their  friends,  who  represent  the  stunting  of  the  minds  of  the  people 
as  the  only  salvation,  the  sole  anchor  of  safety  —  but  in  the  fact 
that  the  discontent,  of  which  each  party  makes  such  skilful  use, 
is  so  universal  and  so  well  founded.  Just  as  a  man,  reaching 
full  self-consciousness  after  years  of  careful  training  and  youthful 
adventures,  reaches  the  heights  of  free  self-determination  and 
forceful  action,  and  enters  next  upon  a  phase  in  which  he  rejects 
any  hand  that  seeks  to  guide  him  and  will  tread  only  in  the  path 
which  seems  right  in  his  own  eyes,  so  in  the  history  of  every  nation 
there  is  an  epoch  in  which  it  comes  to  full  self-consciousness, 
and  claims  liberty  to  determine  its  own  destiny.  At  such  an 
epoch  the  intentions  of  the  wisest  Governments  are  misinterpreted, 
the  most  zealous  fulfilment  of  duty  by  a  fostering  administration 
is  held  inadequate,  wherever  these  Governments  and  administra- 
tions fail  to  recognise  that  the  nation  has  attained  its  majority, 


and  continue  along  the  old  path,  from  habit,  or  from  a  mis- 
apprehension of  the  interests  involved. 

"  We  in  Germany  have  reached  this  stage.  The  nation  demands 
a  share  in  public  administration,  now  as  never  before.  The 
Governments,  however,  reject  this  movement.  In  it  they  see,  or 
wish  to  see,  only  the  propaganda  of  a  radical  clique,  and  are 
filled  with  misgivings.  One  reason  for  discontent  is  univer- 
sally diffused  in  Germany ;  every  thinking  German  is  deeply  and 
painfully  aware  of  it.  This  is  the  impotence  of  Germany  among 
other  States.  Let  no  one  say  that  Austria  and  Prussia  as  great 
Powers  represent  the  might  of  Germany  in  her  foreign  relations. 
On  the  one  hand  Austria  asserts  herself  far  too  little  because  she 
is  lacking  in  internal  strength;  on  the  other,  Prussia,  to  speak 
plainly,  is  only  admitted  on  sufferance  among  the  great  Powers, 
and  will  not  even  hold  this  position  much  longer  if  the  movement 
in  internal  politics  continues  as  it  has  begun.  In  last  resort, 
however,  there  are  only  Austria  and  Prussia,  while  the  rest  of 
Germany  for  ever  plays  a  minor  part  as  a  mere  camp-follower. 
No  one  will  deny  that  it  is  hard  on  a  thinking,  energetic  man  to  be 
unable  to  say  abroad :  '  I  am  a  German '  -  —  not  to  be  able  to  pride 
himself  that  the  German  flag  is  flying  from  his  vessel,  to  have  no 
German  Consul  in  cases  of  emergency,  but  to  have  to  explain,  'I 
am  a  Hessian,  a  Darmstadter,  a  Buckeburger;  my  Fatherland 
was  once  a  great  and  powerful  country,  now  it  is  shattered  into 
eight- and- thirty  splinters.'  And  when  we  study  the  map  and  see 
how  the  Baltic,  the  North  Sea,  and  the  Mediterranean  break  upon 
our  shores,  and  how  no  German  flag  commands  the  customary 
salute  from  the  haughty  French  and  English,  surely  the  hue  of 
shame  alone  will  survive  from  the  red,  black,  and  yellow  ribbon, 
and  mount  into  our  cheeks?  And  must  not  all  the  whining  talk 
about  German  unity  and  the  German  nation  remain  woefully 
ludicrous,  until  the  words  cease  to  be  an  empty  sound,  a  phan- 
tasmagoria of  our  complacent  optimism,  until  we  have  the  reality 
of  a  great,  united  Germany?  The  industry  so  largely  fostered 
by  the  Zollverein  no  longer  suffices  for  our  commerce  in  its 
present  extended  conditions,  our  rich  trade  seeks  extraneous 
markets  and  connections  over  sea.  The  outcry  at  the  deficiencies 
of  the  German  fleet,  and  the  question  of  the  unity  of  Germany  - 
a  real,  politically  efficacious  unity  —  will  be  handled  with  fresh 
vigour  by  the  now  emancipated  Press. 

"It  is  a  mistake  to  try  to  dam  the  Revolution  by  liberal 
reforms  in  individual  States  without  reforming  Germany  as  a 
whole.  The  Free  Press  is  a  necessity;  progress  is  a  condition  of 
the  existence  of  States.  But  if  we  are  to  emancipate  the  Press, 
it  behoves  us  to  know,  and  to  make  clear  to  ourselves,  what,  as 
said  and  reiterated  by  its  means,  is  penetrating  to  the  mind  of 
the  citizen,  and  bearing  fruit.  We  have  to  ask  ourselves,  is  this 
the  fruit  we  desire?  If  we  advance,  let  us  do  so  with  our  eyes 
open,  and  let  us  open  our  eyes  wide.  Before  we  let  an  entire 


people  move  in  a  given  path,  we  must  see  where  this  path 
leads.  It  is  a  lamentable  illusion  with  many  well-meaning 
statesmen  to  regard  progress  under  the  existing  conditions  of 
Germany  as  something  quite  innocuous.  Progress  leads  to 
Revolution.  A  hard  saying,  but  a  true  one !  .  .  ." 

The  following  note  shows  the  trend  of  the  whole  memoir: 
"An  argument  can  be  formulated  from  the  essay  in  question, 
to  show  that  the  whole  of  the  present  cry  for  Progress  will  lead 
to  Revolution  if  the  matter  is  not  handled  by  the  right  end.  So 
long  as  this,  which  is  a  reversal  of  the  conditions  of  the  German 
Bund,  is  not  apprehended  by  the  Governments  in  a  serious 
and  self-sacrificing  spirit,  the  whole  system  of  progress  and 
concessions  tends  to  revolution.  So  long,  accordingly,  as  I  fail 
to  discover  this  attitude  of  mind,  I  am  an  ultra-Conservative, 
since  I  therein  find  more  assurance  for  the  safety  of  the  Father- 
land. I  will  not  co-operate  in  a  revolution,  and  if  the  revolu- 
tion is  to  break  over  Germany  after  the  pattern  of  1789,  and 
the  aristocracy  perish,  at  least  I  shall  not  have  to  say,  I  have 
landed  myself  in  this  plight  by  my  own  want  of  common  sense." 

On  March  3,  1848,  the  Prince  writes  to  Princess  Amalie 
from  Schillingsf iirst :  "And  so  we  are  no  longer  on  the  verge 
of  great  events,  but  plunged  in  the  midst  of  them.*  We  must 
now  be  prepared  for  everything.  Once  the  first  moment  of 
agitation  has  passed,  I  shall  calmly  await  the  future,  and  shall 
not  remain  passive." 

On  March  31  he  says  in  a  letter  from  Munich:  "If  I  have 
not  written  before,  it  was  from  no  lack  of  will,  but  from  sheer 
impossibility.  I  am  launched  full  sail  on  the  sea  of  political 
activity,  and  have  to  divide  my  whole  time  between  conferences 
and  writing.  I  am  busy  now  preparing  for  our  Sittings, 
which  are  suspended  for  eight  days.  I  am  a  member  of  three 
Commissions  all  at  once,  thanks  to  the  determination  of  my 
colleagues  to  put  me  forward." 

On  April  3:  "The  political  outlook  is  gloomy  to  our  very 
gates,  but  all  is  serene  within.  Once  the  first  unpleasant  moment 
of  awakening  from  the  sleep  of  civilisation  is  passed,  once  we 
have  rubbed  our  eyes,  and  discovered  that  all  the  things  we  have 
read  about  —  death,  murder,  plague,  hunger,  poverty,  and 
the  like  —  may  in  sooth  be  coming  very  near  us,  when  once  we 
have  overcome  this  first  panic,  without  swooning  like  the  worthy 
Grand  Duke  of  Weimar,  further  developments  will  be  easy  to 
endure.  The  inward  light  of  the  mind  burns  clear  and  bright,  and 
none  can  extinguish  it.  It  is  only  of  late  years  that  I  have  become 
attentive  to  the  external  things  of  life,  and  it  will  be  easy  to 
forego  them  again.  For  the  nimbus  of  our  princely  station 
will  be  first  to  go,  nor  have  I  any  great  hope  for  the  dignity  of 

*  After  the  revolutionary  Popular  Assemblies  convened  in  several 
of  the  South-German  States,  and  permitted  by  the  Governments. 


the  Peers.  Whether  things  will  move  quietly,  whether  we  shall 
attain  the  goal  of  the  political  unification  of  Germany  without 
an  interregnum  of  anarchy  and  horrible  bloodshed,  seems  to 
me  very  dubious." 

The  apprehension  of  stirring  events  expressed  in  these  words 
betrays  itself  also  in  the  following  note  of  April  7,  upon  the 
proceedings  of  the  Preliminary  Parliament  at  Frankfurt: 

"The  Assembly  in  Frankfurt  has  passed  a  resolution  that  a 
Constituent  National  Assembly  must  be  convened  in  Frankfurt 
within  the  next  four  weeks. 

"If  the  German  Governments  set  their  hand  to  this  they 
are  lost.  The  Constituent  National  Asssembly  will  deliberate  on 
the  reorganisation  of  Germany.  It  will  decide  whether  Germany 
is  to  be  a  Republic  or  a  Constitutional  Monarchy,  whether  the 
individual  Governments  shall  continue  to  exist  or  not. 

"In  the  most  favourable  conditions,  the  Monarchs  will  thus 
receive  their  crowns  and  their  authorisation  to  continue  reigning 
from  the  hands  of  the  people,  with  graceful  thanks.  In  less 
favourable  cases  they  will  be  invited  by  the  Constituent  Parlia- 
ment to  make  way  for  the  Agents  of  the  Provisional  Government. 
The  existence  of  the  German  Governments  is  therefore  respited 
till  May  I.  But  who,  in  the  next  place,  guarantees  the  result  of 
the  elections  ?  Who  will  control  these  elections  so  that  the  results 
are  Conservative?  And  supposing  they  are  Conservative,  if  the 
German  Governments  do  receive  permission  to  remain  in  office, 
would  their  future  existence  be  anything  more  than  vegetating, 
than  a  further  respite,  until  the  moment  when  it  shall  seem 
advisable  to  some  new  Assembly  to  deprive  them  of  this  pre- 
carious existence? 

"This  is  the  point  to  which  the  wisdom  of  our  rulers  has 
brought  us !  To  this  —  that  every  right  is  questioned  that  has 
been  established  for  centuries.  What  little  the  German  Govern- 
ments have  so  far  preserved  of  power  and  authority  will  under 
the  most  favourable  conditions  become  an  absurdity  on  May  i. 
But  the  downfall  of  the  power  and  authority  of  the  Govern- 
ments, of  the  legitimate  existence  on  a  constitutional  basis  of  the 
States,  must  involve  the  irrevocable  abolition  of  the  rights  of  the 
individual,  of  personal  freedom  and  property ! 

"Now,  is  this  state  of  dissolution,  which  we  regard  as  inevitable, 
the  outcome  of  the  will  of  the  German  people;  is  it  not  rather 
the  revolutionary  minority  that  is  plunging  us  consciously  or 
unconsciously  into  this  abyss?  In  truth,  and  I  say  it  with 
a  shudder,  the  slumber  in  which  the  German  Nation  has  been 
cradled  for  thirty  years  by  its  rulers  is  hardly  yet  out  of  its 
eyes.  The  German  Nation  will  wake  up  indeed  when  the  destroy- 
ing waves  of  anarchy  roll  over  its  head.  Then  it  will  marvel  that 
a  small  but  active  handful  of  Republicans  and  Communists  have 
succeeded  in  ruining  Germany.  Then  it  will  itself  pronounce 
the  terrible  words,  'Too  late  I' 


"But  is  it  yet  too  late?  A  German,  who  still  has  faith  in 
the  energy  and  goodwill  of  the  Governments,  must  answer 

"There  is  still  time  for  the  Governments  to  summon,  not  a 
Constituent  Assembly,  but  a  Parliament.  They  still  have  time 
to  convene  a  Chamber  of  Princes  and  to  appoint  a  Head  of  the 
League.  The  freely  elected  Deputies  will  form  a  People's 
Parliament  on  the  widest  basis  in  conjunction  with  the  Diet. 
An  Assembly  thus  constituted  would  establish  legislation,  in- 
stead of  subverting  it.  It  is  only  thus,  and  along  these  lines, 
and  not  by  looking  on  in  silent  terror  that  the  Governments 
can  save  themselves,  that  Germany  can  become  free  and  united, 
that  anarchy  can  be  averted." 

On  April  12,  1848,  the  Prince  writes  to  his  sister:  "They 
give  me  an  appalling  amount  to  do.  To-night  at  six,  I  have  to 
report  on  a  thing  of  which  I  have  only  just  heard  —  the  Electoral 
Law  of  the  Frankfurt  Assembly." 

On  April  13  the  plenary  sitting  of  the  Upper  House 
opened.  At  the  beginning  of  his  address  the  Prince  remarked: 
"With  regard  to  the  law  in  general,  I  may  say  that  we  hail  it 
gladly.  It  is  the  first  significant,  one  might  say  the  first  tangible, 
step  that  the  German  people  has  taken  towards  the  fulfilment  of 
its  dearest  wish.  Deep  in  the  heart  of  every  German  lives  an 
inspiring  belief  in  a  unified,  free  and  powerful  German  Fatherland. 
This  belief  has  issued  in  action,  the  wish  of  the  people  has 
become  a  pressing  demand.  A  constitutional  path  has  been 
prepared  and  smoothed  for  it  by  the  draft  of  this  Bill.  The 
popular  Assembly  of  the  Representatives  of  the  People  will  save 
us  from  the  anarchy  which  still  hovers  ominously  over  the 
Fatherland.  Popular  representation  in  the  Confederation  will  be 
the  bed  in  which  the  waves  of  general  political  excitement  may 
flow  like  a  torrent.  Great  will  be  the  contrast  with  the  old 
Bundestag,  which  certainly  also  was  a  bed,  but  one  in  which  the 
German  nation  has  slumbered  for  thirty  years  ...  in  a  sleep 
from  which  only  the  furious  storms  of  recent  times  could 
awaken  us." 


MUNICH,  May  24,  1848. 

I  wrote  to  you  on  May  3,  but  only  the  beginning  of  a  letter. 
To-day  I  will  attempt  it  again,  because  I  always  feel  sad  at  heart 
on  these  two  days,  and  you  above  all  others  can  sympathise  with 
me.*  It  does  one  good  in  the  wild  tumult  of  political  life  to  plunge 
back  now  and  again  into  better  days,  and  into  their  sorrows.  It 
gives  one  the  same  feeling  to  go  from  time  to  time  into  a  church, 
as  I  love  more  especially  to  do  now  that  the  beautiful  Offices  for 

*  May  24  was  the  birthday  of  Prince  Philipp  Ernst,  May  3  the  day  of 
his  death. 


May  are  being  sung  in  the  twilight.  For  in  political  work,  which  is 
a  thing  of  great  utility  and  most  congenial  to  me,  the  soul  consumes 
itself,  and  man  turns  into  an  egoistic  calculating  creature.  I 
celebrated  this  day  by  an  oratorical  triumph  of  which  I  am  very 
proud,  and  of  which  I  will  tell  you  more  when  we  meet.  Our 
Landtag  drags  on  from  one  day  to  another,  partly  because  the 
Court  wants  to  gain  time  and  begins  to  gird  itself  for  action  or 

One  such  reactionary  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Court  party 
gave  me  the  opportunity  this  morning  of  fulminating  against  that 
same  party,  which  incidentally  helped  on  our  own  business.* 

After  the  Landtag  adjourned  on  June  5,  the  practical  political 
activity  of  the  Prince  came  to  an  end,  and  he  became  a  spectator  for 
the  rest  of  the  summer.  On  August  31  he  writes  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  Frankfurt  Parliament :  "Of  political  affairs  I  can  only  tell 
you  that  it  seems  rather  a  bad  look-out  for  German  Unity.  The 
time  when  the  iron  was  hot  and  unity  could  have  been  hammered 
out,  was  wasted  in  idiotic,  futile  prattle,  and  the  separate  nation- 
alities, Prussia  in  particular,  are  now  so  reinforced  that  we  are 
farther  from  unification  than  ever !  The  whole  National  Assembly 
is  ridiculous  now.  Alas  for  Germany !" 

WIESBADEN,  September  23,  1848. 

The  rate  at  which  political  conditions  alter  is  shown  by  the 
outbreak  at  Frankfurt,  where  little  was  wanting  to  make  them 
proclaim  the  Red  Republic.  The  whole  fabric  of  our  social  and 
political  conditions,  especially  in  the  South-West  of  Germany, 
and  wherever  Christianity  has  been  non-existent  for  years,  is  hope- 
lessly disorganised.  Witness  the  murders  of  Lichnowsky  and  Auers- 
wald,  of  which  I  have  not  the  heart  to  write  further.  It  is  the  most 
shocking  deed  in  history.  And  yet  the  blindness  of  the  Germans 
is  so  great  that  even  the  most  appalling  crimes  pass  without  notice, 
and  the  entire  nation,  from  sheer  wanton  stupidity,  flings  itself  more 
surely  every  day  into  the  arms  of  barbarism  and  the  overthrow 
of  civilisation.  To  me  the  political  outlook  becomes  more  hopeless 
every  day.  It  needs  a  sane,  vigorous  and  pious  people  for  the 
resuscitation  of  a  great  free  Germany,  such  as  I  believed  in  two 
months  ago.  It  is  impossible  to  build  up  any  political  system 
where  scepticism  and  doubt  have  permeated  even  to  the  lowest 
classes  of  society.  Social  and  civil  order  must  necessarily  perish. 
In  this  particular  no  era  presents  such  marked  analogies  with  our 
own  as  that  of  the  decline  of  the  Roman  Empire.  Christianity 

*  The  Prince's  speech  referred  to  the  Law  of  Ministerial  Respon- 
sibility. The  Augsburger  Allgemeine  Zeitung  reports  that  "Princes 
Wallerstein,  Leiningen,  and  Hohenlohe  greeted  the  law  as  a  welcome 
step  forward,  but  regarded  it  only  as  the  transition  to  the  realisation  of  really 
constitutional  principles."  The  Sittings  of  the  Upper  House  had  been  public 
since  April  19. 


and  Civilisation  will  need  to  seek  another  and  a  sounder  people  than 
any  European  Nation.  It  seems  as  though  God  never  permitted 
civilisation  to  reach  its  climax,  lest  the  poor  earthworms  become 
too  arrogant. 

Notwithstanding  these  pessimistic  conclusions,  the  Prince  did 
not  withdraw  from  political  activity.  By  the  law  of  June  28, 
1848,  a  "Provisory  Central  Executive  for  all  general  affairs  of  the 
German  nation"  was  instituted,  " until  such  time  as  a  Paramount 
Executive  should  be  definitely  established."  Among  other  func- 
tions, it  had  "to  provide  for  the  international  and  commercial 
representation  of  Germany,  and  to  nominate  Ambassadors  and 
Consuls  with  that  object." 

A  circular  from  the  Provisory  Central  Administration  of 
September  20  desired  the  separate  States  to  recall  their  foreign 
representatives,  or  at  any  rate  to  make  known  through  them  that 
the  political  representation  of  Germany  for  all  international  affairs 
lay  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  Imperial*  Envoys.  "One 
day,"  we  learn  from  an  undated  pencil  note  of  the  Prince,f  "a 
University  friend  of  Heidelberg  days  came  to  see  me,  and  informed 
me  that  the  Imperial  Ministry  proposed  to  entrust  me  with  a 
mission.  The  Bavarian  Deputies  at  the  Imperial  Diet  had  spoken 
of  my  activity  in  the  Bavarian  Chamber,  praising  the  keen  interest 
I  had  shown  in  politics.  I  was  warned  at  the  same  time,  by  the 
older  and  more  experienced  diplomats,  that  the  new  Empire  was 
not  likely  to  last  long,  and  they  advised  me  not  to  embark  on  a  sink- 
ing ship.  I  did  not  believe  them.  I  hoped  that  the  Prusso-German 
idea  would  prevail.  The  Ambassadors  previously  despatched  by 
the  Empire  had  played  but  a  sorry  role,  and  I  imagined  in  my 
juvenile  self-esteem  that  I  should  do  better  and  represent  the 
Imperial  interests  more  effectively.  I  was  young,  and  had  a 
high-spirited  wife,  who  was  eager  to  travel."  A  letter  from  the 
Minister  von  Schmerling,  dated  November  i,  1848,  informed  the 
Prince  officially  that  the  Imperial  Administrator  had  appointed 
him  "to  notify  his  accession  as  Imperial  Administrator  at  the 
Courts  of  Athens,  Rome,  and  Florence."  A  portfolio  from  Minister 
von  Schmerling  of  November  13  brought  the  Prince  the  Letters  of 
Notification  addressed  to  the  Pope,  the  King  of  Greece,  and  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany.  The  Prince  was  referred  for  his  instruc- 
tions to  the  documents  now  forwarded  to  himj  and  to  verbal 

*  Early  in  1848  the  discredited  German  Diet  convoked  from  all  Ger- 
many the  Constituent  Assembly  known  as  the  Frankfurt  Parliament, 
which  appointed  Archduke  John  of  Austria  as  "Imperial  Administrator" 
for  all  Germany.  The  Archduke  appointed  an  Imperial  Ministry.  The 
Frankfurt  Parliament  continued  to  sit  as  a  German  Legislature;  but  the 
whole  system  broke  down  within  a  few  months. 

fThe  note  apparently  dates  from  the  last  months  of  the  Prince's  life, 
and  seems  to  be  the  only  trace  of  commencement  of  the  work  he  still 
intended  to  carry  out. 

J  These  were  copies  of  instructions  to  the  Imperial  Ambassador  von 
Raumer  in  Paris,  the  Envoy  Dr.  Heckscher  at  the  Sardinian  and  Sicilian 


communications  from  the  Under-Secretary  of  State  von  Biegeleben. 
Among  the  instructions  there  is  also  a  circular  letter  from  the  Cen- 
tral Executive  of  November  14,  regulating  the  status  and  procedure 
of  the  Imperial  Ambassadors  so  long  as  the  separate  States  still  had 
their  accredited  representatives. 

The  Prince,  accompanied  by  his  wife,  left  Schillingsfiirst  in 
November  1848,  and  went  by  Belfort,  Lyons,  and  Avignon  to  Mar- 
seilles, with  the  intention  of  embarking  there  for  Civita  Vecchia, 
in  order  to  discharge  his  mission  to  the  Pope  in  the  first  place.  Herr 
von  Schack  was  assigned  to  him  as  his  secretary.  The  news  of  the 
outbreak  of  the  revolution  in  Rome,  and  of  the  Pope's  flight, 
communicated  to  the  Prince  at  Marseilles  by  Roman  Prelates, 
obliged  him  to  go  in  the  first  instance  to  Athens.  Of  these  events 
he  writes  on  November  29,  1848,  to  the  Imperial  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs: 

"You  will  already  have  been  informed  by  the  papers  of  the 
events  that  have  occurred  in  Rome.  I  will  therefore  refrain  from 
giving  you  the  details  imparted  to  me  by  eye-witnesses,  but  I  am 
constrained  to  send  you  a  brief  report  of  the  last  important 

"There  is  no  possible  doubt  as  to  the  flight  of  the  Pope  from 
Rome  as  announced  in  the  journals?  It  is  confirmed  by  the 
verbal  accounts  of  two  fugitive  prelates  of  his  suite.  The  Pope 
took  refuge  with  the  French  Ambassador,  on  board  the 
Tenare,  and  has  left  Italy.  The  direction  the  vessel  has  taken  is 
at  present  unknown.  The  Pope's  return  to  Rome  during  the  next 
few  weeks  is  out  of  the  question.  My  mission  to  Rome  is  ac- 
cordingly an  impossibility  for  the  moment,  and  I  have  decided 
to  go  direct  to  Athens  on  December  i,  by  steam-packet,  so  as  to 
carry  out  this  portion  of  my  charge  at  all  events  in  the  mean- 
time. Possibly  there  may  be  a  turn  for  the  better  during  this 
interval,  and  the  Pope  may  be  recalled  by  the  wishes  of  the  Faith- 
ful, or  perhaps  order  will  be  restored  by  the  French  troops  that 
start  from  here  to-morrow.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  conceivable 
that  the  proclamation  of  a  Republic  will  be  the  result  of  this 
revolution.  It  is  obvious  that  such  an  event  would  materially 
affect  policy  as  regards  the  question  of  the  Italian  war,  and  the  new 
Republican  Government  might  under  such  conditions  manifest 
tendencies  that  would  be  subversive  of  the  principles  of  the  Central 
Administration.  For  while  the  Central  Administration  of  Germany 
must  wish  well  to  the  independence  and  national  vigour  of  Italy, 
and  would  in  no  way  desire  to  interfere  in  the  internal  affairs 
of  the  Italian  States,  still  the  formation  of  new  and  Radical 
Governments  in  Italy  would  introduce  principles  into  Italian 
politics  which  would  hardly  tend  to  a  peaceful  solution  of  the 

Courts,  and  the  Imperial  Commissioners  Welcker  and  Colonel  Mosle  in 
Vienna  and  Olmutz,  in  respect  of  the  position  of  the  Central  Administra- 
tion with  regard  to  commercial  relations  between  Austria  and  Sardinia,  and 
with  regard  to  Italian  affairs. 


Trans -Italian  problem  on  the  lines  so  far  firmly  insisted  on  by 

It  is,  therefore,  essential  that  I  should  know  whether,  in  the 
event  of  the  proclamation  of  a  Republic,  my  mission  to  Rome 
comes  to  an  end,  whether  I  am  to  expect  a  special  mission  to  the 
Holy  Father,  in  the  event  of  his  definite  removal  from  Rome  and 
the  Papal  States  for  a  protracted  period,  and  lastly,  what  further 
instructions  will  be  given  me  from  the  Imperial  Ministry  in  respect 
of  my  attitude  towards  the  Radical  Governments  in  Italy. 

I,  therefore,  beg  your  Excellency  to  forward  me  the  necessary 
instructions  to  Athens,  addressed  to  the  Prussian  Embassy. 

On  December  i  the  travellers  went  by  the  Telemaque  to 
Naples,  where  they  lay  one  day,  and  then  proceeded  by  the 
Scamandre  through  the  Straits  of  Messina  to  Malta,  where  they 
waited  another  day.  They  had  a  stormy  passage  round  Cape 
Matapan,  and  only  reached  the  Piraeus  on  December  n,  and 
took  up  their  abode  in  the  Hotel  d'Angleterre  at  Athens. 


ATHENS,  December  17,  1848. 

Unexpected  hindrances  detained  us  on  the  way  from  Mar- 
seilles to  the  Piraeus,  so  I  only  arrived  here  on  the  nth.  Next 
morning  I  presented  my  credentials  in  due  form  to  the  Minister 
Kolokotroni,  was  invited  to  an  interview,  and  after  explaining  my 
views  received  his  promise  to  help  me  as  much  as  possible. 

The  formal  audience  took  place  on  the  following  day,  the  i3th 
of  this  month.  His  Majesty  the  King  received  me  in  the  Throne 
Room,  standing  not  far  from  the  throne,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Minister  Kolokotroni,  the  Marshal  of  the  Court  and  two  Aides-de- 
camp. The  King  listened  attentively  to  my  address,  which 
corresponded  with  the  text  of  the  document  which  I  was  to 
deliver,  and  replied  to  it  in  another  speech,  in  which  he  pro- 
fessed his  sympathy  with  the  Central  Administration,  touched 
on  the  international  relations  between  Greece  and  Germany,  and 
expressed  his  friendly  feelings  for  his  Imperial  Highness  the 
Archducal  Administrator.  After  that  the  conversation  pro- 
ceeded on  informal  lines,  and  the  King's  interested  questions 
about  German  affairs  gave  me  the  opportunity  of  making  pretty 
general  representations. 

I  was  invited  to  dinner  on  the  next  day,  which  was  an  extraor- 
dinary compliment,  according  to  the  etiquette  of  this  Court.  On 
this  occasion  the  King,  who  treated  me  with  marked  distinction, 
repeatedly  betrayed  his  keen  interest  in  the  new  organisation  of 

The  Minister  promises  that  the  audience  with  his  Majesty 
shall  appear  in  the  newspaper  that  is  the  official  organ.  I  am 
now  awaiting  the  news  of  the  Pope's  return  to  Rome,  and  the 


directions  from  the  Imperial  Ministry  which  I  requested  in  my  first 
report  of  November  29,  in  order  then  to  re-embark  for  Italy. 

The  Germans  who  reside  here  presented  themselves  in  corpore, 
and  expressed  their  delight  in  the  unificatory  movement  in 
Germany,  as  well  as  in  the  arrival  of  an  Imperial  Ambassador, 
to  which  I  replied  with  words  of  recognition  and  encouragement. 

The  reception  of  the  Germans  at  Athens  here  alluded  to  took 
place  on  December  14.  The  Prince  said  in  his  reply  to  their 
welcome : 

"You  have  reason  to  rejoice  over  the  new  development  of 
Germany.  For  the  glorious  result  of  this  acquired  unity  of  Ger- 
many is  that  we  are  no  longer  a  forgotten  people,  a  geographical 
expression ;  but  that  they  all  know — Americans,  Russians,  Turks, 
and  Greeks  —  that  they  know  us  for  a  mighty  German  nation,  that 
has  one  will  and  the  power  to  impose  it.  Gentlemen,  I  can  tell 
you  this  about  German  Unity.  It  has  many  enemies  who  grudge 
us  our  achievement,  but  it  is  so  firmly  implanted  in  the  breast  of 
every  honest  citizen,  that  no  man  on  earth  will  succeed  in  wrench- 
ing it  from  us.  To  me  this  is  a  profoundly  affecting  moment,  in 
which  for  the  first  time  I  confront  my  German  fellow  country- 
men as  the  Ambassador  of  the  German  nation.  I  owe  this 
emotion  to  your  kindly  visit,  and  offer  you  my  cordial  thanks." 

On  the  evening  of  the  iyth  there  was  a  Court  dinner,  and  on 
the  1 8th  the  Prince  and  Princess  rode  with  the  King  and  Queen. 
On  the  1 9th,  both  attended  a  diplomatic  dinner  at  the  house  of  the 
Austrian  Ambassador  von  Prokesch.  On  December  20  they  were 
feted  by  the  Germans.  The  Princess  writes  of  this  in  her  diary : 

"At  8.30  a  deputation  came  with  a  carriage  to  fetch  us.  The 
hall  was  decorated  with  German  flags.  There  was  a  concert,  and 
at  the  end  of  the  first  part  they  gave  us  Rhine  wine,  and  made  a 
speech  to  Chlodwig,  to  which  he  replied.  A  music-master  pre- 
sented me  with  a  polka  which  he  had  dedicated  to  me.  We  were 
back  by  10.30." 

The  Prince's  speech  was  about  the  German  nation.  "To  the 
German  people,"  he  said,  "in  this  glass  of  German  wine! 
To  the  German  people  with  its  youthful  dreams  and  manly  acts ! 
With  its  warm  inspirations  and  profound  thoughts !  To  the 
German  people  in  all  quarters  of  the  world !  And  to  you  above 
all,  Germans  of  Athens !  May  each  day  make  you  prouder  of 
speaking  German,  and  of  being  Germans.  Hurrah  for  the 
German  nation !" 


ATHENS,  December  23,  1848. 

The  great  affability  with  which  the  King  received  me  gave 
me  repeated  opportunities  last  week  of  discussing  political  matters 

*  Schmerling  had  resigned  his  office  on  December  17.  His  successor 
was  Heinrich  von  Gagern. 

VOL.  I  — 


with  his  Majesty.  German  affairs  and  the  new  organisation  by 
means  of  the  Central  Executive  were,  of  course,  our  principal 
topic.  I  found  his  Majesty  full  of  generous  sympathy  for  the 
developing  unity  of  Germany,  and  if  he  manifested  a  prejudice 
here  and  there  in  a  particularist  sense  on  single  points,  I  hastened 
to  remove  it  by  expounding  the  true  views  of  the  Central  Admin- 
istration. The  receptive  manner  in  which  the  King  listened  to 
my  explanations,  the  many  expressions  of  lively  interest  in  the 
Central  Executive  that  fell  from  his  own  lips  as  well  as  from  the 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  all  leave  no  room  for  doubt  that  the 
object  of  my  mission  is  accomplished,  and  that  we  have  succeeded 
in  paving  the  way  to  international  intercourse  between  the  Central 
Administration  and  Greece. 

Having  thus  fulfilled  my  mission  here,  I  will  at  once  proceed 
to  Rome  to  fulfil  my  charge  to  the  Pope,  if  he  be  not  still,  as  the 
latest  accounts  say,  a  fugitive  at  Gaeta.  Since,  however  under 
these  circumstances  the  Head  of  the  Church  and  the  Temporal 
Government  of  the  Papal  States  are  two  separate  Powers,  and  I 
do  not  hold  myself  to  be  charged  either  with  a  merely  personal 
mission  to  the  Pope  or  with  any  mission  whatever  to  a  Government 
apart  from  him,  the  present  moment  does  not  seem  to  be  exactly 
propitious  for  my  entry  into  Rome.  I  therefore  think  it  will  be 
best  to  await  the  moment,  which  cannot  now  be  very  far  distant, 
when  this  difference  will  be  settled,  and  the  Pope  returned.  My 
first  decision  was  to  spend  this  interval  at  Athens.  But  as,  after 
the  brilliant  reception  accorded  me  here,  I  should  fear  to  weary 
the  Greek  Court  by  too  long  a  stay,  I  have  accepted  the  kind  offer 
of  the  British  Ambassador,  Sir  Edward  Lyons,  who  has  put  an 
English  gunboat  at  my  disposal,  to  make  an  excursion  to  the 
various  Greek  islands  and  the  adjacent  shores  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean. I  shall  set  out  on  this  expedition  on  the  25th.  I  beg 
that  any  communications  from  the  Imperial  Ministry  may  be 
addressed  as  before  to  the  Prussian  Embassy  in  Athens,  so  that 
they  may  reach  me  promptly  according  to  my  directions. 

On  December  24  the  Prince  and  his  wife  spent  Christmas  Eve 
in  the  house  of  the  Prussian  Envoy  Werther.  On  the  25th  the 
Princess  had  a  farewell  audience  with  the  Queen.  The  evening 
was  spent  with  Prokesch,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  26th  they 
left  Athens.  The  weather  was  bad;  so  bad  that  the  vessel  was 
obliged  to  run  for  the  harbour  of  Milos.  On  the  28th  the  Prince 
notes  in  his  diary:  "Still  in  the  Bay  of  Milos.  Continuous  rain 
and  wind.  A  comfortable  open  fire  burns  in  our  salon;  we 
have  plenty  of  books.  The  storm  howls  just  as  it  does  at  home, 
and  calls  up  happy  memories  of  the  past,  and  a  longing 
for  home.  There  is,  after  all,  something  cordial  and  attractive 
about  our  German  Fatherland,  despite  its  snows  and  storms, 
and  political  imbroglios.  One  might,  indeed,  well  be  put  out  of 
conceit  with  it  by  the  latter." 


Mein  Herz,  bewegt  von  innerlichem  Streite, 
Erfuhr  so  bald  in  diesem  kurzen  Leben, 
Wie  leicht  es  ist,  die  Heimat  zu  aufgeben, 
Und  doch  wie  schwer,  zu  finden  eine  zweite.* 

December  29. 

The  wind  fell  a  little.  But  the  weather  was  still  too  bad  for 
us  to  leave  the  harbour.  The  bay  in  which  we  are  lying  must  be 
very  beautiful  in  summer.  Before  us,  is  a  deserted  village  on  a 
hill,  spreading  to  right  and  left.  Behind  us,  there  are  fairly  high 
mountains  which  enclose  the  bay  like  a  lake.  But  the  sea  is 
rough  for  all  that.  Gulls  hover  round  the  ship  with  their  melan- 
choly cry.  The  whole  scene  reminds  one  more  of  Achenbach's 
sea-pictures  of  Norway  than  of  the  islands  of  the  Archipelago. 
With  reading,  writing,  and  whist  the  time  passes  pleasantly 

On  December  30  the  journey  was  resumed  in  spite  of  the  sea  still 
being  very  rough.  Towards  morning  on  the  3ist,  they  were  in 
sight  of  Rhodes.  "Unfortunately  we  did  not  stop,  but  passed  be- 
tween Rhodes  and  Scarpanto;  the  sea  is  not  disagreeable."  The 
spot  at  which  the  Prince  entered  on  the  New  Year  is  indicated  by  a 
still  extant  entry  of  the  captain:  "The  position  of  her  Majesty's 
steam  vessel  Volcano  at  the  commencement  of  the  year  1849: 
latitude  35°  4'  north,  longitude  29°  21'  east  of  Greenwich,  distant 
324  miles  from  Jaffa."  On  January  2,  1849,  the  snow-covered 
Lebanon  lay  before  the  travellers,  Mount  Carmel  just  opposite 
them.  It  was  impossible,  owing  to  the  rough  sea,  to  land  in 
Jaffa ;  the  ship  had  to  run  for  Haifa  in  the  Bay  of  St.  Jean  d' Acre. 
From  that  point,  the  Prince  and  Princess  made  a  riding  tour  in 
the  Holy  Land.  On  the  3rd  they  climbed  Carmel,  on  the  evening 
of  the  4th  they  were  in  Nazareth,  on  the  8th  in  Jerusalem,  on  the 
9th  in  Bethlehem,  on  the  i2th  in  Ramleh,  on  the  i3th  in  Jaffa, 
on  the  1 5th  back  at  Carmel,  where  a  storm  prevented  their 


MOUNT  CARMEL,  January  16,  1849. 

I  am  more  and  more  convinced  of  the  need  for  a  speedy 
central  organisation  of  Germany.  England  and  Russia  are 
extending  themselves  here  as  much  as  possible.  The  East 
knows  nothing  of  Germany.  We  must  have  a  German  Catholic 
Consul  in  Jerusalem.  Influence  in  the  East  would  give  (i)  more 
power  to  Germany,  (2)  increase  of  German  commerce  and  per- 
haps of  colonisation.  In  order  to  establish  this  influence,  we 

*  "My  heart,  torn  with  inward  conflict,  too  soon  discovered  in  this 
brief  existence  how  easily  one  may  give  up  one's  home;  how  hard,  alas! 
it  is  to  find  another." 


must  make  use  of  the  religious  element  of  the  Catholic  clergy. 
More  attention  must  be  paid  to  this. 

January  18. 

The  matter  of  colonisation  by  German  emigrants  has  often 
been  discussed  with  great  vigour  in  recent  years.  Projects  of 
all  kinds  crop  up  and  collapse  again.  None  of  them  will  lead  to 
any  profitable  result  if  not  supported  by  the  Central  Administra- 
tion itself,  and  by  a  Perpetual  Commission  controlled  by  the 
Foreign  Ministry.  Above  all,  German  diplomacy  must  take  it 
up.  All  emigration,  all  colonisation,  all  deporting  of  men  to 
foreign  lands  even  with  abundant  subsidies  is  in  last  resort 
nothing  but  a  convenient  kind  of  traffic  in  souls,  unless  com- 
prehensive treaties  are  concluded  between  the  several  Govern- 
ments. If  this  is  effected,  if  the  Central  Executive  enters  into 
diplomatic  relations  with  foreign  Governments,  there  is  no  reason 
that  we  should  not  turn  from  the  distant,  already  thickly  popu- 
lated and  not  particularly  fertile  North  of  America,  and  come 
back  to  the  East.  There  are  three  islands  in  the  Mediterranean 
that  have  already  belonged  to  European  States,  and  were  con- 
quered by  the  Ottoman  Power  at  the  time  of  its  predominance. 
I  mean  Rhodes,  Cyprus,  and  Crete.  Why  should  we  not,  in 
view  of  the  immeasurable  weakness  of  the  Turkish  Government, 
endeavour  to  win  these  islands  back  again,  and  populate  them 
with  German  immigrants?  Cyprus  seems  to  me  especially  well 
adapted.  The  shifty,  evil,  Turkish  Government  is  hastening  the 
depopulation  of  this  island  year  by  year.  The  immigrants  would 
find  very  few  inhabitants.  The  island  is  one  of  the  most  fertile 
of  the  Mediterranean;  all  kinds  of  fruits  ripen  there  naturally. 
The  mines  of  copper  and  other  minerals  would  give  a  rich  yield. 
Germany  could  have  no  more  valuable  possession  than  this 
island.  All  this  must  of  course  be  taken  in  hand  in  as  friendly 
a  spirit  as  possible,  as,  for  instance,  by  purchase  from  the  Turkish 
Government.  In  the  first  place,  however,  a  secret  agent  should 
be  sent  immediately  to  investigate  the  geological,  topographical, 
and  all  other  features  of  the  island.  If  the  result  of  these  investi- 
gations is  satisfactory,  and  shows  it  to  be  worth  while  to  annex 
the  island,  Constantinople  must  then  be  approached  as  quickly 
and  tactfully  as  possible.  The  task  of  the  Central  Administra- 
tion in  Germany  appears  to  me,  in  regard  to  the  Eastern  question, 
to  be,  not  de  se  joindre  aux  intrigues  absurdes  dont  s'amusent  les 
diplomates  a  Constantinople,  but  to  bring  about  some  sort  of  solu- 
tion of  the  problem.  From  the  present  state  of  the  question 
Germany  gains  nothing  and  is  only  losing  time.  But  if  the  whole 
affair  comes  to  a  crisis,  and  if  Germany  is  unified,  strong  and  armed, 
she  will  be  able  to  secure  Cyprus,  and  more  besides,  in  the  universal 
partition.  Above  all,  however,  may  God  send  reason  and  a  single 
mind  to  the  patriotic  babblers,  and  to  the  Governments  of 
Germany ;  above  all,  we  must  rid  ourselves  of  the  pitiful  jealousies 
of  parliamentary  life,  if  we  hope  to  impose  ourselves  upon  the 


world  with  the  old  German  vigour  and  robustness.  But  when 
will  this  come  about?  If,  however,  by  peaceful  negotiations 
with  the  Turkish  Government,  or  the  explosion  of  the  Eastern 
question,  we  acquire  Rhodes  or  Cyprus,  or  whatever  else,  we  shall 
thereby  obtain  a  splendid  outlet  for  thousands  of  the  proletariat, 
we  shall  gain  a  sea-board  and  a  mercantile  navy,  marines  and 
sailors.  Nor  must  Syria  and  Asia  Minor  be  forgotten.  We  must 
do  all  we  can  to  check  the  Russians  and  English  there,  to  which 
end  it  is  essential  to  send  out  no  Protestant  bishops  and  mission- 
aries, but  to  make  it  a  station  for  the  Catholic  world  in  the  East. 
German  Consulates,  filled  by  efficient  men,  are  among  the  most 
pressing  tasks  of  the  Imperial  Executive.  At  the  same  time, 
better  no  Consul  than  a  bad  one !  A  Consul  in  the  East  must 
be  a  Catholic,  good  at  Oriental  languages,  and  experienced  in 
commercial  affairs,  while  the  Consul-General  for  our  purposes 
must  be  a  competent  diplomatist.  Up  to  now,  nothing  good  is 
known  in  the  East  of  Austria;  of  Prussia,  only  that  it  patronises 
the  Protestant  bishop  and  promotes  the  conversion  of  the  Jews 
at  Jerusalem;  of  Germany,  absolutely  nothing!  It  is  a  most 
humiliating  experience  to  travel  in  the  East  as  a  German.  More 
than  ever  do  I  deplore  the  weakness  with  which  the  first  days 
of  the  revolution  were  frittered  away,  without  producing  any- 
thing thorough-going  and  complete  at  the  moment  when  all  the 
separate  Governments  were  helpless.  Yet  why  murmur !  Let 
us  endeavour  to  save  what  may  yet  be  saved ! 

On  the  i  gth  the  ship  was  able  to  leave  Haifa,  and  lay  off 
Alexandria  on  January  21,  1849.  They  were  in  quarantine  till 
the  29th.  On  the  3oth  the  Prince  and  Princess  were  allowed  to 
land.  They  reached  Cairo  on  the  3ist,  and  made  a  journey  to 
Upper  Egypt  between  then  and  February  15.  From  the  i6th 
to  the  1 9th  the  travellers  made  a  further  stay  in  Cairo,  left  on 
February  20  for  Alexandria,  and  occupied  the  next  five  days  in 
going  to  Malta.  After  a  quarantine  of  several  days  they  landed 
at  Naples  on  March  6,  and  reached  Molo  di  Gaeta  on  the  9th. 
The  Prince  found  the  following  letter  from  the  Imperial  Minister, 
Heinrich  von  Gagern,  in  Naples : 

FRANKFURT,  January  3,  1849. 

Your  valuable  report  of  the  i;th  has  reached  me,  and  the 
Administrator  has  heard  from  me  with  much  pleasure  and  satis- 
faction of  the  very  cordial  reception  your  Highness  met  with  in 
Athens.  .  .  .  Since,  for  the  moment,  the  Imperial  Ministry  sees 
no  justification  for  the  prolongation  of  your  stay  in  Athens,  I 
am  to  request  you  will  present  yourself  to  his  Holiness  the 
Pope,  as  soon  as  possible,  either  at  Gaeta  or  wherever  he  is 
to  be  found,  to  present  the  Administrator's  notification.  The 
indefinite,  and  perhaps  ephemeral  character  of  the  Provisional 
Government  is  the  reason  for  this  order  from  the  Ministry,  and 


to  judge  from  the  manner  in  which  the  residence  of  his  Holiness 
in  Gaeta  appears  to  be  organised,  I  have  little  doubt  that  the 
Pope  will  receive  Ambassadors  there.  From  the  Papal  Court, 
your  Highness  will  next  proceed  to  Florence.  I  look  forward 
with  much  interest  to  your  despatches. 

January  23,  1849. 

Your  Highness  will  have  duly  received  the  despatch  of 
January  6,  in  which  I  requested  you  to  deliver  the  Letters  of 
Notification  of  November  12  to  his  Holiness,  at  his  present 
headquarters.  In  the  meantime  I  have  also  had  your  welcome 
report  of  December  3  from  Athens,  and  quite  approve  of  your 
journey.  As  the  time  of  your  proposed  absence  from  Athens 
has  now  elapsed,  and  I  doubt  whether  the  present  despatch 
would  have  reached  you  there,  you  will  find  it  at  Gaeta,  for- 
warded from  the  Royal  Prussian  Embassy  in  Naples,  to  which 
it  is  going  to-day.  Enclosed  are: 

(1)  Copy  of  a  letter  addressed  by  the  Holy  Father  from  Gaeta 
on  the  4th  inst.  to  the  Administrator. 

(2)  The  answer  of  the  Administrator,  along  with 

(3)  An  open  copy,  and 

(4)  The  translation  of  the  same; 

these  two  last  as  a  preliminary  communication  to  the  Papal 
Chancellory  of  Foreign  Affairs.  I  beg  you  to  hand  the  answer 
of  the  Administrator  to  his  Holiness,  which  can  be  done 
directly  you  have  presented  the  Letters  of  Notification. 

Of  these  despatches  the  Prince  reports  on  March  10,  1849: 
".  .  .  I  arrived  here  yesterday,  and  betook  myself  this  morn- 
ing to  Cardinal  Antonelli,  who,  as  Prosegretario  di  Stato,  under- 
takes the  business  of  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  I  handed  him 
the  letter  from  the  Ministry  to  the  Cardinal  State  Secretary, 
along  with  the  copy  and  translation  of  the  Letter  of  Notifica- 
tion of  November  12,  and  the  answer  of  H.I.H.  the  Imperial 
Administrator  to  the  letter  from  the  Holy  Father  of  December  4, 
and  begged  the  Cardinal  to  procure  me  an  audience  with 
his  Holiness.  Cardinal  Antonelli  expressed  his  willingness 
to  introduce  me  forthwith,  and,  after  announcing  my  visit, 
conducted  me  to  the  Holy  Father,  who  resides  in  the  same  house. 
All  etiquette  and  ceremonial  have  been  very  much  cut  down  in 
Gaeta,  under  the  circumstances,  so  that  this  audience  will  be  held 
fully  adequate,  the  more  so  as  the  other  newly  accredited  Envoys, 
and  even  the  Belgian  Ambassador,  have  been  presented  in  the 
same  way  to  the  Holy  Father. 

"As  soon  as  I  entered,  his  Holiness  welcomed  me  cordially, 
and  after  the  necessary  ceremonial,  bade  me  be  seated  opposite 
to  him  and  declare  my  mission.  I  handed  him  the  Letter  of 
Notification,  and  then  the  letter  from  the  Administrator  of 
January  23,  coupling  with  the  latter  an  assurance  of  the  pro- 


found  distress  which  H.I.H.  felt  at  the  recent  events  in  Rome. 
This  feeling  I  expressed,  for  my  own  part,  in  the  name  of  the 
whole  of  Germany.  His  Holiness  received  these  words  very 
kindly,  adding  that  the  firm  coherence  of  the  European  Govern- 
ments was  all  the  more  necessary  inasmuch  as  this  was  a  war  of 
barbarism  against  religion  and  social  order.  I  then  told  him  of 
the  struggle  for  unification  in  Germany,  which  had  for  its  object 
the  establishment  of  civil  and  moral  order,  when  the  Holy  Father 
warmly  expressed  his  sympathy  with  the  unification  of  Germany, 
described  the  relation  between  Austria  and  Prussia  as  the  nodo 
gordiano  che  vuol  essere  sciolto,  and  added  that  he  would  pray 
for  the  happy  consummation  of  German  affairs.  The  Holy 
Father  then  spoke  of  matters  more  personal  to  myself  with  his 
own  peculiar  charm,  and  the  audience  came  to  an  end.  All 
this,  as  is  now  customary  in  the  Papal  Court  in  the  absence 
of  a  proper  organ,  will  be  published  in  the  Neapolitan  Official 
Gazette.  As  the  Imperial  Ministry  will  already  be  aware,  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  is  here  too,  but  has  so  far  received 
no  Envoys.  If,  however,  a  French  Ambassador  intends  to  wait 
on  the  Grand  Duke  here,  as  is  rumoured,  I  shall  regard  this  as  a 
precedent,  and  deliver  my  letters.  I  will  enter  on  the  political 
situation  in  my  next  report,  only  stating  now  that  I  shall 
associate  myself  with  the  efforts  of  the  other  diplomatists  here, 
to  restore  the  Pope  to  his  independent  position  in  his  own 

Report  oj  March  24,  1849. 

The  Prosegretario  di  Stato  of  his  Holiness  the  Pope  has,  at 
my  request,  communicated  to  me  the  documents  referring, 
on  the  one  hand,  to  the  position  of  the  Holy  Father  in  regard 
to  the  usurping  Government  in  Rome;  on  the  other,  to  the 
relations  of  his  Holiness  with  the  European  Governments, 
and  the  intervention  which  he  desires.  The  present  state  of 
the  question  of  intervention  is  this:  on  the  Pope's  request 
for  intervention,  the  four  Powers  appealed  to*  declared  them- 
selves ready  to  intervene;  the  Governments  of  Spain  and 
Naples  had  previously  agreed;  the  replies  from  Austria  and 
France  arrived  a  few  days  ago.  France,  as  Cardinal  Antonelli 
to-day  informs  me,  has  already  massed  troops  ready  to  embark 
for  the  coast  of  Italy.  In  order  to  discuss  the  mode  of 
intervention,  and  the  fitting  time  for  it,  there  is  shortly  to  be 
a  conference  between  the  Plenipotentiaries  of  France,  Austria, 
Naples,  and  Spain,  in  Gaeta.  Even  granting  a  decision  to  be 
imminent,  there  is  no  disguising  that  the  peculiar  attitude 
of  the  French  Government  towards  the  National  Assembly 
and  its  relation  to  Austria  might  give  rise  to  difficulties  of 

*  Austria,  France,  Spain,  and  Naples. 


all  kinds  within  the  conference.  The  Cardinal  State  Secretary 
is  by  no  means  unaware  of  this,  but  believes  that  he  will 
be  able  to  interpose  in  a  conciliatory  manner,  trusting  chiefly 
to  the  fact  that  he  has  treated  the  whole  question  as  much  as 
possible  from  the  religious  standpoint,  reserving  the  political 
side  of  the  question  till  intervention  is  over. 

No  communication  has  been  made  to  myself,  or  to  the  rest 
of  the  diplomatic  body.  I  shall,  therefore,  only  attempt  to 
follow  the  course  of  the  negotiations,  and  shall  have  the  honour 
to  report  further  to  you  at  a  later  date. 

Report  from  Naples,  April  n,  1849. 

Since  there  appeared  to  be  no  justification  for  prolonging 
my  stay  in  Gaeta,  I  took  leave  of  the  Holy  Father  two  days 
ago,  and  was  dismissed  with  the  utmost  cordiality.  I  was 
unable  to  give  the  Imperial  Administrator's  letter  to  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Tuscany.  For  although  it  seems  probable  that  the 
Grand  Duke  will  in  the  immediate  future  appoint  a  Foreign 
Minister  and  receive  Ambassadors,  I  could  not  await  this 
event,  in  view  of  the  probably  brief  duration  of  the  Pro- 
visional Government  in  Germany.  I  communicated  this  to  the 
Grand  Duke,  and  was  privately  received  by  him.  As  I  am 
sailing  for  Germany  in  one  of  the  next  packets,  I  shall  shortly 
have  the  honour  of  communicating  my  reports  to  you  by  word 
of  mouth. 

In  a  letter  dated  Naples,  April  4,  1849,  tne  Prince  writes  to 
Princess  Amalie:  "My  residence  at  Gaeta  in  the  near  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  noble  and  excellent  Pope  was  a  beautiful 
experience,  to  be  reckoned  among  the  most  impressive  days  of 
my  life." 

While  still  in  Gaeta  the  Prince  had  received  the  news  that 
King  Friedrich  Wilhelm  IV.  had  declined  the  Imperial  Crown. 
"Therewith,"  he  remarks  in  his  note,  "the  fate  of  the 
Frankfurt  Empire  was  sealed.  I  took  leave  of  the  Pope,  and 
of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  to  whom  I  was  unable  to 
deliver  my  papers,  as  he  had  no  Foreign  Minister.  He  said: 
'Greetings  to  my  cousin  in  Frankfurt!'  We  went  to  Naples, 
remained  there  during  the  month  of  May,  and  returned  via  Paris 
to  Frankfurt." 

After  the  Prince  had  been  received  in  audience  by  the  Arch- 
ducal  Administrator,  and  had  conversed  for  an  hour,  he  was 
offered  a  place  in  the  Gravell  Ministry,  which  had  taken 
command  in  the  National  Assembly  on  May  17.  He  declined, 
on  the  ground  that  "he  had  no  desire  to  take  part  in  a 
Ministry  whose  only  duty  was  to  give  the  Empire  a  decent 
burial."  The  Prince  looked  hard  at  the  Archduke,  and  nothing 
more  was  said  about  it. 


The  close  of  his  Imperial  mission  marked  the  close  of  the 
Prince's  active  share  in  politics  for  the  time  being.  He  was  again 
for  all  practical  purposes  reduced  to  the  role  of  spectator.  The 
impression  which  the  gradual  collapse  of  the  national  hopes 
and  the  disgraceful  termination  of  the  movement  made  on 
him  appears  in  the  letters  to  his  sister  and  his  speeches  in  the 
Upper  House. 


MUNICH,  November  18,  1849. 

.  .  .  My  brothers  and  sisters  and  I  are  bound  together  by  a 
rare  bond  of  spiritual  affinity,  which  is  practically  unknown  to 
other  folk.  I  have  met  with  it  in  few  families.  Such  a  spirit 
is  rare  in  the  society  of  the  great  world.  Generally  speaking, 
and  here  in  particular,  the  great  world  in  its  heart  of  hearts 
is  very  small.  Good  if  you  like,  kindly,  less  evil  than  is  com- 
monly made  out  by  country  parsons  —  but  there  is  little  enough 
behind.  It  is  a  rare  thing  to  meet  with  the  noble  minds  which 
this  city  must  contain  as  well  as  any  other.  In  such  surround- 
ings I  am  becoming  all  unconsciously  a  democrat;  exactly  as  in 
the  Chamber,  where  I  am  driven  to  the  Left  by  the  party  of 
narrow-minded  aristocrats,  who  are  so  without  any  justification. 
For  instance,  at  the  last  sitting  I  had  to  protect  the  German 
National  Assembly  against  the  stupid  attacks  of  a  certain 
elderly  gentleman.  We  had  an  interesting  sitting  on  the  German 
question,  and  I  spoke  tolerably  well  before  a  crowded  audience. 
I  was  gratified  at  my  own  coolness  and  self-possession.  It 
is  a  fortunate  thing  in  these  days  to  have  attained  the  art  of 
speaking  clearly  and  without  embarrassment  before  a  large 
audience.  My  very  tame  discourse  was,  however,  considered  too 
anti- Ministerial,  and  I  shall  get  into  disgrace  with  the  Court. 
Kein  Verniinjtiger  kann  zergliedern,  was  den  Menschen  wohl 

The  sitting  alluded  to  in  this  letter  took  place  on  November  12, 
and  was  concerned  with  the  attitude  of  the  Bavarian  Government 
to  the  German  question,  for  which  the  Chamber  gave  "  grateful 
thanks"  to  the  Ministry.  This  "grateful  thanks"  referred,  as 
the  proceedings  show,  to  the  disavowal  both  of  the  Frankfurt 
Assembly  and  of  the  League  of  the  Three  Kings.  Prince 
Hohenlohe  did  not  abstain  from  voting,  but  spoke  as  follows 
with  regard  to  the  League:  "Had  the  question  been  brought 
before  this  House  while  still  undecided,  had  this  House  been 
asked  whether  it  consented  to  the  establishment  of  this  league, 
I  admit  that  I  should  have  advised  that  consent  should  be 
given.  I  start  from  the  principle  that  a  strong  Central  Execu- 
tive is  a  necessity,  and  from  this  standpoint  I  should  have 
taken  leave  to  doubt  whether  the  impulse  towards  National 
Unity  could  have  been  fulfilled  in  any  other  way  than  in 


that  laid  down  on  broad    lines   by  the  League  of  the  Three 

"The  German  States  are  collectively  constitutional  and 
monarchical;  no  autocratic  form  of  Central  Administration  is 
therefore  conceivable.  A  Parliament  in  co-ordination  with  this 
Central  Executive  is  a  generally  acknowledged  necessity.  But  in 
my  opinion  this  collaboration  of  an  Executive  with  a  Parliament 
is  a  very  dangerous  matter.  A  Directory  of  Plenipotentiaries 
—  for  Directors  must  always  be  fully  empowered  —  a  Collective 
Body,  in  fact,  any  one  of  these  many-headed  organisations  of 
the  Central  Authority  will  always  act  according  to  instructions. 
But  when  you  are  dealing  with  a  Parliament  it  is  indispensable 
to  act  quickly,  decidedly,  and  vigorously.  It  appears  to  me 
that  such  vigour,  speed,  and  decision  in  execution  would  not  be 
compatible  with  acting  upon  instructions.  This  was  our  ex- 
perience before,  when  the  Confederation  still  existed  in  its  earlier 
form,  and  I  do  not  believe  that,  hitherto  at  least,  the  problem 
has  been  solved.  But  to-day  I  say  no  more  on  all  these  points. 
The  question  of  the  League  of  the  Three  Kings  is  for  the 
moment  closed.  It  has  at  any  rate  passed  into  a  stage  in 
which  further  advocacy  is  futile.  The  Bavarian  people,  through 
its  Representatives,  has  declared  against  the  League  of  the 
Three  Kings.  His  Majesty's  Government  has  rejected  the  League 
of  the  Three  Kings,  supported  by  the  majority  of  the  Bavarian 
nation.  My  personal  and  opposite  views  (which  I  felt  it  right 
to  bring  forward  briefly)  must  therefore  be  set  aside.  It  is 
not  my  duty  to  blame  the  Government  for  doing  what  the 
majority  of  the  people  wills.  In  a  question  which  affects  the 
rights  of  a  whole  nation,  and  the  independence  of  a  State,  the 
personal,  subjective  convictions  of  the  individual  must  be  sub- 
ordinated. Yet  I  know  of  no  other  expedient  by  which  the  Govern- 
ment could  have  brought  the  wishes  of  the  people  into  harmony 
with  the  principle  of  the  unification  of  all  Germany.  It  is 
difficult,  almost  impossible,  to  fulfil  the  wish  for  national  unity, 
and  at  the  same  time  preserve  the  entire  independence  of  each 
several  State.  If  unification  has  gone  by  the  board  hi  the  year 
1848,  it  is  not  so  much  on  account  of  the  separate  dynastic 
interests  as  of  the  enmities  of  the  various  German  races.  That 
is  a  sad  truth,  nevertheless  it  is  necessary  to  avow  the  truth 
as  often  as  may  be.  Under  such  conditions  I  acknowledge 
that  the  Government  could  not  have  acted  otherwise  than 
it  did." 


MUNICH,  December  22,  1849. 

.  .  .  We  are  just  now  reading  bits  of  Humboldt's  Letters  to  a 
Friend.  In  these  I  find  my  own  thoughts  at  every  turn. 
Latterly,  however,  I  have  had  very  little  time  for  reading 


aloud.  My  days  have  been  entirely  absorbed  in  the  proceedings 
of  the  Chamber.  I  was  much  praised  for  a  successful  impromptu 
speech  a  few  days  ago.  This  evenement  was  the  topic  of  con- 
versation that  day.  Since  the  subject  is  not  of  universal  interest, 
you  will  not  find  it  in  the  Augsburger  Zeitung.  I  myself  am 
indifferent  to  these  successes.  I  am  glad  that  I  am  making 
some  progress  in  this  way,  because  it  is  very  annoying  in  stirring 
times  to  be  embarrassed  intreating  a  subject  by  a  bad  style.  But 
I  take  no  pleasure  in  these  things. 

The  proceedings  of  the  Chamber,  to  which  these  observa- 
tions refer,  related  to  the  prosecution  of  the  revolutionaries  in  the 
Palatinate.  During  the  sitting  of  December  18,  Count  Arco- 
Valley  termed  himself  a  "drag  on  the  chariot  wheels  of  the  Re- 
public," in  contrast  with  "some  young  hereditary  legislators."  It 
was  his  reply  to  this  attack  that  the  Prince  calls  an  "impromptu." 
On  the  question  of  the  amnesty  he  says,  in  a  note  made  at  the 
time:  "I  believe  that  all  who  took  part  in  the  criminal 
attempts  of  last  spring  fall  into  two  categories: 

"  (i)  Demagogues  proper,  or  professional  Radicals. 

"  (2)   Revolutionaries  from  transitory  motives. 

"We  know  that  a  party,  a  widespread  sect,  exists  which  has 
fallen  out  with  the  present  moral  and  civil  order  and  is  strug- 
gling after  another.  The  study  of  philosophy,  of  Hegelianism 
in  particular,  has  brought  the  leaders  of  this  party  to  the 
conclusion  that  Christianity  is  a  lie,  the  Christian  State  accord- 
ingly founded  on  error.  They  seek  to  express  this  truth,  as 
they  perceive  it,  in  Religion  and  the  State.  What  positive  con- 
tributions they  bring  us,  I  have  failed  after  the  most  strenuous 
endeavours  to  make  out.  Wherever  they  have  been  constrained 
to  practical  action  the  theory  that  floated  before  them  has  in 
the  event  collapsed,  owing  to  its  purely  negative  character. 
Mazzini  in  Italy,  Pierre  Leroux  in  France,  Karl  Vogt  —  I 
mention  only  the  most  prominent  names  in  the  party  —  all  have 
so  far  shown  themselves  potent  in  negation  only.  Grant- 
ing, however,  that  this  party  could  introduce  a  new  religious 
and  social  structure,  they  could  do  so  only  after  the  total  de- 
struction of  the  existing  order.  And  here  they  encounter  the 
resistance  of  all  reasonable  men.  It  is  clear  that  only  barbarism 
can  result  from  such  a  destruction  of  our  present  civilisation. 
It  is  our  duty,  therefore,  to  oppose  the  efforts  of  the  Radical 
party  with  great  firmness.  The  Radical  party  is  too  clever 
to  put  out  its  hand  in  a  reconciliation  that  can  do  it  no  good. 
It  wants  war.  It  follows  that  a  policy  of  pardon,  or  clemency, 
would  be  weakness. 

"This  party,  however,  has  few  supporters  in  the  Palatinate. 
Its  leaders  have  nearly  all  made  good  their  escape.  We  have 
principally  to  deal  with  the  second  class,  those  who  arc 
revolutionaries,  from  transitory  causes,  the  politically  disaffected, 


whose  movements  will  calm  down  like  the  waves  of  the  sea  once 
the  storm  is  over.  When  in  years  gone  by  the  country  was 
filled  with  enthusiasm  for  the  unity  of  Germany,  men  of  noble 
character  set  themselves  at  the  head  of  the  movement,  and 
said  to  the  people:  'Have  patience,  we  will  create  a  United 
Germany  by  constitutional  means.'  The  National  Assembly 
was  convened,  the  people  calmed  down  —  and  waited.  It  waited 
patiently  for  a  whole  year.  In  that  year  the  revolution  waned,  the 
Governments  waxed  stronger.  Nay,  the  enthusiasm  for  Ger- 
man unity  cooled  in  many  breasts.  Many  even  of  those  who 
sat  at  Frankfurt  did  not  wish  to  carry  through  their  task. 
When  the  Constitution  was  passed  with  toil  and  travail,  in- 
spiration and  excitement  stirred  again,  as  in  1848,  in  many 
breasts.  But  times  had  changed.  What  had  been  tolerated 
the  year  before,  because  no  one  could  prevent  it,  was  now  a 
crime.  This,  however,  was  incomprehensible  to  the  agitating 
section  of  the  people.  They  could  not  know  that  what  had 
brought  many  an  agitator  to  high  honour  in  March  1848  was 
treason  now.  They  did  not  know  their  age.  It  is  hard,  in- 
deed, to  read  the  political  stars  aright,  to  forecast  correctly  what 
will  succeed  or  fail.  This  section  of  the  people  could  not  know 
that  the  Government  was  now  directed  by  strong  men,  able  to 
stem  the  tide  of  revolution,  strong  enough  to  enforce  respect 
for  the  laws.  These  excited  spirits  could  not  tell  that  the 
time  had  gone  by  in  which  men  heard  the  voice  of  the  populace 
in  every  cat-call  —  and  trembled.  That  the  people  did  not  know 
all  this,  that  they  acted  on  faith  in  a  revolution  which  no  longer 
existed,  was  the  cardinal  error  committed  by  most  of  those  who 
are  indicted  and  compromised." 

The  Prince's  attitude  on  the  disappearance  of  the  last  hopes 
of  patriotism,  as  connected  with  the  League  of  the  Three  Kings, 
found  expression  in  a  scathing  article  in  the  Frankfurter 
Journal  (No.  71)  criticising  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg's  Speech 
from  the  Throne.  " Through  the  whole  speech,"  he  says,  "runs 
an  unwholesome  strain,  telling  of  the  dangers  that  threaten 
us  from  without,  if  the  people  of  Wurtemberg  and  of  Germany 
at  large  do  not  follow  the  paternal  admonition  of  their  Sovereigns, 
and  cease  to  pursue  the  phantom  idea  of  German  unity.  We 
are  told  expressly  that  the  realisation  of  the  Federal  State  is 
impossible  'without  infringement  of  the  solemn  treaty  on  which 
our  position  and  independence  in  Europe,  as  well  as  the  political 
equilibrium  of  Europe  itself,  depend.'  We  hear  of  the  dangers 
to  which  the  League  of  May  26  must  lead,  within,  as  well  as 
without.  It  is  clear,  then,  to  the  august  speaker  that  foreign 
Powers  might  menace  our  independence,  that  an  interference  of 
foreign  Powers  in  our  internal  affairs  is  impending.  We  have 
come  to  this  point,  that  in  a  German  kingdom  political  shame 
is  utterly  laid  aside,  and  the  eyes  of  all  Europe  may  see  that 


we  no  longer  venture  to  propose  a  Constitution  corresponding 
to  our  needs,  but  that  the  casting-vote  is  to  lie  with  the  Powers 
who  have  guaranteed  the  contract !  Things  have  come  to  such 
a  pass  that  this  confession  is,  and  can  be,  fearlessly  made  to 
a  Democratic  Assembly !  Truly,  it  had  been  better  to  be 
silent  about  'ancient  privilege'  in  the  speech  from  the  Throne, 
if  an  ancient  honour  is  to  be  so  utterly  disowned." 

Shortly  before  the  catastrophe  of  Olmutz  the  Prince  writes  to 
Princess  Amalie : 

SAYN,  November  16,  1850. 

"...  Yesterday  I  had  tea  with  the  Princess  of  Prussia. 
She  was  very  depressed  by  the  latest  political  events ;  *  she  is 
so  distressed  and  pained  by  the  deplorable  proceedings  in  Berlin 
that  it  is  grievous  to  see  her.  I  might  compare  her  to  Niobe. 
The  comparison  is  the  more  justified  in  that,  in  the  wreck  of 
Prussia,  she  mourns  the  wrecked  future  of  her  excellent  and 
promising  son." 

*  Resignation  of  Radowitz  on  November  2  after  the  "Preliminary 
Meeting"  in  Warsaw  of  October  28,  in  which  the  Constitution  of  the 
Union  was  given  up. 



BETWEEN  1850  and  1866  we  have  no  material  in  his  own  words 
for  a  coherent  account  of  the  Prince's  life  and  work.  He  did 
not  keep  a  continuous  diary  during  that  time,  while  his  letters 
to  Princess  Amalie,  in  which  his  inner  life  had  expressed  itself 
before  his  happy  marriage,  naturally  assumed  another  character 
after  that  event,  and  were  confined  to  the  facts  and  affairs  of 
everyday  life.  This  period  again  is  wanting  in  the  unity  given  to 
his  years  of  development  by  the  growth  of  his  personality.  His 
character  was  now  practically  formed,  and  he  was  only  awaiting 
his  opportunity  for  political  action.  The  times,  however,  were 
not  favourable.  The  national  idealism  of  1848  had  expired  in  the 
wastes  of  reaction,  and  the  former  head  of  an  Imperial  Mission 
had  no  prospect  of  advancement  or  office  from  the  Bavarian 
Government.  Bavaria  in  the  fifties  gave  no  scope  for  the  activi- 
ties of  a  politician,  Conservative  by  training  and  social  standing, 
yet  filled  with  strong  patriotism.  It  is  psychologically  interesting 
to  see  how  his  craving  for  political  activity  gradually  induced  the 
Prince  to  that  compromise  with  circumstances  in  which  lay  his  only 
chance  of  a  political  career;  how  he  endeavoured  to  make  his 
peace  with  the  Bavarian  Government,  and  how,  by  the  influence 
of  all  these  external  conditions,  his  own  political  views  gradually 
became  modified,  and  brought  him  nearer  to  Bavarian  Particu- 
larism. He  was  a  supporter  of  the  Triad  idea  not  from  conviction, 
but  from  a  feeling  that,  in  view  of  the  apparent  hopelessness  of 
the  Little  German  programme,  and  the  obvious  impossibility  of 
a  Great  German  policy,  the  concentration  of  the  national  forces 
of  the  South  German  and  Middle  German  States  into  a  Third 
Germany  was  preferable  to  total  disintegration  and  the  impotence 
of  powerful  German  Peoples.  This  Bavarian  and  Particularist 
tendency  is  the  more  remarkable,  since  it  reappears  in  the  sub- 
sequent policy  of  the  Prince  when  he  was  at  the  head  of  the 
Bavarian  Government,  and  because  this  very  concession  to 
Particularism  was  the  underlying  principle  of  the  national  policy 
which  the  Premier  of  Bavaria  was  to  carry  out.  Only  a  statesman 
the  correctness  of  whose  Bavarian  was  beyond  question  could 

VOL.    I — F  65 


have  won  the  confidence  of  King  Ludwig  II.,  and  could  have 
inspired  that  Prince's  attitude  to  the  German  nation  in  the  great 
and  critical  questions  of  its  political  destiny. 

PARIS   AND   RUSSIA,  1850-1866 

IN  December  1850  the  Prince  went  with  his  wife  to  Paris  for 
several  months.  From  there  he  wrote  to  the  Princess  Amalie  on 
December  15 : 

"We  are  spending  the  first  week  in  settling  down  and  visiting 
the  different  theatres,  as  this  will  be  impossible  later  when 
we  have  evening  engagements.  The  theatres  are  interesting 
and  instructive  as  regards  the  language.  Madame  Rachel  and 
Madeleine  Brohan  at  the  Come'die-Francaise  are  both  remarkable, 
the  latter  particularly  for  her  beauty,  while  the  former  is  beyond 
all  criticism,  and  one  entirely  forgets  her  Jewish  appearance.  A 
melodrama  called  Palliasse,  an  excellent  thing  by  Lemaitre,  is 
to  be  given  at  the  Gaite*.  The  new  opera,  L'Enfant  Prodigue, 
by  Auber,  is  the  universal  topic  of  conversation.  The  story 
is  taken  from  the  Bible,  and  the  scene  laid  in  Egypt  and  Pales- 
tine. A  more  offensive  production  than  this  opera  one  cannot 
imagine.  It  concludes  with  a  scene  in  Heaven  itself,  with 
angels  playing  on  harps !  The  scenery  is  magnificent,  the  music 
miserable,  and  one  has  to  listen  for  five  mortal  hours  to  this 
hysterical  outburst.  Once !  but  never  again.  I  saw  Madame 
Sontag  in  the  Barber  of  Seville;  a  curious  experience,  after  see- 
ing her  the  last  time  in  her  own  drawing-room  in  Berlin.* 
Our  entree  into  society  took  place  at  Madame  Narischkine's. 
She  made  it  her  special  business  to  introduce  us  as  soon  as 
possible,  and  did  it  with  the  greatest  kindness  and  tact.  We 
met  many  old  acquaintances  from  Athens  and  Naples  in  her 
salon,  so  her  task  was  considerably  lightened.  Next  day  I  was 
presented  to  the  President  by  the  Bavarian  Ambassador.  The 
rank  and  file  remain  in  the  large  drawing-rooms,  and  persons 
of  quality  are  received  in  the  President's  small  apartments, 
where  I  was  taken  by  Wendland.  We  met  the  Household  in  the 
first  room,  and  at  the  door  of  the  second  a  little  man  in  the 
Bavarian  Light  Horse  uniform,  and  wearing  the  grand  cordon  of 
the  Legion  of  Honour.  This  was  "le  Prince."  I  was  introduced 
to  him,  and  he  talked  with  me  of  Bavaria.  "J'y  ai  passe  ma 
jeunesse  a  Augsbourg,  et  fen  conserve1  toujours  un  tres  bon 
souvenir." -\  He  spoke  of  a  certain  Prince  Hohenlohe,  whom  he 

*Henriette  Sontag  (1803-1854)  had  lived  in  Berlin  as  the  Countess 
Rossi  from  1843-1849. 

t  Napoleon,  from  1816,  had  lived  for  many  years  at  Augsburg,  with 
his  mother  Queen  Hortense,  and  attended  the  St.  Anna  Gymnasium  there. 


had  known  at  Munich.  I  was  next  introduced  to  Princess  Mathilde, 
a  stout  handsome  lady  in  diamonds.  Presently  the  whole  com- 
pany made  a  move  and  denied  into  the  ballroom,  the  crowd 
forming  a  lane  through  which  we  had  to  walk.  In  the  room  I 
was  presented  to  Lord  and  Lady  Normanby.  Lord  Normanby 
is  a  tall,  curly-headed  specimen  of  an  Englishman,  with  a 
perpetual  smile  and  quantities  of  Orders;  Lady  Normanby 
stout  and  phlegmatic,  wearing  diamonds.  Count  Hatzfeldt,  the 
Prussian  Ambassador,  whose  acquaintance  I  also  made,  is  a 
Rhenish  landed  proprietor,  dans  toute  la  force  du  terme;  his 
wife,  a  lively,  intelligent  Frenchwoman.  The  Austrian  Am- 
bassador Hiibner  is  a  combination  of  Liszt  and  Karl  von 
Koschentin,*  adroit  and  clever  like  all  Austrian  diplomats. 
There  were  a  great  many  Russians,  who  are  very  charming  to  us ; 
for  the  rest,  extremely  polished  and  uninteresting. 

Yesterday  evening  we  were  at  the  Duchess  of  Maille*'s,  an 
amiable  lady  with  a  grey  moustache.  We  had  a  pleasant  recep- 
tion in  the  small  exclusive  salon,  where  we  knew  nobody;  but 
the  guests  only  stay  for  about  half  an  hour  at  these  small  soirees, 
and  we  went  on  to  Princess  Lieven's.  This  was  a  most  interesting 
experience  for  me,  as  we  met  so  many  remarkable  and  celebrated 
people.  Guizot,  as  you  can  see  at  once,  has  a  striking  personality, 
He  is  the  only  man  I  have  seen  so  far  in  this  Parisian  society  who 
does  not  appear  to  be  thinking  of  something  else  all  the  time  one 
talks  to  him.  It  is  really  a  difficult  thing,  and  denotes  great  strength 
of  mind,  to  keep  one's  head  in  the  chatter  and  bewilderment  of  a 
Paris  drawing-room.  Mole*  f  is  a  capable  man,  but  very  absent- 
minded.  Berreyer,J  who  also  was  present,  but  whom  I  did  not 
speak  to,  looks  like  a  country  clergyman.  Amongst  the  ladies  I 
saw,  I  should  single  out  Madame  Kalergi  for  her  beauty,  Princess 
Grassalkowitch  for  vigorous  old  age,  Madame  Gudin  for  her 
stout  figure  and  ingenuous  conversation.  I  saw  no  young 
girls,  except  a  few  at  the  President's  ball.  Everything  here  is 
very  pre-revolutionary  (vormarzlich).  My  coachman  invariably 
answers,  "Oui,  Monseigneur."  Orders  are  continually  worn, 
over  everything,  and  all  day  long.  Life  is  pleasant  and  easy, 
and  the  soirees,  of  which  there  are  several  every  evening,  are 
short  and  informal. 

February  4,  1851. 

I  am  going  to  a  very  interesting  lecture  by  Michel  Chevalier 
on  Political  Economy,  with  Marie,  Princess  Menchikoff,  and 
Frau  von  Seebach.  The  College  de  France  is,  unfortunately,  so 
far  off  that  I  can  only  attend  the  remainder  of  the  course 

*  Prince  Karl  zu  Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen  (1820-1890)  of  Koschentin. 

t  Count  Louis  Mathieu  Mold,  Conservative  Minister  under  Louis 

%  The  celebrated  orator,  Ney's  and  Napoleon's  advocate  after  the 
Boulogne  enterprise. 


(as  well  as  a  mad  cours  de  philosophic  by  Michelet)  now  and 
again.  On  Thursday  and  Friday  at  half-past  seven,  at  the 
Conservatoire  des  Arts  et  Metiers,  Blanqui  *  speaks  on  Industrial 
Economy.  They  are  most  interesting  and  remarkable  lectures, 
but,  owing  to  dinner  engagements,  I  am  scarcely  ever  able  to 
attend.  It  is  extraordinary,  however,  to  notice  the  various 
elements  which  make  up  the  audience :  ladies  and  gentlemen  in 
the  reserved  seats,  and  crowds  of  working  men  in  their  blue 
blouses  in  the  amphitheatre.  It  all  has  a  calming  and  quieting 
effect  on  me:  I  am  the  poorer  of  some  illusions,  but  richer  in 
thought.  Marie  feels  more  and  more  every  day  the  real  worth 
of  our  quiet  life  at  Schillingsfurst,  and  has  taken  a  step  nearer  to 
real  peace  of  mind ;  and  all  these  experiences  make  the  quiet  of 
our  home  dearer  to  us,  thus  bringing  before  us  our  duties  in 
the  future  and  opening  up  the  glimpse  of  a  quiet  but  useful  life. 

The  last  observation  refers  to  an  arrangement  of  the  Prince 
with  his  father-in-law,  the  Prince  of  Sayn- Wittgenstein,  whereby 
the  Prince  was  to  take  over  the  management  of  a  large  estate  in 
Russia,  the  property  which  the  Princess  and  her  brother  had 
inherited  from  their  mother,  born  Princess  Stephanie  Radziwill, 
who  died  July  26,  1832.  The  removal  to  Russia  was  fixed  for 
the  autumn  of  1851. 


SCHILLINGSFURST,  July  24,  1851. 

I  have  a  great  desire  to  go  to  London,  though  I  do  not  know 
how  I  can  fit  it  in  with  all  other  my  other  plans  of  travel.  It  may 
not  be  possible,  and  I  must  renounce,  with  great  regret,  the  idea 
of  seeing  the  Crystal  Palace  and  the  great  Exhibition.  I  am 
highly  pleased  that  this  enterprise  has  thrown  such  a  striking 
light  on  the  merits  of  Prince  Albert  which  have  so  long  been  un- 
acknowledged. It  is  another  proof  how  wrong  one  is  to  accept 
so-called  public  opinion  and  the  judgment  of  the  populace  on 
persons  of  exalted  rank. 

To  the  same. 

RAUDEN,  October  4,  1851. 

.  .  .  The  longer  I  am  away  from  Schillingsfurst,  the  firmer 
grows  my  conviction  that  I  shall  not  get  back  there,  and  the 
thought  of  Russia,  and  all  it  means,  weighs  so  heavily  with  me 
that  the  little  affairs  of  Schillingsfurst  do  not  count.  I  hardly 
know  why  I  am  able  to  leave  Schillingsfurst  so  easily  and  how 
I  can  give  up  that  beautiful,  pleasant  life  without  grieving.  The 
older  I  grow,  the  further  recedes  the  ideal  life.  Man  must 
create,  and  work,  and  reasonable  beings  feel  that  in  their  work 

*  Political  Economist,  the  elder  brother  of  the  Communist. 


lies  the  source  of  happiness,  and  therefore  I  am  thirsting  for 
work,  because,  whatever  we  do,  we  are  always  striving  to  be 
happy.  On  that  account  the  life  of  a  South  German  squire  has 
grown  distasteful  to  me,  because  it  is  saturated  with  idleness. 
And  the  possession  of  Schillingsfiirst  has  not  been  in  harmony 
with  my  nature  or  temperament,  and  in  fine  I  thank  God  that 
He  has  forcibly  taken  me  from  it  and  has  placed  me  in  a  new  way 
of  life,  unknown,  perhaps  difficult  and  tedious,  but  suited  to  my 
character.  Forgive  me  for  talking  so  much  of  my  own  thoughts 
and  affairs,  but  it  is  such  a  comfort  to  me,  and  I  hope  to  you,  to 
show  you  that  I  hope  to  do  my  duty,  and  not  to  go  through  life 


WERKI,  October  25/13,  1851. 

We  have  been  here  for  two  days,  and  I  cannot  say  that  either 
country  or  people  have  made  an  unpleasant  impression  on  me.  If 
I  were  ten  years  younger,  and  full  of  hope  in  life  and  the  realisa- 
tion of  one's  ideals,  it  would  be  most  melancholy  work  to  travel 
through  this  depopulated  gloomy  country,  of  which  one  knows 
not  whether  its  greatness  is  in  the  past  or  in  the  future.  I  can 
see  in  it  neither  the  one  nor  the  other.  The  country  can  never 
have  been  any  different  in  the  past,  and  it  will  never  have  any 
future.  One  must  just  take  it  as  it  is.  The  majestic  solitude  of 
the  Lithuanian  woods,  and  the  cornfields  stretching  out  of  sight 
into  the  distance,  have,  however,  a  peace  and  charm  of  their  own. 
Werki  itself  recalls  Lubowitz  or  Fiirstenberg.  It  is  like  the 
Oderthal,  or  the  Weserthal,  only  without  the  villages  and  with 
more  woods  and  open  country.  The  situation  of  the  castle  is 
beautiful,  and  the  castle  itself  and  the  park  quite  English.  We 
can  make  ourselves  quite  happy  here.  I  went  to-day  to  see 
the  Governor- General  at  Wilna;  a  very  agreeable  man.  We 
shall  stay  here  for  a  couple  of  days  and  then  go  further  north, 
and  hope  to  be  in  Petersburg  at  the  end  of  the  month.  We 
are  to  stay  there  at  the  Bariatinsky  house  —  in  which  a  wing 
has  been  rented  for  us. 

The  Prince  and  his  family  spent  the  winter  of  1851-52  in  Peters- 
burg, and  in  the  spring  of  1852  went  back  to  Werki.  Their 
residence  in  Russia  lasted  till  the  summer  of  1853.  Unfortunately, 
there  are  no  written  records  extant  of  the  Prince's  life  at  this  time. 
Letters  from  the  Princess  Elise,  who  lived  during  the  summer  of 
1852  with  her  brother,  give  a  picture  of  the  home  life  at  Werki. 
A  few  extracts  from  these  letters,  which  the  Princess  has  kindly 
allowed  to  be  published,  may  be  inserted  here. 

*  The  Prince's  youngest  sister,  born  January  6,  1831,  married  in  1868 
to  Prince  zu  Salm-Horstmar. 


WERKI,  June  26,  1852. 

The  castle  stands  high,  and  there  is  a  pretty  view  of  the 
River  Wilia,  as  it  winds  through  the  valley  below.  I  can  only 
see  a  tiny  bit  of  it  from  my  room,  as  it  is  on  the  ground  floor, 
and  the  maples  which  grow  all  over  the  mountain  hide  the  view 
from  me.  Bushes  grow  thickly  in  front  of  my  window,  and 
between  these  and  the  trees,  which  grow  on  the  slopes  of  the 
mountain,  is  a  lawn,  surrounded  by  a  gravel  path.  From  the 
drawing-room  window  above,  one  can  see  over  the  trees  to  a 
little  lake,  lying  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  entirely  surrounded 
by  foliage.  To  the  left  of  the  river  are  houses  covered  with 
creepers,  which  belong  to  Werki.  The  finest  thing  here  is  the 
terrasse.  In  the  garden,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  a  room 
has  been  built,  with  an  iron  balcony.  Under  a  large  lime-tree 
are  chairs  and  benches,  and  one  has  a  beautiful  view  of  the 
river.  A  white  Greek  church  can  be  seen  on  its  bank,  and  on 
the  hills  behind  the  wood  Wilna  lies  very  prettily.  It  looks  very 
near  —  in  fact  it  is  only  half-an-hour's  drive.  The  road  leads 
straight  from  the  river  between  fir-trees  to  the  mountain.  The 
whole  horizon  is  bounded  by  the  dark  wood.  Morning  is  the 
most  beautiful  time  on  the  terrasse.  The  sky  and  air  are  as 
clear  as  in  September.  I  have  not  seen  any  peasants,  as 
none  live  here.  The  houses  are  all  inhabited  by  artisans  who 
are  all  well-to-do.  Beggars  with  petitions  sometimes  come  into 
the  garden;  they  are  generally  from  distant  places,  and  bow 
themselves  almost  to  the  ground. 

June  28. 

I  am  sitting  in  a  summer-house  near  the  terrasse:  it  is  a 
circular  room  with  glass  doors  all  round.  On  the  side  where  I 
sit  I  can  see  only  pine-trees,  and  hear  the  wind  rustling  in  the 
wood  and  the  ravens  croaking.  There  are  so  many  here.  Except 
at  Schillingsfurst,  I  have  never  seen  any  place  where  there  are 
so  many  beautiful  walks  as  here;  every  day  after  lunch  Marie 
shows  me  a  new  one.  To-day  we  drove  some  way  over  a  wooded 
hill.  Then  we  alighted  and  followed  a  green,  sunny  path  between 
the  immense  pine-trees.  Every  moment  you  came  on  a  white 
chapel,  thickly  surrounded  by  trees.  Not  far  off  is  the  Calvary 
Hill,  where  the  Catholic  church  is  built.  We  climbed  up  to 
it  before  we  came  away.  From  there  we  could  see  the  white 
castle  with  its  tower  peeping  out  from  the  thick,  dark  wood 
like  a  fairy  palace;  round  it,  nothing  but  wood.  Wildness  and 
loveliness  are  united  here.  If  the  dark  woods  make  one  sad, 
the  blue  clear  water  of  the  river  refreshes,  and  the  pure  air 
braces  one.  The  air  to-day  felt  like  the  sea,  but  the  house  is 
gloomy,  close,  the  passages  dark  and  close,  the  rooms  high,  but 
most  of  them  narrow.  The  whole  house  is  cramped,  with  no 
side  wings.  A  tower  stands  at  one  end,  and  at  the  other  a  winter 
garden,  full  of  beautiful  palms  and  all  kinds  of  plants.  Both 


Chlodwig's  room  and  Marie's  bedroom  open  on  to  turret  stair- 
cases.    In  the  former  we  always  drink  tea  in  the  evening.     At 
two  o'clock  I  read  to  Marie  —  just  now  Say's  Political  Economy  — 
and  at  four  o'clock  we  dine  in  the  high,  bright-lit  Rittersaal. 

July  22. 

At  night,  when  I  have  put  out  the  light  after  I  have  been 
with  Chlodwig,  I  often  feel  very  happy  that  I  can  be  his  com- 
panion and  proud  that  he  shares  his  thoughts  with  me  —  and 
my  heart  is  full  of  love  for  him. 

July  24. 

This  evening  we  have  been  reading  Liebig's  Letters  on 
Chemistry,  at  least  the  doctor  reads  to  us  and  explains  to  us 
the  properties  of  oxygen,  carbon,  &c.  Chlodwig  sketches  mean- 
while, and  Marie  and  I  work.  I  stayed  with  Chlodwig  for  a 
quarter  of  an  hour  after  the  reading.  This  hour  and  my  solitary 
morning  hours  in  the  garden  are  the  happiest  in  the  day. 

September  5. 

Chlodwig  has  been  away  since  the  2nd  on  a  visit  to  another 
property,  where  he  will  get  some  shooting.  He  will  return  in  a 

October  8. 

Chlodwig  came  back  again  on  the  4th,  but,  unfortunately,  he 
only  shot  one  elk.  He  looks  very  well,  however,  after  his  time 
in  the  woods.  Since  his  return,  life  in  the  house  is  quite  different. 
The  days  are  much  fuller.  I  always  admire  Chlodwig  when  he 
takes  Elizabeth  *  on  his  knee,  and  draws  for  her.  It  is  a  beautiful 
picture  to  see  their  faces,  his  full  of  tenderness  bending  over  her 
curly  head,  while  she  strokes  his  cheek  with  her  little  hand. 
After  she  had  gone  to  bed  Chlodwig  began  to  read  aloud  to 
us  Ihr  nahtenchweider,  Schmanheude  Gestalten.  A  whole  world 
burst  upon  me  in  that  book.  After  tea,  the  doctor  came  again 
to  read  to  us.  He  has  been  explaining  the  structure  of  the  eye 
to  us,  illustrated  from  a  bull's-eye.  The  end  of  the  day  brought 
a  talk  with  Chlodwig,  which  would  have  been  comforting  if  I 
had  not  noticed  that  he  was  troubled  about  something.  That 
always  makes  me  unhappy.  One  morning  I  was  teaching  Eliza- 
beth her  alphabet;  she  is  always  so  inattentive,  but  I  try  not 
to  be  impatient,  and  go  over  the  same  letter  thirty  times,  as  if 
I  were  singing  a  melody.  It  was  successful,  for  she  suddenly 
began  to  take  it  in.  Chlodwig  looked  at  us  a  moment  kindly 
before  going  to  his  business,  and  said,  "That  is  a  good  system." 
It  was  quite  enough  to  make  me  happy  and  contented  for  the 

*  His  eldest  daughter,  born  November  30,  1847. 


Memorandum  to  the  PRINCE. 

July  3,  1853. 

The  present  activity  in  physical  science,  brought  about  by 
an  advance  in  knowledge  undreamed  of  by  former  generations, 
has  revealed  to  the  student  the  entire  impossibility  of  a  union 
between  faith  and  knowledge.  So,  the  school  of  natural  science 
declares  war  on  transcendentalism,  and  banishes  the  transcen- 
dental to  the  sphere  of  belief. 

Thus,  we  find  ourselves  in  a  dangerous  position. 

It  is  well  known  already  that  educated  men  are  either  devoid 
of  faith  or  accept  the  church  and  follow  her  ordinances  without 
real  conviction,  as  a  matter  of  form.  But  are  not  the  two  things 
identical?  Is  not  that  form  of  belief  which  follows  the  rules  of 
the  Church  without  inner  conviction  of  their  truth  merely  phara- 
saical?  I  know,  of  course,  that  many  thoughtful  men,  and  men 
of  real  feeling,  subscribe  to  this  form  of  religion.  But  will  such 
conventional  homage  to  the  Church  endure?  Will  not  the  effects 
of  this  knowledge  without  faith  spread  to  those  classes  of  society 
which  can  have  no  interest  in  subordinating  themselves  to  the 
Church  and  her  dogmas,  to  the  discipline  and  mortification 
which  she  imposes?  Will  not  a  total  collapse  be  the  end,  or 
rather  has  it  not  even  now  begun  to  spread  among  the  lower 
classes?  Most  people  are  still  living  in  the  pleasant  illusions  of 
transcendentalism,  and  the  discoveries  of  natural  science,  made  by 
the  modern  school,  at  present  only  affect  scientific  circles.  But 
will  this  last?  And  if  this  result  comes  about,  we  must  face  the 
bankruptcy  of  faith,  a  catastrophe  which  must  infallibly  lead  to 
the  collapse  of  the  whole  structure  of  modern  civilisation.  For 
all  that  it  would  be  childish  to  regret  the  discoveries  of  natural 
science.  They  are  for  a  wise  and  useful  end,  because  they 
have  their  place  in  the  development  of  mankind.  One  thing 
is  needful.  We  must  not  close  our  eyes  to  facts.  We  must 
not  weep  over  humanity,  nor  laugh;  we  must  strive  to  under- 

The  following  undated  note  appears  to  belong  to  about  the 
same  period:  "At  the  present  time  we  see  the  conviction  grow- 
ing more  and  more  that  knowledge  and  faith  must  be  completely 
separated.  In  consequence  of  the  spread  of  this  conviction, 
Protestantism,  so  far  as  it  has  attempted  a  reconciliation  be- 
tween Science  and  Dogma,  has  lost  ground.  The  educated  man, 
who  feels  the  necessity  of  church  and  religion,  drifts  without 
conviction  to  the  Catholic  Church  because  it  meets  the  demands 
his  reason  makes  for  a  coherent  dogma.  So  the  doubting  part 
of  mankind  will  get  nearer  and  nearer  to  Catholicism.  But  will 
the  establishment  of  something  that  will  endure  follow  this? 
Will  men  be  satisfied  with  a  form  of  dogma  which  they  accept 
from  necessity,  but  without  inward  conviction,  simply  because 


they  yearn  for  a  definite  form  of  faith?  I  do  not  believe  it; 
but  I  believe  that  mankind  will  create  for  itself  a  form  of  faith 
adapted  to  it,  and  become  religious  again." 

In  the  year  1853,  owing  to  a  difference  of  opinion  with 
his  father-in-law,  the  Prince  resigned  the  management  of  the 
Lithuanian  estates.  The  family  returned  to  Schillingsfurst  and 
took  up  their  residence  there  for  the  next  few  years.  The  life 
at  Schillingsfurst  was  interrupted  by  wintering  in  Munich  for 
parliamentary  business,  and  frequent  long  journeys.  The  Prince's 
work  in  the  Upper  House,  and  the  observations  which  his  travels 
enabled  him  to  make  on  European  politics  are  recorded  in  the 
following  notes. 

ROME,    1856-57 

The  Prince's  family,  during  the  winter  of  1856-57,  lived  in 
Rome,  where  his  brother,  Prince  Gustav  of  Hohenlohe,  was  at 
that  time  Papal  Chamberlain.  A  few  extracts  here  follow  from 
the  Prince's  diary  during  his  residence  in  Rome,  which  give 
interesting  information  on  the  conditions  and  personalities  of 
Roman  society. 

ROME,  December  2,  1856. 

I  am  growing  to  understand  better  the  separation  that  exists 
between  the  Jesuits  and  their  followers,  and  their  opponents 
among  the  clergy.  In  the  severance  of  the  clergy  from  lay 
society,  in  their  renunciation  of  all  that  makes  life  pleasant  for 
ordinary  men,  in  their  independence  of  the  existing  institutions 
on  which  our  present  social  hierarchy  is  framed,  the  former 
see  the  salvation  and  future  welfare  of  the  Church,  while  the 
other  party  claim  to  take  man  as  they  find  him,  make  allowance 
for  the  existing  class  differences,  and  count,  not  on  the  de- 
struction of  existing  social  conditions,  but  on  their  continuance. 
The  Jesuits,  on  the  one  hand,  are  preparing  for  the  collapse  of 
society.  On  the  other  their  opponents  don't  believe  in  it,  but 
intend  to  uphold  social  order  and  to  identify  themselves 
with  it. 

December  12. 

This  afternoon  we  took  various  walks  through  the  town;  in 
the  evening  several  priests  came  to  see  us  —  first  the  good  Abbe* 
de  Geslin;  then  clever  and  energetic  Pere  Etienne  Djunkowsky, 
Prefect  of  the  North,  who  talked  to  us  of  his  experiences  in  Lap- 
land. He  too  is  at  war  with  the  Jesuits.  I  hear  more  every 
day  of  fresh  intrigues  amongst  this  Order,  and  am  beginning  to 
lose  the  good  opinion  I  had  of  their  efficiency. 


December  17. 

I  went  later  to  see  Theiner,*  who  talked  to  me  of  his  work 
at  the  archives,  which  he  found  in  the  greatest  disorder.  He 
had  arranged  everything  with  German  exactitude,  and  intends 
to  make  himself  very  useful  to  the  Holy  See.  Up  till  now,  all 
the  archive  keepers  had  only  made  use  of  their  office  as  a  stepping- 
stone  for  their  own  advancement,  to  nunciatures,  &c.,  and  had 
left  the  archives  to  take  care  of  themselves.  .  .  . 

December  18. 

At  eleven  o'clock  a  Te  Deum  was  sung  for  the  King  of  Naplesf 
to  return  thanks  for  his  happy  escape.  We  were  invited  by  the 
Neapolitan  Charge  d' Affaires.  We  arrived  rather  late  and  went 
to  the  diplomatic  gallery,  which  was  erected  near  the  high  altar. 
The  whole  Corps  diplomatique  was  there,  including  several  ladies. 
Close  by  was  a  tribune  for  the  Roman  princes,  in  the  centre  a 
small,  high  one  for  Queen  Christina  of  Spain.  The  high  altar 
was  splendidly  lighted  with  immensely  long  candles,  and  the 
whole  ceremony,  with  the  assisting  Dominicans  in  white,  was 
most  impressive.  The  music  left  much  to  be  desired. 

ROME,  January  27,  1857. 

This  afternoon  I  went  to  see  Gustav  in  the  Vatican.  I  found 
a  Franciscan  with  him,  Father  Petrus,  a  Dane.  In  the  middle  of 
our  talk  the  Pope  was  announced ;  I  fled  to  the  inner  room,  the 
monk  into  the  chapel,  and  Gustav  went  to  meet  the  Holy  Father, 
who  came  in  with  Stella  and  Merode  and  established  himself  in 
the  salon.  I  soon  heard  my  name  mentioned,  and  the  Pope  asked 
that  I  should  come  in,  so  I  appeared,  stood  near  him,  and  assisted 
at  a  lively  conversation  on  different  subjects.  We  talked  of  the 
ceremony  at  San  Pasquale,  then  of  chapter-houses  and  canonesses, 
of  Neufchatel,  China,  Persia,  &c.  The  Pope  inspected  the  whole 
of  Gustav's  apartments  with  much  interest,  and  spoke  also  to  the 
Franciscan,  who  made  his  appearance,  and  was  very  bright  and 

February  i,  1851. 

This  morning  at  half-past  seven  Mass  was  said  in  the  Chapel 
of  the  Blessed  Sacrament  at  St.  Peter's,  at  which  the  Pope  ad- 
ministered communion.  We  made  haste,  to  be  there  in  time. 
It  was  a  clear,  bright  morning,  and  the  rising  sun  shone  magnifi- 
cently on  the  pillared  church.  The  Pope  said  Mass  in  a  remark- 
ably strong  voice.  Then  he  administered  communion  to  some 
ladies,  and  a  few  men  came  also.  I  did  not  present  myself, 
because  I  hope  to  make  my  communion  in  the  Pope's  private 
chapel,  which  will  be  far  better  than  in  this  crowd. 

*Augustin  Theiner  (1804-1874)  was  appointed  as  Prefect  of  the 
Vatican  archives  in  1855  through  Prince  Hohenlohe's  influence.  (See) 
Allgemeine  Deutsche  Biographic^  vol.  xxxvii.  p.  674. 

f  Ferdinand  II.,  on  whose  life  an  attempt  was  made  on  December  n. 


February  8. 

To-day  at  eleven  o'clock  I  went  to  the  Gesu  Church  to  hear 
an  Italian  sermon.  The  preacher  was  a  Jesuit,  very  clear  and 
choice  in  expression.  He  had  set  himself  the  task  of  refuting 
the  opinion  that  it  lowers  the  dignity  of  a  man  to  submit  his  reason 
to  the  Church. 

March  7. 

We  did  not  come  here  merely  as  sightseers,  but  principally  to 
make  a  position  for  ourselves  and  Gustav  in  society,  and  so  to  be 
of  some  use  to  him  and,  in  general,  to  those  who  have  been 
mediatised ;  so  the  first  few  days,  which  were  spent  in  apparently 
frivolous  amusement,  had  for  us  a  deeper  significance.  To-day 
we  have  been  busy  with  preparations  for  a  soiree  we  are  giving. 
It  was  only  an  experiment  on  our  part,  and  for  that  reason  we 
invited  none  of  the  really  important  Roman  people,  but  rather 
the  more  fashionable  part  of  society,  who  know  each  other 
well,  in  order  to  have  an  amusing  evening  to  serve  as  a  kind  of 
bait  for  future  occasions.  It  was  a  great  success,  and,  as  we 
had  the  Duchessa  Zagarolo,  the  Marchesa  Calabrini,  some 
Russian  ladies,  and  a  good  many  men,  there  was  much  brilliant 
conversation  which  has  given  our  salon  a  cachet  and  has  estab- 
lished our  position  in  society.  They  did  not  leave  till  one 
o'clock,  which  is  a  proof  of  the  success  of  the  evening. 

March  8. 

At  half-past  four  we  went  to  the  Church  of  St.  Ignatius,  where 
a  so-called  Jesuit  mission  is  established.  On  a  raised  dais  sat 
two  Jesuits,  carrying  on  an  argument.  One  of  them  represented 
Ignorance,  and  the  other  Learning,  and  they  were  disputing  on 
ethical  topics.  Their  subject  for  dispute  to-day  was  the  habit 
of  swearing.  While  the  dotto  explained  the  sin  of  imprecazioni, 
the  ignorante  on  his  part  saw  nothing  very  terrible  in  it.  The 
public  cheered  the  latter,  who  played  his  part  most  naturally. 
No  doubt  this  kind  of  discourse  makes  an  impression  on  people 
in  this  part  of  the  world. 

March  16. 

A  dinner-party.  King  Max  was  detained,  and  only  came  as 
the  other  guests  were  leaving.  After  he  had  gone  I  hastily  got 
into  my  uniform,  and  went  with  Marie  to  two  ricevementi.  Car- 
dinal Geissel  of  Cologne  and  Cardinal  Haulik  of  Agram,  who 
have  come  to  be  invested  with  their  hats,  held  their  receptions  or 
ricevementi.  Geissel  received  in  Cardinal  Reifach's  apartments  in 
the  Palazzo  Santa  Croce,  Haulik  in  the  Palazzo  di  Venezia.  The 
most  brilliant  ricevemento  was  Cardinal  Haulik's.  The  whole 
palace  was  ablaze  with  light.  Two  bands  played  waltzes,  &c., 
before  it  in  turn,  a  crowd  of  foreigners  and  natives  in  uniform 
filled  the  staircase,  and  the  salons  were  filled  to  overflowing. 


Countess  Colloredo  did  the  honours  for  the  Austrian  Cardinal, 
and  all  the  Roman  ladies  came  in  their  most  gorgeous  diamonds. 
After  a  long  wait  we  found  our  carriage  and  left  to  go  to  Salviati, 
where  we  found  all  our  friends  sat  assembled. 

Sunday,  March  22. 

At  half-past  four  I  went  to  San  Agostino,  where  I  expected 
to  hear  a  sermon.  As  I  entered  I  was  surprised  to  hear  the 
murmur  of  voices  talking.  But  as  I  approached  the  mystery 
was  explained.  The  church  was  full  of  groups  of  children; 
boys  with  priests  who  sat  and  catechised  them,  little  girls  being 
instructed  by  well-dressed  girls  of  the  bourgeois  class,  and  older 
girls  in  charge  of  an  aged  priest.  They  were  all  very  earnest 
and  serious,  rapt  attention  on  the  part  of  the  pupils,  while  the 
fervour  of  the  teachers  was  most  edifying.  Elder  people  sat 
near  and  listened.  This  instruction,  which  is  given  in  many 
churches  on  Sundays,  is  a  delightful  sign  of  the  religious  life  of 
the  people,  which  should  not  be  judged  by  certain  scenes  which 
may  be  witnessed  in  St.  Peters,  and  is  more  practised  here  than 
in  many  other  countries.  When  I  left  the  church  and  walked 
further,  chance  took  me  to  the  Church  of  San  Luigi  de'  Francesi, 
where  I  heard  a  sermon  by  Pere  Chevreaux,  very  able  and  full 
of  feeling,  on  the  difference  between  religion  and  philosophy. 
The  sermon  was  so  interesting  that  I  stayed  to  the  end.  It 
was  still  raining,  so  I  strayed  into  another  church,  San 
Apollinare,  which  was  empty;  then  to  the  Piazza  Capranica, 
to  the  Church  of  the  Orfanelli.  Here  were  many  people 
waiting  for  the  sermon.  On  a  little  platform  was  a  red  silk 
arm-chair  and  a  table,  and  after  some  time  a  priest  came, 
sat  down  in  the  chair,  and  began  a  sermon  —  or  rather,  a  lesson 
on  confession,  which  is  heard  all  the  week  at  five  o'clock.  The 
priest  spoke  clearly  and  simply,  in  a  remarkably  pleasant 
manner.  I  would  willingly  have  stayed  to  the  end,  but  as  it 
was  nearly  half -past  five  I  had  to  come  away. 

March  24. 

After  dinner  I  went  to  the  Vatican,  to  keep  Gustav  company 
in  the  Anticamera.  It  gives  me  fresh  pleasure  every  time  I 
go  up  the  old  Vatican  staircase  in  the  growing  darkness,  past 
the  Swiss  Guards  in  the  great  court  of  the  Loggie.  It  is  all  so 
quiet  and  solemn,  in  the  warm  spring  air,  with  the  starry  sky 
above  and  the  high  columns  and  galleries.  The  anteroom  was 
as  usual  hushed  and  empty.  Here  we  talked  while  the  Pope 
gave  an  audience  in  the  neighbouring  room. 

March  29. 

As  I  had  heard  that  there  was  to  be  a  good  preacher  at  the 
Church  of  Santa  Lucia  del  Gonfalone,  I  went  there  at  ten  o'clock. 
After  the  Gospel  (during  Mass)  a  priest  sat  down  in  an  arm-chair, 


before  the  altar,  and  began  in  a  simple,  clear,  and  logical  way  to 
speak  on  confession.  He  was  so  impressive  that  I  was  only  sorry 
there  were  so  few  people  to  hear  him.  There  were  barely  twenty 
or  thirty  in  the  congregation.  I  have  seldom  heard  anything  so 
perfect.  It  was  one  of  those  discourses  which  makes  an  irre- 
sistibly pleasant  appeal  to  the  heart  of  every  hearer.  Not  one 
learned  word,  no  rhetoric,  no  fine  phrases.  It  was  a  fresh 
proof  of  the  Roman  Church's  tender  care  for  souls. 

I  had  arranged  with  Gustav  that  I  should  go  to  see  him  at 
Frascati,  where  he  went  yesterday.  As  the  carriage  was  closed, 
and  the  day  beautifully  fine,  I  sat  on  the  box  by  the  coachman 
and  drove  to  Frascati  through  the  Campagna  which  looked 
lovely  in  the  morning  light.  At  the  Hotel  de  Londres  I  heard 
that  Gustav  had  gone  the  night  before  to  the  Camaldolites. 
I  breakfasted  at  once  and  ordered  a  horse,  to  follow  him 
there.  It  is  barely  three-quarters  of  an  hour  from  here, 
by  scattered  farmhouses  and  gardens.  At  every  step  the 
landscape  seems  to  widen  out.  Rome  soon  appears  in  the 
distance,  beyond  is  the  sea,  to  the  right  the  mountains  in  all 
their  morning  freshness,  below  is  the  green  hill  of  Tivoli.  I  soon 
reached  the  heights,  and  before  me  was  the  convent  of  the  Camal- 
dolites.  A  porter  in  a  white  habit  came  to  meet  me,  and  con- 
ducted me  to  the  Prior,  where  I  found  Gustav  and  another  of 
the  monks.  Only  the  Prior  and  this  monk  speak  and  show  them- 
selves; the  other  monks  live  like  hermits  in  their  little  houses, 
and  assemble  only  at  midnight  in  the  choir  to  sing.  We  sat  by  a 
fire  in  the  large  room,  as  it  was  pretty  cold.  The  warmth  of  the 
fire  attracted  a  scorpion,  which  glided  to  my  feet,  but  the  Prior 
seized  it  with  a  pair  of  tongs  and  threw  it  into  the  flames.  After 
a  little  conversation  they  offered  to  show  me  the  church  and  the 
convent,  which  offer  I  accepted  with  pleasure.  The  church  is  not 
particularly  interesting.  The  monastery  consists  of  rows  of  tiny 
houses,  where  each  monk  lives  alone.  He  has  a  room  containing 
a  bed  and  other  furniture,  and  a  tiny  study  and  chapel  adjoin- 
ing. They  also  showed  me  where  Gustav  stays  when  he  comes 
for  any  length  of  time:  a  pretty  little  house,  with  a  charming 
garden  and  a  view  of  Rome,  the  sea,  and  the  Campagna. 

After  I  had  seen  everything,  and  had  been  loaded  with 
roses  by  Father  Lorenzo,  Gustav  and  I  rode  back  to  Frascati, 
stopping  on  the  way  to  see  the  Villa  Falconieri,  which  belongs  to 
the  Cardinal,  last  of  the  Falconieri,  and  where  one  sees  an 
interesting  collection  of  family  portraits  painted  al  fresco.  At 
Frascati  we  got  into  Gustav's  carriage  and  drove  round  by  Marino, 
where  we  saw  the  cathedral  to  Castel  Gondolfo.  Here  we  climbed 
up  to  the  garden,  and  walked  through  the  shady  paths  to  the 
Papal  villa.  The  interior  is  exceedingly  comfortable  for  a 
Papal  palace.  I  was  much  interested  in  a  picture  by  a  Neapoli- 
tan painter  of  the  fall  the  Holy  Father  had  at  Sant'  Agnese, 
where  all  the  misfortunes  of  the  Popes  are  painted.  I  also 


saw  Gustav's  room,  with  its  beautiful  view  of  the  sea.  From 
here  we  went  down  to  Albano,  lunched  at  the  "Post,"  and  rode 
afterwards  through  Ariccia  to  Genzano,  where  we  strolled  in  the 
beautiful  Cesarini  Park.  Then  we  rode  back  to  Albano.  It  was 
then  half -past  five,  and  we  had  to  make  haste  to  get  home.  The 
Vatican  coachman  took  us  back  in  less  than  two  hours.  As  we 
passed  the  Coliseum  the  moon  was  so  bright  that  we  were  obliged 
to  stop  and  go  in.  It  was  wonderfully  calm  and  restful,  and  the 
ruin  solemn  and  impressive. 

Palm  Sunday,  April  5,  1857. 

At  nine  o'clock  we  went  to  St.  Peter's,  to  attend  the  solemn 
High  Mass.  There  was  an  immense  crowd  of  people,  but  the 
church  is  so  vast  that  the  twenty  or  thirty  thousand  persons 
who  were  there  did  not  nearly  fill  it.  For  the  first  time  we  took 
possession  of  our  tribune,  the  one  which  has  been  erected  for 
mediatised  princes  near  that  reserved  for  reigning  Sovereigns. 
We  were  quite  close  to  the  Pope  and  could  see  the  ceremonies, 
especially  the  distribution  of  palms,  very  comfortably.  In  the 
Royal  tribune  were  the  King  of  Bavaria,  Queen  Christina  of 
Spain,  the  Crown  Prince  and  Princess  of  Wiirtemberg,  and 
Prince  Karl  of  Prussia.  They  were  all  attended  by  brilliant 
suites.  As  the  question  of  precedence  was  not  decided,  I  had  to 
forego  the  right  of  receiving  a  palm  from  the  Holy  Father's  hands. 
The  Mass  lasted  till  half -past  one. 

I  was  summoned  at  half-past  eleven  to  an  audience  of  the 
Holy  Father,  and  made  my  appearance  punctually.  The  ante- 
rooms were  full  of  people  waiting  for  the  Pope,  in  view  of  his 
impending  departure.  Some  deputations  were  received  first, 
then  Cardinal  Roberti,  and  I  came  next  in  order.  The  Pope 
was  as  before  exceedingly  friendly  and  kind.  As  I  saw  that  he 
waited  for  me  to  speak,  I  began  at  once  saying  that  I  had  come 
to  ask  him  for  his  blessing  before  he  went  away,  to  thank  him  for 
his  goodness,  and  to  recommend  Gustav  specially  to  him.  He 
answered  very  kindly,  spoke  of  Gustav's  illness,  and  remarked 
that  "he  hadn't  my  constitution."  Then  he  spoke  of  the  audience 
which  he  had  given  Marie  and  Princess  Leoville  *;  of  other  things 
also,  and  then  dismissed  me.  I  kissed  his  hand,  and  he  remained 
standing  until  I  got  to  the  door.  He  was  particularly  cheerful 
and  kind  in  his  manner. 

May  4. 

As  the  Pope  had  decided  to  leave  to-day  for  Loretto,  I  went 
at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning  to  see  Gustav,  whom  I  found  on 
the  point  of  going  to  the  Holy  Father.  We  had,  therefore,  only 
a  moment  together,  and  then  separated.  I  went  home,  and 
called  for  Marie  to  go  to  St.  Peter's.  There  we  found  the  Pope 
already  saying  Mass  at  the  High  Altar.  We  stayed  to  hear  it, 

*  The  second  wife  of  the  Princess's  father,  nee  Bariatinsky. 


and  also  the  other  Mass  which  the  Pope  stays  to  hear  after 
saying  his  own,  and  then  saw  Gustav  for  a  moment  in  the  church, 
while  the  Pope  breakfasted  in  a  room  close  by,  which  has  an 
entrance  to  the  church  under  the  monument  of  the  Pope  Alexander 
VIII.  We  then  hurried  to  the  church  door,  to  see  him  as  he 
went  out.  Many  soldiers  were  drawn  up  in  the  Piazza..  Among 
them  we  saw  the  Pope's  travelling-carriage  and  the  post-horses 
standing  ready.  Shortly  after  8.30  the  Pope  left  the  Basilica 
with  his  suite.  As  he  passed  near,  and  Paur  told  him  that  we 
were  there,  he  kindly  came  up  to  us  and  gave  us  his  blessing. 
We  went  down  the  steps  with  the  suite  and  saw  him  into  his 
carriage.  Cardinal  Antonelli  kissed  his  hand  to  him.  He  gave 
his  blessing  to  the  crowd  from  his  carriage  and  then  drove  away 
through  the  Porta  Angelica.  Gustav  rode  in  the  second  carriage. 

The  diary  has  the  following  notes  on  the  Roman  society  of 
that  period : 

"In  speaking  of  Roman  society,  one  has  to  divide  it  into 
three  distinct  groups:  Roman  society  proper — i.e.,  the  Roman 
aristocracy  —  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  and  the  foreigners.  Roman 
aristocratic  society  is  one  of  the  best  in  the  world.  The  good 
breeding  which  is  a  peculiar  and  inborn  characteristic  of  the 
Roman  people,  this  fine  feeling  for  good  form  natural  to  all  the 
higher  classes,  is  specially  developed  in  the  aristocracy  and  gives 
to  society  a  polish  of  manners  and  behaviour  which  makes  a 
most  agreeable  impression  on  all  persons  of  taste.  There  is  a 
certain  stiffness  which  strikes  one  at  first,  but  disappears  on 
further  acquaintance,  and  there  remains  in  intimate  relations 
an  impression  of  exquisite  reserve  and  courtesy.  There  is  not 
much  education  among  the  higher  classes.  The  men,  with  few 
exceptions,  are  very  ignorant.  The  women  are  more  cultivated 
though  their  education  is  very  imperfect.  The  men  do  not  go 
to  public  schools,  or  try  in  any  way  to  acquire  knowledge.  When 
a  young  man  has  got  beyond  the  elementary  stages  and  knows 
a  little  French  his  education  is  at  an  end,  and  he  is  turned  out 
into  the  world  very  carefully  dressed.  A  few  go  on  to  study  at 
the  Universities.  They  have  no  prospect  of  making  a  career 
for  themselves,  so  they  have  no  incentive  to  complete  their 
education.  They  drive  about  the  streets  and  the  Pincio,  and 
flutter  from  one  party  to  another;  they  serve  their  time  in  the 
Guardia  nobile  if  their  rank  entitles  them;  they  marry  as  early 
as  possible  if  they  have  any  prospect  of  an  independent  position, 
and  enjoy  life.  For  the  most  part  they  are  harmless  creatures, 
the  more  accomplished  in  all  the  ways  of  their  world  as  that 
world  is  the  end  and  aim  of  their  existence,  careful  as  all 
Romans  are  to  avoid  the  difficulties  and  dangers  of  life,  and 
much  astonished  if  they  hear  that  there  are  people  who  have 
ample  means  and  yet  give  themselves  up  'to  drudge  and  slave 
and  die  in  their  travail.' 


"The  women  have  mostly  a  French  education,  but  a  few  of 
the  younger  ones  an  original  Italian  cultivation,  with  some 
acquaintance  with  their  own  authors,  and  an  interest  in  their 
own  country  and  its  history.  Their  knowledge  comes  little  to 
the  surface,  however,  as  they  fear  above  all  things  to  be  called 

"Their  morals  are,  on  the  whole,  good.  At  least  one  doesn't 
see  much  wrong  in  society.  Flirtation,  so  called,  is  tabooed. 
One  may  guess  that  certain  relations  exist  between  men  and 
women  one  meets  in  society,  but  there  is  very  little  to  be  seen. 
I  am  only  speaking  now  of  the  highest  classes,  i.e.,  the  Roman 
princes;  of  what  goes  on  in  the  mezzo  ceto  (middle-class  society) 
I  cannot  say.  The  nobles  of  the  second  rank,  who  are  admitted 
into  this  patrician  society  and  are  on  sufferance  there  are  not 
of  much  account,  and  all  kinds  of  scandalous  gossip  is  current 
about  them. 

"Family  life  amongst  the  Roman  aristocracy  is  still  quite 
patriarchal.  They  all  meet  together  for  prayers,  morning  and 
evening,  in  the  best  families.  Marriages  are  not  made  from 
inclination,  but  are  arranged  by  agreement  between  the  heads 
of  the  two  families,  et  les  jeunes  gens  ne  s'en  trouvent  pas  plus  mal. 
Extravagance  in  a  young  girl  in  the  best  families  is  impossible. 
When  a  marriage  is  arranged  all  the  details  of  daily  life  are  set 
down  in  the  contract,  so  that  the  young  couple  have  their  exist- 
ence mapped  out  for  them,  and  not  only  the  amount  of  the 
dowry  is  known,  but  also  the  amount  of  their  expenditure,  how 
often  they  may  go  to  the  theatre,  how  much  travelling  they  can 
afford,  how  many  servants,  horses,  and  carriages  they  can 
keep,  &c.  &c.  This  is  necessary  as  marriages  are  contracted 
very  early,  and  husbands  and  wives  are  mostly  of  the  same  age, 
and  equally  inexperienced. 

"Nor  are  these  peculiarities  confined  to  the  aristocracy. 
With  some  modifications  the  same  customs  are  found  among 
the  lower  classes  also,  and  these  last  think  it  perfectly  correct 
that  the  same  habits  should  prevail  amongst  the  aristocracy, 
only  on  a  different  scale.  The  Roman  aristocracy,  with  all 
their  faults,  have  a  greater  regard  and  respect  for  the  lower 
classes  than  we  have  in  Germany,  and  are  more  in  touch  with 
them.  The  envy  of  the  higher  classes  and  the  democratic 
revolutionary  spirit  which  with  us  extends  through  all  society 
exists  here  only  amongst  the  heads  of  the  revolutionary  societies, 
and  not  in  the  hearts  of  the  people." 


THE  YEAR   1859 

Early  in  the  year  1859  the  Prince  went  to  Berlin  to  make 
himself  personally  acquainted  with  the  trend  of  the  new  Prussian 
policy  and  with  its  leading  spirits.  The  following  notes  give 
some  of  his  impressions  : 

Political  Notes  made  in  Berlin,  1859. 

Formation  of  a  Ministry.  Prince  von  Hohenzollern  is  con- 
sidered to  be  able  to  supply  just  what  the  Prince  of  Prussia  fails 
in,  i.e.,  a  capacity  for  business  and  strength  of  character.  This 
will  counterbalance  the  influence  of  Herr  von  Auerswald,  whom 
people  regard  as  untrustworthy,  deceitful,  and  too  liberal  in  his 
views.  He  is  in  debt,  is  lazy,  and  not  respected  in  private  life. 
Herr  von  Patow  is  a  good  man  of  business,  who  understands  his 
work,  and  has  gained  the  confidence  of  the  Conservative  party. 
Bethmann-Hollweg  is  in  opposition  to  the  Extreme  Orthodox 
party,  without  being  a  Nationalist.  Herr  von  Bonin  has  not 
the  confidence  of  the  Army,  which  regards  him  as  too  Liberal. 
Herr  von  Voigts-Reetz  has  been  appointed  to  the  Ministry  of 
War,  to  pacify  the  Army.  The  indolence  of  the  Ministers  is  a 
great  hindrance  to  the  necessary  reorganisation  of  the  Army. 
Flottwell  is  too  old,  and  must  soon  resign.  Arnim  Boitzenburg 
will  only  come  in  on  the  understanding  that  Auerswald  resigns. 
The  Prince  Regent  is  opposed  to  this,  as  Auerswald  is  his  friend. 
Schlenitz  has  gained  the  confidence  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps. 

BERLIN,  February  17,  1859. 

The  Prussian  Cabinet  wishes  to  keep  the  peace,  as  it  has  no 
desire  to  begin  a  national  war,  which  would  end  (and  end  indeed 
happily)  in  arranging  terms  for  a  national  peace  —  that  is,  that 
through  a  war  the  nation  in  co-operating  would  have  a  right  to 
a  hope  whose  realisation  they  regard  as  very  inconvenient. 
They  are  taking  the  greatest  possible  trouble  to  weld  together 
the  concert  of  Europe,  which  has  gone  to  pieces,  but  they  have 
the  following  obstacles  to  overcome: 

(1)  The  untrustworthiness  of  Napoleon  III. 

(2)  The    political    incapacity,    incivility,    and    falsity   of   the 
Austrian  Cabinet. 

(3)  The  displeasure  of  John  Bull,  who  sees  his  trade  is  being 
injured  by  the  chicanery  at  Paris,  and  is  not  disinclined,  even 
if  it  costs  money,  to  make  a  clean  sweep  of  the  whole  uncom- 
fortable business. 

VOL.    I — G 


(4)  The  hatred  between  Austria  and  Russia,  who  might 
avenge  herself  for  the  attitude  of  Austria  at  the  time  of  the  war 
in  the  East  with  a  little  blood-letting  in  Italy. 

Thus  it  appears  that  for  the  moment  war  can  be  avoided, 
that  most  probably  it  will  be  postponed  for  a  time,  but  that 
it  will,  in  all  probability,  come  sooner  or  later.  The  Duke  of 
Coburg  is  here  and  is  working  for  reconciliation;  he  is  an  active 
man,  and  in  any  case  will  be  useful. 

February  26,  1859. 

Prussia  is  now  in  a  particularly  favourable  position.  Her  home 
policy  has  won  over  public  opinion  in  Prussia  and  all  Germany. 
Austria  is  in  a  dangerous  position,  as  the  middle-sized  and 
the  small  German  States  look  to  Prussia  as  their  natural  leader 
in  the  hour  of  need.  This  fact  is  very  well  known  here.  Prince 
Hohenzollern  troubles  himself  very  little  about  the  small  States, 
but  takes  his  own  way  quietly.  The  warlike  tone  of  speakers 
in  the  South  German  Chambers  is  disapproved  of  here. 

March  8. 

Meanwhile  Austria  has  succeeded  in  disposing  public  opinion 
in  the  South  German  countries  towards  war.  Prussia,  on  the 
other  hand,  has  somewhat  isolated  herself  by  presuming  on  her 
strength.  A  rapprochement  with  France  and  Russia  had  been 
making  itself  felt.  This  was  made  the  most  of  by  the  Prussian 
party,  which  is  hostile  to  Austria,  and  it  forced  the  Government 
into  the  dangerous  position  of  a  possible  alliance  with  France. 
The  news  of  peace  has  saved  Prussia  from  this  danger.  The 
Austrian  circular  of  February  22  is  regarded  as  a  threat,  and  there 
is  ill-feeling  about  it.  Owing  to  the  peace,  Prussia  is  in  a  position 
to  climb  down  again,  and  public  opinion,  which  began  to  turn 
against  her  in  these  last  days,  will  calm  down.  For  the  rest  it 
appears  that  people  still  see  traces  everywhere  of  ua  longing  for 
the  hegemony  of  Germany."  An  inclination  to  a  "  Gothic" 
policy  does  in  fact  exist,  and  may  not  impossibly  manifest  itself 
more  clearly  in  the  near  future.  The  position  of  the  middle- 
sized  and  small  States  will  be  very  difficult. 

March  14. 

A  really  Little  German  policy,  such  as  was  attempted  in  the 
year  1849,  does  not  appear  at  the  present  moment  to  be  aimed  at 
here  at  least.  All  things  are  narrowed  down  to  mistrust  of  Austria 
and  small  jealous  quarrels.  No  positive  policy  would  be  carried 
out.  The  Ministry  contains  no  statesmen.  This  was  obvious 
during  the  debates  in  the  Upper  House.  The  expression  of  a 
large  section  of  public  opinion  in  Prussia  may  be  found  in  a 
pamphlet  called  Prussia  and  the  Italian  Question*  Thoughtful 

*  By  Constantine  Rossler. 


men  grieve  over  the  irritability  of  this  Prussian  vanity,  and  that 
on  the  Austrian  side  they  do  not  go  to  work  more  cautiously, 
when  it  is  a  question  of  drawing  up  despatches  relating  to  German 
affairs,  and  it  is  much  to  be  wished  that  in  this  connection  some 
good  advice  might  be  given  from  Bavaria. 

March  22. 

The  rumour  of  a  European  war  is  spreading.  The  Ministry 
is  not  stable.  It  wants  a  strong  Minister  of  the  Interior,  and  an 
orator,  also  another  Minister  of  Commerce  is  very  necessary. 

March  27. 

I  was  surprised  to  see  myself  mentioned  in  an  article  in  the 
Allgemeine  Zeitung,  as  a  Bavarian  Minister  of  the  new  era,  the 
chief  of  the  Ministry  of  the  future.  Whether  the  King  of  Bavaria 
will  take  this  view  I  do  not  know.  .  .  . 

March  3. 

.  .  .  Further  news  from  Munich  gives  me  some  hope  that  the 
Ministerial  cup  will  pass  me  by. 

Notes  on  a  visit  to  England  in  June,  1859. 

The  occasion  of  this  visit  was  a  request  from  my  aunt,  Princess 
Feodora  von  Hohenlohe-Langenburg,  that  I  should  accompany 
her.  She  was  sent  for  on  account  of  the  illness  of  her  mother, 
the  widowed  Duchess  of  Kent.*  As  the  Prince  von  Langenburg 
was  ill,  and  her  sons  were  engaged  with  their  military  duties,  the 
Princess  was  naturally  anxious  to  find  another  relative  to  act  as 
travelling  companion,  and  her  request  gave  me  an  opportunity 
of  seeing  England  at  this  period.  I  hastened,  therefore,  to  comply 
with  my  aunt's  request,  arranged  by  letter  to  meet  her  at  Mayence, 
on  June  21,  and  set  off.  Marie  accompanied  me,  as  she  wished 
to  visit  her  parents  at  Sayn.  I  met  my  aunt  at  Mayence.  From 
Coblentz  I  travelled  alone  with  her  down  the  Rhine,  arrived  at 
Cologne  at  six  o'clock,  visited  the  Cathedral,  and  went  the  same 
evening  to  Aachen,  where  we  stayed  the  night;  the  next  morning 
being  Corpus  Christi,  I  went  first  to  church,  and  then  we  started 
for  Ostend,  where  we  arrived  at  six  in  the  evening.  At  the  rail- 
way station  we  were  received  by  Captain  Smithead,  who  com- 
manded the  boat  which  had  been  sent  over  for  us;  an  elderly, 
striking-looking  sailor  with  white  whiskers,  and  a  majestic  bearing. 
He  proposed  to  my  aunt  not  to  sail  until  early  the  next  morning, 
to  which  she  consented  very  willingly  as  she  was  glad  to  have  a 

*  The  Duke  of  Kent,  a  younger  brother  of  William  IV.,  had  married 
the  Princess  Victoria  of  Sachen-Saalfeld-Coburg.  She  had  been  first 
married  to  the  Prince  von  Leiningen.  Her  daughter  by  her  first  marriage 
was  Princess  Feodora,  who  had  married  on  February  18,  1828,  Prince 
Ernst  of  Hohenlohe-Langenburg,  the  brother  of  Prince  Chlodwig's 
mother.  She  was  thus  Queen  Victoria's  half-sister. 


chance  of  getting  a  rest.  I  spent  the  evening  in  a  walk  to 
the  harbour  and  the  various  promenades  of  Ostend,  which 
were  well  known  to  me,  but  now  still  and  deserted,  met  a  few 
acquaintances  and  went  to  bed. 

On  June  23  we  went  on  board  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
The  boat  was  a  new  and  very  fast  steamboat,  the  Frederick 
William.  It  was  a  clear  cool  day,. the  sea  almost  calm,  and  after 
four  hours  and  twenty  minutes  we  found  ourselves  close  to  the 
white  cliffs  of  the  English  coast,  passed  a  large  three-masted 
American  ship  which  was  slowly  beating  down  the  Channel,  and 
soon  steamed  into  Dover  Harbour. 

Here  a  large  crowd  had  assembled  on  the  quay,  attracted  by 
the  military  detachment,  who  were  there  in  honour  of  my  aunt. 
As  soon  as  the  boat  touched  the  quay,  the  harbour-master,  an 
officer  of  marines,  and  the  general  with  his  aide-de-camp  in  full- 
dress,  came  on  board  to  pay  their  respects  to  my  aunt.  After  a 
short  preparation  and  change  of  dress  we  left  the  boat,  my  aunt 
on  the  general's  arm,  I  behind  with  the  others,  and  walked  to 
the  station  through  the  crowd  and  the  lane  formed  by  the  troops 
of  the  Line  and  the  Militia  which  were  drawn  up  on  the  quay. 
Another  detachment  of  soldiers  was  here ;  close  to  the  train  stood 
a  company  of  the  famous  32nd  Infantry  Regiment,  celebrated 
for  its  deeds  at  Lucknow.  The  men  bore  few  traces  of  their 
Indian  campaign.  But  the  officers,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
much  bronzed  by  the  Indian  sun.  As  the  train  left  the  company 
presented  arms,  and  the  band  played  "God  save  the  Queen." 
The  train  bore  us  rapidly  away  towards  London,  through  the  green 
country,  past  cosy  villages  and  country  houses.  As  we  drew 
near,  we  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  imposing  Crystal  Palace  at 
Sydenham,  and  soon  we  entered  the  smoky  atmosphere  of  the 
town.  A  Royal  carriage  was  waiting  at  the  station  to  take  us 
to  Buckingham  Palace,  where  we  were  met  at  the  great  doorway 
by  Colonel  Biddulph,  the  Queen's  Master  of  the  Household.  The 
hall  we  now  entered  is,  like  the  whole  Palace,  in  modern  style, 
ornamented  with  Corinthian  columns,  and  the  floor  covered  with 
thick  carpets.  The  staff  who  received  us  consisted  of  the  so- 
called  Pages,  Gentlemen-in-waiting  in  blue  coats  and  black  silk 
stockings.  As  we  mounted  the  steps,  the  Queen  came  to  meet 
my  aunt,  and  greeted  her  in  the  most  friendly  way.  We  went 
with  her  into  a  small  room  adjoining,  where  a  few  words  were 
exchanged,  I  received  my  share  of  the  friendly  greetings,  and 
then  my  aunt  followed  the  Queen  to  her  rooms.  I  took  my 
leave,  to  go  to  the  hotel  in  which  it  had  been  arranged  that  I  was 
to  stay,  as  there  was  no  room  for  me  in  the  Palace.  The  Royal 
carriage  took  me  to  the  Brunswick  Hotel,  Jermyn  Street,  rather  a 
dingy  place,  but  on  account  of  its  proximity  fairly  convenient. 
I  found  a  suite  of  several  rooms  ready  for  me,  took  possession  of 
them,  and  then  went  out  for  a  walk.  I  had  not  time  to  see  any- 
thing seriously,  and  besides  was  rather  tired  after  my  journey,  so 


I  turned  my  steps  towards  Hyde  Park,  where,  as  it  happened, 
the  fashionable  parade  was  at  its  height.  No  people  is  so  much 
the  slave  of  its  manners  and  customs  as  the  English,  and  this  sheep- 
like  imitation  of  each  other  is  seen  at  its  best  in  Hyde  Park. 
Every  one  who  has  the  means  to  do  so  drives,  rides,  or  walks 
there,  and  moves  mechanically  up  and  down  in  the  comparatively 
small  space  for  a  couple  of  hours.  Here  is  seen  what  is  called 
fashion  in  carriages,  horses,  and  dress.  What  is  worn  and  dis- 
played here  is  the  fashion,  and  spreads  rapidly  all  over  England. 
This  summer,  for  instance,  violet  is  the  correct  colour  for  men  and 
women  in  neckties,  gloves,  &c.  &c.  It  has  an  extraordinary 
vogue  —  and  all  the  shops  are  full  of  violet  and  lilac  silk. 

There  was  no  lack  of  beautiful  horses,  although  the  hour 
(five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon)  is  not  the  time  for  the  fashionable 
world  to  ride.  This  takes  place  at  twelve  in  the  morning,  and 
in  the  afternoon  people  drive  or  walk.  I  could  not  stay  very 
long  as  the  crowd,  the  heat,  and  the  endless  coming  and  going 
made  me  quite  giddy. 

When  I  returned  it  was  time  to  put  on  my  Court  dress  —  black 
coat,  knee-breeches,  and  silk  stockings  —  and  go  to  dinner  at 
eight  o'clock  at  Buckingham  Palace.  Although  I  did  not  get 
there  till  eight,  I  found  I  was  much  too  early,  and  had  time  to 
look  round  the  apartments  where  the  Royal  Family  assemble. 
It  was  the  same  room  in  which  the  Queen  had  received  us  in  the 
morning;  there  was  a  crimson  and  gold  carpet,  and  Empire 
furniture  upholstered  with  the  same  colours;  a  marble  mantel- 
piece, and  a  large  table  in  the  centre  of  the  room.  Two  windows 
looked  on  to  the  garden ;  a  well-kept  little  park  with  wonderful 
trees  and  green  lawns,  and  looking  most  fresh  and  peaceful  in 
the  setting  sun.  While  I  was  enjoying  the  prospect,  Prince 
Ernst  Leiningen  came  in,  whom  I  had  not  seen  for  ten  years. 
He  is  in  the  British  Navy,  and  wore  a  great  many  medals,  which 
he  had  from  the  Crimean  War.  After  him  sidled  in  King  Leopold 
of  Belgium,  with  his  foxy  old  face,  and  with  him  his  second  son, 
the  Count  of  Flanders,  a  tall,  fair,  dull  youth.  Prince  Albert 
came  in  soon  afterwards,  and  greeted  me  in  his  usual  friendly  way. 
He  had  been  that  morning  to  the  Handel  Festival  at  the  Crystal 
Palace,  and  talked  enthusiastically  of  the  performance  by  four 
thousand  musicians  before  an  audience  of  twenty-five  thousand. 
As  we  were  talking  the  Queen  entered,  accompanied  by  her 
daughter,  Princess  Alice,  and  my  aunt,  and  we  all,  the  Queen 
leading  with  King  Leopold,  moved  into  the  large  reception- 
room.  On  the  way  we  were  joined  by  the  Queen's  ladies ;  among 
them  the  Duchess  of  Sutherland,  Mistress  of  the  Robes  (if  I  am 
not  mistaken),  and  the  Duchess  of  Atholl,  Lady-in-waiting.  In 
the  large  room  were  the  invited  guests,  and  we  went  in  to  dinner. 
The  Duchess  of  Atholl,  who  sat  next  Prince  Albert,  fell  to  me. 
On  my  other  side  was  a  lady  of  the  Court,  I  think  her  name  was 
Miss  Bulteel.  Both  of  them  were  quite  talkative,  though  I 


remember  nothing  very  distinctly  of  the  conversation,  which, 
being  in  English,  was,  on  my  part,  carried  on  with  some  difficulty, 
except  that  through  the  opportunity  of  a  remark  on  the  condi- 
tion of  things  in  Russia,  the  Duchess  of  Atholl  spoke  with  much 
interest  of  a  black  and  brown  beetle,  which  was  found  in  Russian 
houses,  but  whether  it  was  interest  in  ethnographical  or  in 
entomological  knowledge  that  led  her  to  choose  this  topic,  I  could 
not  judge.  During  dinner  I  noticed  Prince  Paul  Esterhazy,*  who 
had  just  arrived  from  Vienna.  He'  sat  near  the  Queen,  and  talked 
to  her  in  a  loud  voice.  He  was  telling  of  his  stay  in  Russia, 
and  I  observed  that  the  Queen  was  much  amused  with  his  recital. 
After  the  Queen  had  left  the  table  with  her  ladies,  I  saw  him 
talking  eagerly  to  King  Leopold,  and  I  could  hear  that  they  were 
speaking  of  the  latest  phase  of  the  policy  of  the  Austrian  Govern- 
ment. The  King  listened  to  him  for  the  most  part  very  attentively. 
I  then  went  to  sit  near  Prince  Albert,  and  the  conversation 
turned,  as  was  natural,  on  the  Austro-French  War.  He  spoke  of 
the  Emperor  of  Austria  and  his  policy  unfavourably,  and  main- 
tained that  the  Archduke  Ferdinand  Max  had  arrived  at  no  better 
results  in  Italy,  because  he  had  been  always  hindered  and  dis- 
tracted from  Vienna,  whatever  he  tried  to  do.  I  then  said  that 
all  this  was  new  to  me.  "  Generally,"  he  said  to  me,  "one  cannot 
augur  favourably  of  a  man  who  has  been  educated  by  the  Jesuits, 
as  they  recognise  only  the  evil  side  of  their  fellow  men,  think  that 
human  nature  is  incapable  of  noble  thoughts  and  feelings,  and 
always  presume  the  most  sinister  motives.  These  men,  and  the 
policy  inspired  by  them,  are  the  cause  of  the  present  troubles."  I 
answered  that  although  I  had  no  particular  leanings  towards  the 
Jesuits,  I  must  yet  observe  that  the  present  disturbances  were 
for  the  most  part  the  fault  of  the  revolutionary  secret  societies 
and  that  it  was  unfortunately  a  sign  of  the  decadence  of  human 
society  that  its  ablest  members  were  under  the  influence  of  these 
organisations.  Prince  Albert  disputed  this.  Secret  societies, 
he  said,  only  existed  when  misgovernment  called  them  into  being. 
They  made  reform  impossible,  and  would  do  away  altogether 
with  popular  freedom.  I  maintained  that  that  seemed  very 
unlikely  to  me.  In  the  South  American  Republics  there  were  as 
many  secret  societies  as  in  Italy.  Amongst  the  people  of  the 
Latin  races  the  party  which  had  no  share  in  the  Government 
would  always  form  in  the  Government  a  secret  society.  As  to 
the  theory  then  advanced  by  the  Prince  that  the  welfare  of  man- 
kind was  founded  on  Christianity  in  the  philosophical  sense 
(Bunsen),  I  replied  that  it  might  be  conceded  as  a  possibility  in 
the  German  nation,  but  the  Latin  races  were  emerging  from 
dogma  only  to  plunge  into  atheism,  and  this  would  end  in  the 
dissolution  of  social  order.  We  talked  on  these  subjects  until  the 

*  Prince  Paul  Anton  Esterhazy  (1786-1866),  who  from  1815  to  1842 
was  Austrian  Ambassador  in  London.  In  1856  he  had  been  sent  on  a 
special  Embassy  to  Moscow  for  the  coronation. 


Gcntleman-in-waiting  came  to  say  that  the  Queen  was  waiting 
for  us.  The  Prince  rose,  making  a  quotation  from  one  of  St. 
Paul's  Epistles.  In  his  whole  attitude  of  mind  there  is  some- 
thing distinctly  doctrinaire,  and  I  thought  how  unfortunate  it 
was  for  the  Prince  that  he  should  come  straight  from  a  German 
University  to  his  present  position,  after  a  course  of  superficial 
study,  without  having  had  the  corners  rubbed  off  by  contact  with 
the  practical  world.*  After  dinner  the  Court  assembled  in  the 
large  saloon,  a  long,  splendidly  decorated  hall,  adorned  with 
columns.  The  Queen  talked  to  the  company.  She  spoke  in  a 
very  sympathetic,  unaffected,  and  natural  way  to  me  (quite 
unlike  the  apathetic  chatter  of  Continental  Sovereigns)  and 
inquired  after  all  my  family,  showing  her  kindness  of  heart,  of 
which  I  had  heard  so  much.  After  she  had  held  her  circle,  the 
Queen  went  into  the  neighbouring  drawing-room,  where  she  sat 
on  a  sofa,  surrounded  by  her  ladies  and  a  few  men.  Some  music 
was  given  in  an  adjoining  room.  At  about  eleven  o'clock  she 
rose,  which  was  the  signal  for  a  general  departure. 

On  Saturday,  June  25,  I  called  on  the  Austrian  Minister, 
Count  Apponyi,  who  told  me  the  news  of  the  Austrian  defeat  at 
the  Mincio,f  which  he  had  just  heard  by  telegram  from  Paris. 
He  seemed  much  disheartened,  and  spoke  with  great  bitterness  of 
the  Prussian  policy,  which  Austria  had  to  thank  for  this  disaster. 
If  Austria  were  now  compelled  to  sign  a  dishonourable  peace, 
Napoleon  would  turn  against  Prussia  and  Germany,  and  then 
Austria  would  be  no  longer  in  a  position  to  help. 

On  this  day  there  was  a  levee,  i.e.,  a  great  Court  presentation. 
I  went  to  the  neighbourhood  of  St.  James's  Palace  to  see  the 
equipages  as  they  passed,  amongst  them,  those  of  the  Lord  Mayor 
of  London  and  his  suite  were  distinguished  by  their  peculiar 
magnificence.  I  spent  the  rest  of  the  day  in  shopping.  As 
the  Queen  was  not  giving  a  dinner-party,  I  was  not  invited  to 
the  Palace,  and  dined  with  Apponyi,  where  I  also  spent  the  even- 
ing, going  back  to  my  hotel  at  twelve  o'clock.  As  it  was  Saturday 
evening,  all  the  provision  shops  in  the  smaller  streets  were  open, 
so  that  people  could  buy  their  food  for  the  Sunday.  I  saw  many 
drunken  people  in  the  streets. 

On  Sunday,  June  26,  I  went  at  half-past  nine  to  the  church  at 
Farm  Street,  where  I  had  been  before  —  a  remarkably  neat  and 
homely  church.  At  one  o'clock  I  went  to  Waterloo  Station,  on 
my  way  to  Windsor.  At  the  station  were  countless  holiday  people 
going  out  of  town  for  the  day.  I  reached  Windsor  at  half-past 
two,  went  to  Frogmore  to  visit  Aunt  Feodora  and  the  Duchess  of 
Kent,  whom  I  found  convalescent,  and  then  walked  back  to  the 
station  by  the  terrace  of  the  Castle,  catching  the  six  o'clock  train 
to  London,  where  I  arrived  at  seven. 

*  Cf.   the   corresponding  opinions   of  Prince   Albert   in   Duke   Ernst's 
work,  Aus  meinem  Leben,  vol.  i.  p.  129. 
t  The  Battle  of  Solferino,  June  24. 


At  eight  o'clock  I  again  dined  at  Court,  where  I  met  the 
Prince  of  Wales,  who  had  just  returned  from  his  Continental 
travels.  He  talked  to  me  a  great  deal  about  Rome,  and  his 
sea-trip  to  Gibraltar  on  Victor's  ship.  He  is  a  very  well-bred 
young  man,  rather  in  awe  of  his  father.  It  is  a  pity  he  is  not 
taller  for  his  age. 

I  took  Lady  Herbert  in  to  dinner.  She  is  the  wife  of  the 
present  Secretary  for  War,  but  I  could  only  exchange  a  few 
words  with  her,  as  Princess  Alice,  the  Queen's  second  daughter, 
sat  on  my  other  hand  and  had  much  to  tell  me.  She  is  very 
well  informed  for  her  age,  is  quick  and  lively,  and  her  face,  in 
spite  of  her  long  nose  (which  she  herself  regards  as  a  calamity), 
is  very  pretty.  After  dinner  there  was  again  a  circle  and  the 
Queen  talked  to  me  for  a  long  time  on  the  latest  political  affairs, 
and  spoke  of  her  fear  that  only  half  measures  would  be  taken 
in  Berlin  —  a  fear  that  I  entirely  shared  with  her. 

Amongst  the  invited  guests  was  Lord  Aberdeen,  now  old  and 
very  frail;  also  a  man  with  a  thick  beard,  who  I  was  told  was 
the  Duke  of  Newcastle;  Lord  Carlisle,  the  Lord-Lieutenant  of 
Ireland,  an  affected  creature,  with  the  manners  of  an  old  ballet- 
master;  and  last,  Lord  Herbert  of  Lea,  a  very  vivacious  man 
who  gesticulated  a  great  deal.  As  we  separated,  I  took  leave 
of  the  Queen,  as  I  intended  to  take  my  departure  the  next  evening. 
Prince  Albert  asked  me  to  come  and  see  him  again  the  next  day. 

On  Monday,  the  27th,  I  had  some  business  to  do,  and  took 
the  opportunity  of  visiting  the  Tower  and  Lincoln's  Inn,  the 
large  building  where  the  court  of  Chancery  and  other  civil  courts 
are  held.  I  went  into  one  of  the  courts,  and  thought  the  proce- 
dure before  the  judges,  in  their  quaint  wigs,  was  conducted  in  a 
most  pleasant  and  agreeable  way.  It  was  a  pity  I  had  no  one 
with  me  who  could  point  out  the  different  persons  and  their 
functions  to  me. 

At  half-past  three  I  went  to  the  Palace  to  take  leave  of  Prince 
Albert.  He  was,  as  usual,  in  ordinary  morning  dress,  without 
uniform  or  Orders.  I  was  taken  into  his  library,  where  I  saw 
a  Vienna-made  glass  bookcase  filled  with  German  books,  copper- 
work,  &c.  He  showed  me  a  map  of  the  seat  of  war,  expressed 
disapproval  of  the  Austrian  plan  of  invasion,  and  maintained 
that  if  they  had  made  up  their  minds  to  an  invasion  they  should 
have  adopted  a  triangular  formation,  advancing  the  apex,  and 
gradually  opening  out  the  sides.  He  then  began  to  speak  of  the 
whole  Austrian  policy,  and  said  that  the  ultimatum  to  Sardinia 
had  been  sent  at  the  instigation  of  Grunne  and  Windischgratz, 
without  the  knowledge  of  Count  Buol.  This  seemed  to  me  very 
doubtful.  Then  he  inveighed  against  the  democratic  disorganisa* 
tion  of  the  Minister  Bach,  in  which  I  readily  agreed.  Finally, 
he  said  that  Austria  believed  when  the  war  began  that  Germany 
would  be  forced  to  strike  in  as  well1  a  revolution  had  been 
fomented  by  Austria  in  Munich.  Then  he  mentioned  the  rumour 


that  Napoleon  wanted  to  make  peace  proposals  direct  to  the 
Emperor  of  Austria,  and  concluded  by  bidding  me  farewell  and 
wishing  all  success  to  the  struggle  in  Germany.  He  did  not 
seem  to  believe,  however,  that  it  would  come  to  that.  The 
Prince  of  Wales  then  came  to  say  that  the  Queen  was  waiting 
in  her  carriage,  and  they  both  hurried  away.  I  strolled  through 
Regent's  Park  and  back  to  Piccadilly,  did  some  business,  saw 
Apponyi,  with  whom  I  dined,  and  went  with  him  and  Count 
Chotek  to  the  Olympic  Theatre,  where  some  amusing  pieces  were 
very  well  played.  When  we  left  the  theatre  it  was  raining  very 
heavily,  which  obliged  us  to  take  a  cab  home.  On  Thursday 
morning,  the  i8th,  I  went  to  see  an  old  acquaintance  whom  I 
had  not  met  for  nineteen  years  —  Mr.  Cauvin.  He  was  pleased 
to  refresh  his  youthful  memories  of  Gottingen  and  Corvey.  As 
he  is  a  literary  man,  and  understands  public  opinion  in  England, 
I  asked  him  about  the  English  Government,  the  state  of  feeling, 
&c.  I  asked  him  particularly  whether  people  feared  Napoleon 
would  turn  against  England  if  he  beat  Austria  and  Germany. 
He  replied  that  the  previous  winter  England  was  against  Napoleon, 
but  that  the  feeling  towards  him  had  now  changed,  for  two 
reasons:  first,  on  account  of  the  enthusiasm  of  Englishmen 
for  the  Emperor's  so-called  liberation  of  Italy,  which  enraptured 
the  British  Philistine;  and  secondly,  because  of  the  approbation 
which  always  follows  success.  Besides,  English  people  believed 
they  were  strong  enough  and  rich  enough  to  meet  Napoleon  if 
he  should  take  it  into  his  head  to  invade  them.  "We  have," 
he  said,  "no  system  in  our  politics;  we  live  from  hand  to  mouth." 
Cauvin  went  with  me  for  a  stroll,  and  left  me  at  five  o'clock,  when 
I  dined.  Afterwards  I  went  straight  to  the  station,  and  arrived  at 
Dover  at  eleven,  when  the  steamboat  left  immediately  for  Ostend. 

A  Royal  Dialogue* 

The  King.  My  dear  Prince,  I  think  you  wished  to  speak  with 
me  alone  ? 

/.  I  must  thank  your  Majesty  most  humbly  for  having 
consented  to  receive  me  alone.  The  more  so  as  I  have  no  special 
petition  to  present.  I  only  wished  to  have  an  opportunity  of 
offering  my  humble  services  to  your  Majesty.  I  have  long 
wished  for  the  opportunity  of  giving  your  Majesty  practical 
assurance  of  my  sincere  attachment.  After  the  death  of  Count 
Lerchenfeldf  the  thought  occurred  to  me  whether  it  would  be 
possible  to  enter  your  Majesty's  service.  If  your  Majesty  were 
graciously  pleased  to  employ  me,  I  am  conscious  that  so  far 

*The  transcript  of  this  conversation  with  King  Maximilian  II.  was 
made  for  the  Princess.  Hence  the  notes  here  and  there  in  French. 

t  Count  Max  Joseph  of  Lerchenfeld,  Bavarian  Minister  at  Vienna, 
who  died  November  3,  1859.  The  conversation  also  took  place  in 
November  1859. 


as  means  and  position  are  concerned,  I  should  be  in  a  position 
worthily  to  represent  the  Bavarian  name,  and  uphold  the  Bavarian 
flag  with  energy  and  determination. 

The  King.  These  sentiments  give  me  much  pleasure.  I  am 
all  the  more  pleased,  as  at  one  time  I  had  doubts  about  it.  (Ce 
n'etait  pas  tout  &  fait  cela,  c'etait  plus  poli,  mais  le  fond  etait  le 
meme.)  However,  we  have  all  been  young  once  upon  a  time, 
and  experience  changes  us  a  great  deal.  Forgive  me  for  speaking 
so  frankly. 

/.  Your  Majesty  is  no  doubt  speaking  of  my  Imperial  Mission. 
As  regards  that,  may  I  be  allowed  to  say  that  the  Archduke 
Johann  made  choice  of  me  on  that  occasion  with  the  special 
object  that  a  Bavarian  should  take  part  in  the  diplomacy  of 
the  Central  Government.  This  was  the  chief  reason  for  my 
nomination,  and  the  Archduke  also  wished  me  to  visit  Munich 
in  order  to  intimate  this  personally  to  your  Majesty.  I  was 
prevented  by  circumstances  from  doing  so.  I  also  believed, 
when  I  accepted  this  Mission,  the  Central  Authority  would  be 
acknowledged  by  all  the  Governments.  When  it  was  dissolved 
I  at  once  retired  from  public  life. 

The  King.  Yes,  yes  (very  graciously).  Those  times  were 
different.  Now  the  case  is  altered,  though  Bavaria  is  still  the 
third  German  Power.  And  I  do  not  wish  to  be  taken  in  tow 
by  either  Austria  or  Prussia. 

/.  That  prospect  has  gone  by;  it  is  an  exploded  idea.  A 
Central  Government  in  that  sense  is  now  impracticable.  Your 
Majesty  may  rely  on  the  unanimous  feeling  of  the  Bavarian 
people  which  has  once  for  all  declared  itself  against  a  Prussian 

The  King.  Very  true.  So  much  so  that  early  this  year  I 
gave  offence,  as  it  was  believed  I  had  shown  the  merest  shadow 
of  an  inclination  towards  Prussia.  It  was  not  the  case.  I  am 
interested  in  science,  and  may  perhaps  appoint  a  few  Prussian 
professors.  But  for  all  that,  I  know  how  to  preserve  the  inde- 
pendence of  my  country.  As  I  said,  I  am  much  pleased  with 
the  sentiments  you  have  expressed. 

(Id  je  craignais  qu'il  ne  se  contentat  de  ces  phrases,  et 
je  repris:) 

I.  When  I  ventured  to  come  here  with  this  request  to  your 
Majesty,  I  had  also  a  personal  reason.  If  your  Majesty  will 
allow  me,  I  will  speak  frankly.  (The  King  nodded  kindly.)  The 
immediate  impulse  and  personal  suggestion  came  from  a  letter 
from  my  mother-in-law,  which  alludes  to  the  desire  of  the  Prince 
and  Princess  of  Prussia  that  I  should  return  to  the  Prussian 
service.  (Id  je  lui  raconte  la  conversation  de  maman  avec  la 
Princesse  de  Prusse.  Je  parle  de  Hatzjeldt  et  de  Louis.)  I  am 
expecting  a  proposal  from  Berlin  which  will  place  me  in  a  diffi- 
culty. If  I  could  give  as  a  reason  for  refusal  a  wish  from  your 
Majesty  that  I  should  enter  your  Royal  service,  my  difficulty 


would  be  at  an  end.  And  it  would  carry  out  my  mother-in-law's 
wishes  equally  well. 

The  King.  Then  you  think  that  this  arrangement  would  be 
agreeable  to  the  Princess  also? 

/.  Yes.  For,  even  if  her  son  were  in  the  Prussian  Diplomatic 
Service  he  could  be  employed  at  the  place  where  I  had  the  honour 
to  represent  your  Majesty,  and,  in  that  way,  the  desired  object 
would  be  attained,  for  I  could  keep  an  eye  on  him  there. 

The  King.  Ah,  I  see.  Well,  I  will  think  the  matter  over,  and 
I  am  very  glad  that  you  have  spoken  to  me  of  your  views.  (Here 
followed  inquiries  after  mamma,  toi,  &c,  &c.) 

(As  I  went  out.)  I  will  give  what  you  have  said  mature 
consideration.  (Reverence  et  depart.) 

The  PRINCE  to  PRINCESS  ELISE  on  the  same  subject. 

SCHILLINGSFURST,  January  14,  1860. 

Our  plans  are  uncertain  still.  The  King  is  perplexed.  He 
may  send  for  me,  but  I  do  not  know  how  he  can  arrange  it,  as 
such  a  crowd  of  applicants  of  established  reputation  are  forth- 
coming for  diplomatic  appointments.  I  should  regret  if  another 
chance  of  permanent  employment  and  position  in  life  were  to 
pass  me  by.  The  older  one  grows,  the  more  necessary  becomes 
a  calling  in  life.  What  the  years  take  from  us  must  be  made  up 
by  the  discharge  of  our  duties.  I  am  not  made  to  spend  my  life 
in  merely  fulfilling  the  duties  of  my  social  position,  though  I 
recognise  in  these  duties  something  more  serious  and  important 
than  men  generally  see  in  them.  I  even  think  that  I  am  not 
equal  to  the  task,  and  that  personal  obstacles  stand  in  the  way 
which  I  am  unable  to  overcome.  The  aristocratic  life  is  either 
a  good  one  to  lead,  one  which  is  worthy  of  respect  and  will 
find  acknowledgement,  or  it  ends  in  frittering  away  one's 
energies  in  trivialities  like  the  distribution  of  gold  snuff-boxes  and 
Christmas  presents.  Any  number  of  people  are  better  at  that 
sort  of  thing  than  I. 

RUSSIA    AND    VIENNA,    1860-1861 

In  September  1860  the  Prince  started  on  a  journey  to 
the  Wittgenstein  estates  in  Russia,  and  arrived  at  Werki  on 
September  20.  The  following  is  from  the  diary  of  the  journey. 

"  On  the  22nd  we  were  invited  by  the  Governor-General 
Racimoff  to  dinner,  at  his  pretty  little  house  at  Swievinic  on 
the  Wilia.  We  were  invited  for  four  o'clock,  but  came  so  late 
that  dinner  was  not  till  half-past  five.  The  Governor-General 


is  a  little  man,  with  bushy  eyebrows  and  stiff  moustache.  He 
gives  himself  military  airs,  and  is  an  insignificant,  well-meaning 
person.  His  wife  was  once  a  beauty,  and  still  shows  some  traces 
of  it.  She  has  very  charming,  expressive  eyes,  and  is  the  life 
and  soul  of  the  house.  The  dinner  was  bad,  and  the  service 
inefficient.  According  to  Russian  ideas,  a  Prince  who  has  no 
official  post  has  no  rank,  so  when  dinner  was  announced  the  two 
Civil  Governors  pounced  upon  the  ladies  of  the  house  before  me, 
and  I  followed  with  our  host  and  Peter.1  I  sat  near  the  Governor- 
General,  who  talked  the  most  absurd  nonsense  about  high  politics 
all  through  dinner.  I  had  on  my  left  hand  a  young  girl  who 
talked  to  her  neighbour  (another  girl)  in  several  languages.  I 
didn't  see  why  I  should  interrupt  them.  After  dinner  we  went 
into  the  park  which  surrounds  the  house,  and  saw  two  fine  bison 
which  were  kept  there.  While  the  rest  of  the  company  stayed 
timidly  under  the  trees,  Peter  and  I  went  close  up  to  the  animals 
with  the  keeper,  and  had  a  fine  sight  of  these  curious  creatures 
three  paces  off.  They  were  quietly  eating  the  meat  which  was 
scattered  on  the  ground  and  which  is  their  chief  food,  and  took 
very  little  notice  of  us.  Now  and  then  they  have  been  known 
to  make  small  attacks  on  people.  The  park  looked  very  beautiful 
under  the  rising  moon  and  the  twilight.  The  quiet  river  flowed 
in  front  of  us,  beyond  were  the  dark  pine  woods,  and  quite  a 
little  waterfall  trickled  into  the  river.  We  soon  took  our  leave, 
as  it  was  seven  o'clock,  got  into  our  carriage,  and  drove  back 
to  Werki,  where  we  amused  ourselves  by  making  astronomical 
observations  through  a  telescope  till  Pastor  Lipinsky  came, 
with  whom  I  had  a  long  talk  on  the  latest  movement  in  the 
German  Protestant  Church.  He  knew  considerably  less  about 
the  subject  than  I  did,  and  I  felt  quite  brilliant.  Even  my 
encyclopaedic  knowledge,  however,  was  soon  exhausted.  After 
that  everybody  grew  sleepy. 

September  25,  1860. 

I  am  writing  in  a  tent,  which  gives  a  pleasant  shade,  while 
the  sun  is  very  hot  outside.  The  door  is  open;  I  can  see  the 
wood  in  front  of  me  and  hear  the  oaks  and  the  pines  rustling. 

On  the  23rd  we  drove  from  Werki  in  a  half-open  carriage, 
changed  horses  at  Wilna  and  several  other  stations,  and  came 
through  a  hideously  dreary  country  to  Lubez  at  half-past  eight 
in  the  evening.  Only  towards  the  end  of  the  journey  did  the 
aspect  of  the  country  become  less  repellent;  the  first  part  of 
the  way  lay  through  sand  and  pines.  Lubez  is  part  of  the  Witt- 
genstein property,  and  lies  near  the  Niemen.  The  castle  was 
once  of  grand  proportions  and  fortified,  but  it  has  all  been 
destroyed  by  fire  except  two  towers. 

On  the  24th  a  shooting-party  was  arranged.     We  saw  some 

*  Prince  Peter  of  Sayn -Wittgenstein  (1831-1887),  the  Princess's  brother. 


partridges,  moor-hens,  and  snipe,  but  not  till  almost  nightfall. 
The  day  was  clear  and  warm,  and  the  wide,  open  country  and 
green  banks  of  the  Niemen  looked  enchanting  under  the  setting 
sun.  We  set  out  in  the  carriage  at  half-past  eight  for  the  hunting 
camp.  It  was  a  beautiful  moonlight  night,  and  the  wide  desolate 
country,  with  its  low  undergrowth  from  which  wreaths  of  mist 
were  slowly  rising,  was  most  charming.  After  half  an  hour's 
drive  we  came  to  the  Niemen,  crossed  a  bridge  of  boats,  and 
arrived  at  a  village.  Here  we  found  that  the  large  carriage 
could  go  no  further,  and  a  one-horse  peasant's  cart  was  waiting 
for  us.  We  climbed  in  and  drove  into  the  woods.  Soon,  how- 
ever, even  the  cart  could  go  no  further,  and  we  proceeded  on 
foot  and  soon  reached  Koslowabor,  a  lonely  farmstead  near  which 
they  had  pitched  the  tent  and  where  the  flickering  firelight  was 
most  welcome.  We  made  our  preparations  for  the  next  day, 
loaded  our  guns,  prepared  our  cartridges,  and  went  to  sleep.  It 
was  the  first  time  I  had  slept  in  a  tent.  Outside  the  huntsmen 
talked  over  the  fire,  and  the  wind  rustled  among  the  trees.  The 
murmur  of  talking  gradually  ceased,  and  we  soon  fell  into  a 
pleasant  sleep,  which  was  disturbed  at  half-past  three  by  the  cry, 
"Time  to  get  up!"  We  were  soon  ready.  With  guns  on  our 
shoulders  and  long  sticks  in  our  hands,  we  went  through  the 
wood.  Two  huntsmen  accompanied  us.  They  wore  grey  coats, 
white  linen  breeches,  and  sandals.  They  are  the  best  men  for 
this  kind  of  work  that  I  know.  We  first  tried  to  entice  an  elk 
into  the  swamp.  One  of  the  strajniks  blew  on  a  horn  of  birch- 
bark  a  cry  exactly  resembling  the  stag's.  A  stag  answered,  not 
far  from  us,  but  kept  out  of  sight.  We  tried  the  same  thing  in 
other  places,  but  without  result.  We  were  rewarded,  however, 
by  the  walk  through  the  wood;  the  swamp,  which  is  more  than 
two  miles  square,  is  full  of  alders,  birches,  and  other  deciduous 
trees.  The  undergrowth  was  so  thick  and  so  beset  with  reeds 
and  all  kinds  of  matted  growths  that  it  was  almost  impossible 
to  get  through.  It  is  a  perfect  example  of  a  virgin  forest.  In 
the  deepest  places  bushes  and  trees  lay  in  the  water,  and  we 
had  to  climb  painfully  over  them.  Sometimes  a  convenient  tree 
served  as  a  bridge,  but  in  most  places  nothing  of  the  sort  was 
to  be  found,  and  there  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  wade  through 
the  mud  and  brackish  water.  It  was  one  continual  splashing 
and  jumping  from  one  piece  of  firm  ground  to  another,  a  constant 
winding  about  through  thick-set  bushes.  We  proceeded  like  this 
for  five  hours  —  blowing  constantly  on  the  horn.  At  last  we  gave  it 
up,  and  at  half-past  nine  returned  to  the  tent,  where  the  men  who 
had  stayed  behind  had  a  good  breakfast  waiting  for  us.  We 
dressed  either  in  the  tents  or  outside,  and  now  all  has  sunk  to  rest. 
In  the  evening,  after  a  meal  in  the  open  air,  we  retired  to  our 
drawing-room,  in  other  words,  we  lay  down  on  a  great  heap  of 
straw  beside  a  huge  fire  and  gazed  up  at  the  stars. 


Monday,  October  i. 

After  dinner  to  Count  Chreptowitsch  in  Sciorsz.  He  had 
fresh  newspapers  and  told  us  of  Lamoriciere's  defeat.*  His 
reception-rooms  are  large  and  in  the  Louis  XVI.  style.  I  was 
struck  by  a  portrait  of  his  grandfather,  the  Polish  Chancellor, 
remarkable  both  for  its  conception  and  the  man's  interesting 
face.  Our  rooms  are  furnished  in  English  style.  The  frogs  that 
hopped  about  the  hall  fortunately  did  not  come  inside. 

On  October  13,  the  Emperor  came  to  Wilna,  and  on  Sunday, 
the  i4th,  the  grand  parade  was  held.  Eight  cavalry  regiments 
and  a  few  infantry  regiments  were  on  the  great  parade-ground. 
There  was  also  some  artillery.  I  found  myself  by  chance  close 
to  the  Prince  Karl  von  Preussen  Regiment  just  as  the 
commander  saluted  his  troops.  Soon  afterwards  arrived  the 
Emperor  with  a  brilliant  staff  and  rode  down  the  lines  amid 
thundering  hurrahs.  Then  came  the  march  past.  When  it  was 
all  over  I  drove  back  to  Werki,  where,  in  the  meantime,  the  Princes 
Karl  and  Albrecht  of  Prussia  and  Friedrich  of  Hesse  had  an- 
nounced their  intended  visit.  They  appeared  not  long  after  with 
their  aides-de-camp,  looked  at  everything,  breakfasted  in  the  large 
salon  and  then  drove  back  to  Wilna.  Prince  Albrecht 's  aide-de- 
camp had  a  note-book  in  which  he  wrote  down  everything  his 
Prince  had  seen  —  stuffed  birds,  pictures,  &c.  —  so  that  his  Prince 
may  remember  it  all  later  on ! 

In  the  evening  there  was  a  ball  at  the  Governor's;  a  crowd 
of  uniforms,  elegant  toilettes  and  civilians  in  evening-dress. 
Among  old  friends  I  found  Leon-  Radziwill,  Graf  Alexander 
Adlerberg,  and  several  Prussian  officers.  On  the  Emperor's 
arrival  I  happened  to  be  standing  beside  an  old  Countess  Choiseul 
to  whom  his  Majesty  spoke  first,  and  thus  I  was  fortunate  enough 
to  receive  an  early  greeting  and  a  few  kindly  words  from  him 
which  brought  down  the  envy  of  all  the  "Reussen"  present  upon 
me.  The  grey-haired  lady  in  question  wore  a  kind  of  fillet  or 
bracelet  across  her  forehead  with  a  garnet  ornament  at  either 
end,  a  cluster  of  strung  pearls  hung  from  each  ear,  and  a  coiffure 
of  tulle  covered  the  back  of  her  head.  She  was  interesting  to 
me  owing  to  a  story  which  does  her  credit.  When  Napoleon 
was  in  Wilna  she  alone  of  all  the  ladies  wore  the  monogram  of 
the  Empress  Marie. 

"Qu'est-ce  que  c'est  que  cela?"  Napoleon  asked  her.  —  "C'est 
le  chiffre  de  S.  M.  VImperatrice  Marie"  —  "C'est  bien  de  le  porter 
en  face  de  I'ennemi!"  Napoleon  is  said  to  have  answered. 

On  the  1 5th,  some  military  practice  was  gone  through  on  the 
exercising-ground  near  Wilna.  The  infantry  exercise  was 
finished  by  the  time  I  arrived;  the  cavalry  only  was  still  on 
the  ground :  two  regiments  of  hussars,  two  of  uhlans,  and  two  of 
dragoons  —  together  about  six  thousand  horse.  They  began  by 

*  The  defeat  of  the  Papal  troops  at  Castelsidardo  on  September  18. 


each  riding  past  at  the  gallop,  shooting  pistols  and  waving  lances, 
and  then  came  manoeuvres.  It  was  extremely  funny  when  a 
battery  advanced  towards  the  spectators,  unlimbered  and  fired, 
whereupon  the  public,  consisting  of  Jews,  fell  in  a  heap  with 
screams  of  "Murder!"  A  great  change  of  front  of  all  the  regi- 
ments was  carried  out  with  great  precision.  The  military 
men  present  considered  that  this  cavalry  corps  manoeuvred 
admirably.  I  afterwards  drove  with  Peter  to  the  town,  where  we 
entered  our  names  in  the  visitors'  books  of  the  foreign  princes. 

At  two  o'clock  was  the  ceremonious  opening  of  a  tunnel  by  the 
Emperor.  The  persons  invited,  among  whom  were  many  ladies, 
assembled  at  the  railway  station,  where  a  temporary  wooden 
structure  in  the  Moorish  style  had  been  erected  to  receive  the 
guests.  The  Emperor,  his  suite,  and  a  number  of  ladies  seated 
themselves  in  an  open,  richly  decorated  railway-car.  I  went 
with  Peter,  Leon  Radziwill,  and  two  generals  hi  another. 
Arrived  at  our  destination  we  got  out  and  followed  the  Emperor 
on  foot  through  the  tunnel,  which  was  brightly  illuminated  with 
cressets.  The  clergy  accompanied  the  Emperor  to  the  middle  of 
the  tunnel,  where  he  placed  a  stone  in  position,  on  which  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Weimar  very  gracefully  struck  a  blow  or  two. 
After  that  we  went  at  the  double  to  the  other  end  of  the  tunnel 
and  back  again.  It  was  not  exactly  comfortable  in  there,  as 
we  were  bare-headed  and  water  dropped  frequently  from  above. 
The  return  journey  was  made  by  rail.  The  workmen  posted 
everywhere  along  the  route  greeted  the  Emperor  with  accla- 
mations. At  Wilna  the  hurrahs  of  the  Jews  were  most  peculiar, 
sounding  exactly  like  the  bleating  of  sheep.  It  is  not  surprising 
that  despite  their  demonstrations  of  loyalty  they  should  be  con- 
siderably cuffed  and  knocked  about  by  the  police,  for  a  more 
impudent  lot  than  these  Polish  Jews  I  have  never  seen,  thrusting 
themselves  in  everywhere  like  wild  beasts,  even  where  they  have 
no  business  whatever. 

Political  Notes  in  Vienna,  January  1861.* 

The  present  situation  in  Austria  is  one  of  watchful  expectancy. 
That  the  Diploma  of  October  20  f  satisfied  nobody  is  patent.  It 
deals  out  rights  without  imposing  obligations,  and  weakens  the 
Government  without  winning  over  public  opinion.  Hence  the 
prevailing  dissatisfaction  and  suspicion. 

The  split  in  Ministry  between  Rechberg  and  Schmerling  is 
typical  of  the  whole  situation.  While  the  party  to  which  Rech- 
berg belongs  goes  only  de  trts  mauvaise  grace  with  the  stream  of 

*  Prince  Hohenlohe's  youngest  brother,  Prince  Konstantine,  had 
married,  in  1859,  the  Princess  Marie  zu  Sayn-Wittgenstein.  After  that, 
Prince  Hohenlohe  and  his  wife  invariably  spent  some  time  each  winter  in 

t  A  statute  promising  special  regulations  for  the  separate  Crown  Lands. 


liberal  opinion,  Schmerling's  party  hopes,  now  that  these  liberal 
measures  are  once  granted,  to  force  on  a  constitutional  develop- 
ment of  the  whole  State  system.  When  I  visited  Schmerling  he 
began  at  once  by  saying  it  would,  no  doubt,  have  been  easier 
to  take  one  of  the  existing  constitutions,  say,  the  Belgian  or 
Bavarian,  and  model  an  Austrian  one  on  that,  but,  having  regard 
to  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  Austrian  Empire,  more  radical 
measures  would  have  to  be  adopted.  The  Hungarian  question 
was  not  the  only  obstacle.  As  to  this,  he  expressed  himself  to 
the  effect  that  a  revolution  would  occur,  but  that  they  would  be 
able  to  deal  with  it;  that  the  Old-Hungarian  party  had  never 
found  favour  in  Hungary;  that  the  constitutional  party  of  Deak 
was,  and  would  be  still  more  swamped  by  anarchy.  He  spoke 
with  the  utmost  scorn  of  the  attitude  of  the  Germans  in  Hungary. 
To  my  question  how  the  Cabinet  proposed  to  deal  with  the  many 
different  nationalities  to  be  represented,  and  whether  it  would 
not  entail  very  great  difficulties,  he  answered  hurriedly  that  his 
entrance  into  the  Cabinet  had  materially  changed  all  that.  Besides, 
by  degrees  they  would  arrive  at  being  one  undivided  representa- 
tive State.  The  affairs  of  the  various  Protestant  communities 
would  be  set  in  order  in  the  next  few  days.  The  Concordat 
itself  he  would  not  meddle  with,  as  this  was  best  left  to  the 
Reichsrath.  By  bettering  the  position  of  the  Protestants 
he  hoped  to  improve  relations  with  England.  It  appears  to 
me  that  Schmerling  reckons  upon  the  representative  system  to 
rid  him  of  such  colleagues  as  are  inconvenient  to  him.  Of  the 
danger  and  impolicy  underlying  these  manipulations,  which 
always  open  the  door  to  extortion,  he  is  probably  well 
aware;  yet  his  position  towards  the  Court,  the  reactionary 
members  of  the  nobility  and  the  Concordat  party  make  any 
other  way  impossible  to  him.  Through  fear  of  the  word 
"Constitution"  both  Emperor  and  Government  have  gradually 
let  more  be  extorted  from  them  than  the  more  liberal  constitu- 
tion could  ever  grant,  and  the  people  do  not  even  say  thank  you. 
They  hope  to  gain  time,  and  then,  when  things  are  smoothed  down, 
to  reintroduce  absolutism  with  a  firmer  hand  than  ever.  In  this 
underhand  dealing  lies  the  real  danger.  Preachers  of  religious 
absolutism,  stiff-necked  aristocratic  club-men,  courtiers  devoid 
of  all  political  understanding  —  these  are  the  Emperor's  real 
counsellors.  At  the  moment  they  are  all  lying  low,  but  the 
time  is  not  far  hence  when  either  they  will  be  crushed  under  the 
revolution  or  rise  triumphant  on  the  wave  of  general  reaction. 

January  21,  1861. 

To-day,  at  Fries 's,  I  found  Prince  Jablonowski.  After  dinner 
the  Imperial  manifesto  to  the  Hungarians.*  In  connection  with 
this  I  remarked  that  it  seemed  to  me  strange  to  speak  of 

*Of  January  16,  directed  against  the  revolutionary  agitation  in 


Hungarian  nationality  as  opposed  to  German,  seeing  that  the 
Hungarians  are  mainly  Germans.  Not  one  of  all  those  who  wear 
the  Hungarian  national  costume  speak  anything  but  Austrian- 
German.  Moreover,  I  took  that  opportunity  of  pointing  out  to  the 
company  the  danger  of  their  "  historico-political  Individualism." 
Jablonowski  said  he  did  not  recognise  any  Austrian  Empire, 
merely  an  Austrian  Emperor.  Had  he  been  in  a  position  to  do 
so  he  would  have  advised  the  Emperor  to  give  the  Reichsrath 
only  an  advisory  function  and  the  provincial  assemblies  the 
decisive  voice  in  the  Government.  Fries  declared  that  the 
Austrian  Monarchy  was  so  peculiarly  constituted  as  to  demand 
quite  particular  institutions.  To  which  I  observed  that  with 
their  methods  of  construction  the  Monarchy  would  fall  to  pieces ; 
I  was  before  all  things  a  German,  and  I  would  advise  the 
energetic  maintenance  of  the  unity  of  the  Empire  even  with  the 
aid  of  the  democratic  element.  Democracy  would  soon  settle 
the  question  of  the  various  nationalities.  Whereupon  violent 
protest  and  indignation. 

It  was  interesting  to  hear  the  opinions  of  the  Austrian  aristo- 
cratic party.  They  cling  to  the  Diploma  of  October  20,  and 
imagine  that  that  will  save  the  Monarchy.  A  hopeless  mistake 
which  the  Government  itself  is  aware  of,  as  the  manifesto  of  to- 
day clearly  proves.  Nevertheless,  as  the  luckless  Diploma  has 
been  issued,  and  every  national  passion  thereby  let  loose,  it  will 
be  hard  work  to  set  things  straight  again. 

The  nationalities  who  have  benefited  by  the  Diploma  will  not 
hear  of  an  Imperial  parliament  by  general  election.  I  fancy,  how- 
ever, that  the  Czechs  might  be  easily  won  over.  For  the  moment 
the  Hungarians  would  have  to  be  left  out  of  the  reckoning,  and 
the  Poles  would  probably  give  in  too.  It  seems  to  me  that  it  is 
not  the  people  of  the  various  non- German  countries,  but  rather 
the  aristocracy  (some  from  ambition,  some  from  narrow-minded- 
ness) and  the  doctrinaires  among  the  professors  who  hold  fast  to 
their  autonomy  and  the  Diploma. 

I  believe  that  Schmerling  is  of  my  opinion  and  will  calmly  go 
his  own  way. 

January  22,  1861. 

To-day  I  was  present  at  the  State  banquet  given  in  honour 
of  General  Werder,  who  had  brought  the  notification  of  the 
accession  of  King  Wilhelm  I.  to  the  throne.  The  Empress  being 
absent,  there  were  no  ladies  there.  All  the  notabilities  of  the 
Court  were  present  —  Prince  Liechtenstein,  the  High  Steward,  with 
his  white  moustache  just  like  an  old  tom-cat;  then  the  High 
Marshal  of  the  Court,  Count  Kuefstein,  an  ex-diplomat,  who  had 
much  to  tell  me  of  the  Vienna  Congress  as  I  sat  next  to  him; 
Count  Lanckoronski,  High  Chamberlain ;  Adjutant- General  Count 
Crenneville,  a  most  estimable,  pleasant  man  with  Napoleonic 
features.  Besides  these  there  were  Count  Grunne,  the  War 

VOL.   I  —  H 


Minister  Count  Degenfeld,  Count  Rechberg,  Lieutenant-Field- 
marshal  Count  Henrikstein,  the  staff  of  the  Prussian  Embassy 
and  Prussian  officers  attached  to  General  Werder's  suite. 

After  dinner  the  Emperor  held  a  circle.  He  conversed  with 
me  for  some  time  on  affairs  in  Naples,  praised  the  courage  of  the 
Queen,*  to  whom  it  was  chiefly  due  that  the  King  had  been  able 
to  hold  out  so  long,f  and  expressed  his  deep  indignation  at  the 
behaviour  of  the  Neapolitan  officers  by  whom  the  Queen  had  been 
betrayed  last  summer.  Considering  how  naturally  and  pleasantly 
the  Emperor  speaks,  I  could  not  help  regretting  that  he  makes  so 
little  use  of  this  gift  for  the  benefit  of  his  subjects.  He  finds  it 
impossible  to  court  popularity  by  adopting  a  more  condescending 
manner,  which  would  mean  so  much  to  an  unsophisticated 
people  like  the  Austrians. 

This  evening,  the  3oth,  the  Town  ball  took  place.  The  Court 
made  its  appearance  just  as  we  came  in.  It  was  received  in  dead 
silence.  One  noticed  an  intentional  indifference  on  the  part  of 
the  public  and  a  kind  of  annoyance.  The  Emperor  stayed  a 
long  time,  but  remained  in  the  gallery  talking  to  the  Burgo- 
master, instead  of  moving  about  the  room  and  speaking  to  the 
townspeople  as  King  Ludwig  and  King  Max  do  to  their  great 

February  4. 

To-day  Count  Rechberg  resigned  the  Presidency  of  the 
Cabinet  and  Archduke  Rainer  undertook  the  post.  Rechberg 
remains  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs.  Nobody  knows  exactly 
what  to  say  to  it.  For  an  Archduke  to  be  Cabinet  President  is 
rather  peculiar.  It  seems  to  me  that  it  is  their  way  of  trying 
to  make  Rechberg's  resignation  look  more  decent  —  d'avoir 
cede  le  pas  d  un  archiduc.  Schmerling  will  be  the  soul  of  the 
administration,  the  Archduke  will  lend  his  name  to  it. 

Old  Count  Hartig,  with  whom  I  had  a  long  conversation  at 
Bray's,  told  me  much  that  was  interesting.  He  declares  they 
have  let  themselves  be  taken  in  by  the  Hungarians  in  giving 
them  the  Diploma  of  October  20.  He  agrees  with  me  in  thinking 
the  Diploma  absurd,  and  considers  that  only  by  giving  more 
security  and  stability  to  the  laws  can  a  better  state  of  things  be 
brought  about.  This,  he  thinks,  will  be  the  case  now,  and  sets 
great  hopes  on  the  expected  alterations  in  administrative  affairs. 

*  Sister  of  the  Empress  of  Austria. 

t  Till  the  capitulation  of  Gaeta,  January  14. 



Emancipation  of  the  Jews. 

In  April  1861  the  Prince  laid  before  the  Reichsrath  a  report  on 
a  Bill  sent  up  by  the  Lower  Chamber  for  the  removal  of  certain 
restrictions  on  the  liberty  of  the  Jews  as  regards  change  of  domicile 
and  trading.  In  recommending  the  adoption  of  this  measure  the 
Prince  had  to  encounter  the  objection  raised  in  the  Upper  House 
that  with  the  increasing  equality  of  rights  granted  to  the  Jews, 
Bavaria  would  cease  to  be  a  specifically  Christian  State  and  would 
become  a  State  "based  nakedly  on  law."  "In  order  to  judge 
this  contention  fairly,"  says  the  report  of  April  25,  1861,  "we 
must  be  quite  clear  as  to  what  we  mean  when  we  speak  of  'a 
Christian  State'  and  'a  State  based  on  mere  law/ 

"According  to  the  conception  which  was  current  all  over 
Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages,  the  State  was  subordinate  to 
the  Church,  a  subordination  which  men  sought  to  explain  and 
justify  by  declaring  the  Church  to  be  the  founder  of  the  State. 
Religion  and  politics,  Church  and  State,  were  thus  continually 
intermingled.  The  State  was  the  servant  of  the  Church.  Not 
to  be  a  member  of  the  Catholic  Church  was  to  have  no  existence  as 
a  recognised  member  of  the  State,  and  who  so  stood  in  opposition 
to  the  teaching  or  constitution  of  the  Church  was  regarded,  eo 
ipso,  as  an  enemy  of  the  State.  This  was  pre-eminently  the  case 
with  the  Jews,  who,  less  because  they  were  aliens  in  Europe  than 
because  they  were  enemies  of  Christendom  and  of  the  Christian 
State,  were  regarded  as  creatures  absolutely  outside  the  law. 

"They  might  count  themselves  fortunate  if,  in  the  Roman 
Empire  of  the  German  Nation,  they  secured  forbearance  and 
protection  in  return  for  a  heavy  tax,  first  from  the  Emperor 
as  'Imperial  chattels,'  and  later  from  various  petty  Sovereigns 
to  whom  the  right  to  protect  the  Jews  (Judenshutzrecht)  was 
delegated  as  a  privilege.  Even  the  Reformation  did  little 
to  alter  this  conception  of  the  Christian  State.  It  no  doubt 
dissolved  the  old  relations  between  the  Catholic  Church 
and  the  State,  but  the  State  remained  none  the  less  'Christian/ 
if  by  that  we  understand  the  maintenance  of  an  exclusive  creed, 
even  in  matters  of  jurisdiction  against  the  unrecognised  sects 
of  religion. 

"  Not  till  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  did  a  fresh  concep- 
tion of  the  relations  between  Church  and  State,  and  consequently 
of  the  whole  nature  of  the  latter,  begin  to  gain  ground.  Church 
and  State  gradually  came  to  be  recognised  as  two  different, 
separate  and  independent  organisms,  each  with  its  own  peculiar 


mission  to  perform.  Thus  the  ideas  of  religious  liberty  and  of  the 
State  based  on  law  went  hand  in  hand.  With  the  triumph 
of  the  former  the  conception  of  the  'Christian  state,'  which  had 
hitherto  been  workable  enough,  became  untenable.  The  State 
could  no  longer  remain  doctrinally  exclusive  and  intolerant. 
It  must  of  necessity  become  Christian  in  another  sense,  that  is  to 
say,  just  and  tolerant  towards  every  class  of  its  subjects.  It 
must,  in  fact,  become  the  State  based  on  law,  or,  as  is  much  better, 
the  State  based  on  justice. 

"True,  an  opinion  and  an  apprehension  has  been  expressed  that 
the  modern  State  has  ceased  or  would  soon  cease  to  be  Christian ; 
and  reference  has  been  made  to  the  observation  which  is  fre- 
quently heard  that  'the  State  is  of  its  nature  atheistic,  and 
cannot  be  otherwise.'  I  fail  to  share  either  the  opinion  or  the 
apprehension.  A  sounder  theory  has  long  since  recognised  and 
rectified  this  misleading  idea,  and  it  is  understood  that  it  was 
founded  on  a  hasty  fallacious  judgment  which  has  overlooked 
the  fact  that  it  is  founded  on  an  impossible  presupposition. 
The  modern  State  can  only  be  Christian  if  it  has  ceased 
to  be  the  doctrinal  and  Feudal  State  of  the  Middle  Ages.  "It 
can  only  claim  to  be  Christian  because  all  the  relations  of  citizen 
and  family  life  are  permeated  with  the  spirit  of  Christianity; 
because  our  social,  political,  and  judicial  institutions  are  built  upon 
a  Christian  foundation;  because  our  whole  modern  system  of 
morals  is  Christian;  and,  finally,  because  the  moral  code,  to  give 
full  effect  to  which  is  the  constant  endeavour  of  the  State  founded 
on  law,  is  identical  with  the  Christian  code.  There  can  be  no 
question,  therefore,  as  to  whether  the  Christian  State  will  or 
will  not  continue  to  exist;  it  does  exist  and  will  exist  so  long  as 
Christianity  is  the  creed  of  the  great  majority  of  its  members. 

"The  modern  State,  however,  has  long  since  repudiated  the 
idea,  so  irreconcilable  with  a  truly  Christian  point  of  view,  that  any 
person  or  persons  can  be  outside  the  law,  and  has  extended  the 
conception  of  citizenship  on  which  our  present-day  political 
life  is  chiefly  founded  so  as  to  embrace  all  classes  of  its  subjects. 
It  must  be  admitted  by  every  one  that  the  State  has  done  this 
without  any  compromise  of  its  Christian  character.  If  there  was 
no  impediment  in  the  Christian  character  of  the  State  of  our 
days  to  the  grant  of  the  rights  of  citizenship  to  non- Christians, 
still  less  can  the  grant  of  these  privileges  to  the  Jews  be  met  with 
any  reasonable  opposition.  No  modern  State,  without  being 
false  to  the  whole  trend  of  its  historical  evolution,  can  refuse  to 
give  legal  and  political  equality  to  Jew  and  Christian  alike." 

The  Question  of  the  Hessian  Constitution,  May  1861. 

The  Hessian  Minister  Hassenpflug  had  in  the  autumn  of 
1851  obtained  of  the  then  newly  restored  Federal  Diet  for 
the  overthrow  of  the  Hessian  Constitution  of  January  5, 


1831.  After  the  inchoate  resistance  of  Prussia  at  Olmutz  had 
broken  down,  the  Diet  resolved,  on  March  27,  1852,  to 
suppress  the  Hessian  Constitution  of  '31  as  being  incon- 
sistent with  the  provisions  of  the  final  Act  of  the  Congress 
of  Vienna.  A  draft  of  a  new  Constitution  drawn  up  by  the 
Hessian  Government  in  concert  with  the  Federal  Commissioners 
was  to  be  immediately  promulgated  as  a  law,  together  with  the 
electoral  regulations  thereto  appertaining.  It  was  then  to 
be  presented  "for  ratification"  to  the  State,  which  was  to  be 
created  on  the  basis  of  these  regulations.  The  promulgation 
of  the  new  Constitution  took  place  on  April  13,  1852.  But  in 
spite  of  the  reckless  use  of  all  the  powers  of  coercion  which 
these  laws  gave  the  Government,  they  were  unsuccessful  in 
persuading  the  Chambers  elected  on  the  prescribed  franchise 
to  agree  to  ratify  it,  and  this  anarchic  situation  in  Hesse  lasted 
for  another  decade.  On  July  15,  1858,  the  Hessian  Government 
proposed  in  the  Diet  that  it  should  overlook  the  necessity  for 
ratification  by  the  State  of  Hesse,  and  should  guarantee 
the  prescribed  Constitution  of  1852.  On  July  26,  1859,  a  Com- 
mittee of  the  Diet  reported  in  favour  of  the  Hessian  suggestion, 
and  proposed  that  the  Diet  should  require  Hesse  to  accept  and 
ratify  the  draft  Constitution  of  1852.  Thus  there  came  to  be 
discussed  the  question  (almost  unheeded  amid  the  general 
depression  of  1852),  how  far  the  right  which  the  confederation 
claimed  by  its  resolution  of  March  27  of  that  year  was  a  danger 
to  all  German  Constitutions.  From  this  point  of  view  the 
Hessian  question  acquired  a  new  meaning,  which  its  lively  dis- 
cussion in  the  Press  soon  brought  within  the  sphere  of  action 
of  Governments  and  Parliaments.  In  November  1859  the 
Prussian  Government  entered  the  lists  on  behalf  of  the  violated 
rights  of  Hesse,  and  demanded  the  restoration  of  the  Constitu- 
tion of  1831,  with  the  exception  of  those  of  its  provisions 
which  were  contrary  to  Federal  law;  but  the  majority  of 
the  Diet,  following  the  lead  of  Austria,  remained  faithful  to 
the  reactionary  principles  of  1852.  In  his  Speech  from  the 
Throne  of  January  12,  1860,  the  Prince  Regent  reiterated 
with  great  decision  his  conviction  that  a  return  to  the  Con- 
stitution of  1831  was  the  only  way  to  restore  law  and  order  in 
Hesse.  On  March  17,  1860,  the  Prussian  Government  expressed 
the  same  conviction  in  an  exposition  of  their  previously 
recorded  dissent  from  the  decision  of  the  Diet.  Meanwhile 
the  Diet  decided  to  follow  the  recommendation  of  their  committee. 
Von  der  Pfordten,  the  Bavarian  representative  in  the  Diet, 
took  part  in  this  decision.  Prussia  protested  against  it, 
and  washed  her  hands  of  the  consequences.  The  Prussian 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  on  April  20,  expressed  its  approval  of 
the  protest  by  a  large  majority. 

In  Bavaria  the  Hessian  question  was  dealt  with  in  the  Chamber 
of    Deputies   in    March    1861.      On   the   motion   of    Dr.    Vb'lk 


the  House  resolved  "to  enter  a  solemn  protest  against 
the  Federal  resolution  of  March  27,  1852,  and  the  principles 
which  underlie  it,  and  which  are  contrary  to  the  law  of  the 
Bavarian  Constitution'7;  and  it  was  decided  to  petition  the 
King  to  direct  his  Ministers  "to  assist  as  far  as  in  them  lay 
in  restoration  of  a  properly  ordered  Constitutional  Government 
in  Hesse." 

The  first  of  these  resolutions  was  referred  to  the  Upper 
House  for  information,  the  second  for  discussion.  The  Reporter, 
Reichsrath  von  Bayer,  contested  the  competence  of  the  Bavarian 
Legislature  to  concern  itself  with  the  matter,  because  such 
competence  could  only  be  established  "if  documentary  warrant 
for  it  could  be  found  in  the  Constitution,"  and  because,  according 
to  the  general  principles  of  German  constitutional  law,  the 
decision  of  questions  of  external  politics  belonged  only  to  the 
supreme  head  of  the  State.  Against  this  Prince  Hohenlohe 

"(i)  That  a  solemn  protest  be  entered  against  the  Federal 
resolution  of  March  27,  1852,  and  its  underlying  principles  and 

"(2)  That  the  Government  be  requested  to  use  its  influence 
in  a  suitable  manner,  as  far  as  possible,  for  the  restoration  of 
a  properly  ordered  Constitutional  Government  in  Hesse." 

At  the  sitting  of  the  House  of  May  4,  1861,  he  sup- 
ported this  motion  in  the  following  speech : 

"The  reasons  which  have  led  the  representatives  of  the  people 
to  pass  their  resolution  on  the  Hessian  question  in  the  Lower 
House  are  known  to  you.  I  will  not  fatigue  you  with  a  recital 
of  details  of  the  constitutional  imbroglio  in  Hesse.  .  .  .  The  fact 
we  have  now  to  deal  with  is  the  intervention  which  took  place 
in  Hesse  in  1850.  I. am  far  from  reproaching  his  Majesty's 
Government  with  that.  Intervention  in  Hesse  was  a  link  in 
the  chain  of  the  policy  to  which  the  Bavarian  Government  was 
forced  owing  to  the  events  of  the  years  1848  and  1849  —  a 
policy  which  was  justified  by  the  refusal  of  the  German  peoples 
to  sacrifice  their  particularism,  their  independence  as  individuals, 
in  the  struggle  for  unity  in  1848. 

"The  consequence  of  their  refusal  was  the  collapse  of  that 
struggle,  and  the  Bavarian  Government  was  forced  to  fall 
back  on  the  Diet.  Intervention  was  the  keystone  of  the 
policy  to  which  it  was  forced,  partly  at  least,  by  the  decision 
of  the  people.  The  result  of  intervention  was  the  celebrated 
report  of  the  Federal  Commissioners,  and  the  resolution  of  March 
27,  1852,  which  was  founded  on  it.  This  resolution  suppressed 
the  Hessian  Constitution  of  1831,  and  required  the  Elector  to 
grant  a  new  Constitution,  and  lay  it  before  his  State. 

"This  Constitution  was  promulgated,  but  has  not  yet  met 
with  the  State's  acceptance.  It  is  quite  natural  that  on  the 
one  hand  the  Hessian  people  hold  fast  to  their  Constitution, 


and  refuse  to  recognise  the  law  as  laid  down  in  the  Federal 
resolution  of  1852,  and  that  on  the  other  hand,  the  Elector 
founds  himself  on  the  warranty  which  was  given  to  him  by  the 
authority  of  that  resolution.  That  is  the  essence  of  the  so-called 
Hessian  question. 

"I  do  not  need  to  weary  you  with  an  exposition  of  the  legal 
question.  On  that  point  you  are  already  sufficiently  well  in- 
formed. I  shall  therefore  only  refer  to  Article  56  of  the  Act  of  the 
Vienna  Convention,  which  is  particularly  relevant  to  the  matter 
in  hand.  It  is  there  stated  that: 

"'A  Parliamentary  Constitution  duly  fulfilling  its  functions 
can  only  be  altered  by  constitutional  means.' 

"This  Article  was  circumvented  by  the  resolution  of  1852. 
The  Diet  thought  itself  warranted  in  this  course  by  the  in- 
terpretation of  the  word  'constitutional,'  which  makes  it 
apply  not  to  the  Federal,  but  to  the  local  legislature.  I  need 
not  controvert  this  interpretation  at  length.  It  is  unwarrant- 
able, and  may  well  be  abandoned  in  the  near  future  by  the 
Diet  itself.  But,  as  we  are  confronted  with  a  Federal  resolution 
which  takes  no  heed  of  Article  56  of  the  Vienna  Convention,  it 
is  inferred  that  doubt  is  thereby  thrown  on  the  position  of  the 
Collective  Constitutions  of  the  several  States  of  Germany.  I 
share  this  view,  and,  moreover,  I  think  there  is  reason  for  speaking 
out  against  this  danger.  That  is  the  motive  which  led  me  to 
propose  my  motion,  which  consists  of  two  parts,  the  protest  and 
the  petition  to  his  Majesty  the  King.  The  Government  has, 
indeed,  in  the  Lower  House,  questioned  the  right  of  the 
Chambers  to  make  a  resolution  of  the  Diet  the  subject  of  dis- 
cussion and  decision.  It  is  objected,  on  the  other  hand,  that 
the  matter  is  quite  outside  the  competence  of  the  Chambers,  and 
my  honourable  friend  the  Reporter  has  just  renewed  the  argu- 
ment that  they  are  incompetent  to  deal  with  it.  This  would  be 
all  very  well  if  the  resolution  had  no  reference  whatever  to  the 
Bavarian  Constitution.  But  that  is  not  the  case.  On  the  contrary, 
his  Majesty's  Government  collaborated  in  the  composition  of 
this  resolution.  Furthermore,  they  have  accepted  the  principles 
which  underlie  it,  and  could  not  escape  the  consequences  even 
if  they  would.  For  the  Federal  resolution  is  a  binding  law,  I 
do  not  say  for  the  several  States,  but  for  their  Governments, 
who  by  the  Federal  Constitution  are  obliged  as  far  as  in  them 
lies  to  give  effect  to  such  a  resolution. 

"Now  suppose  a  majority  of  the  Federal  Assembly  went 
back  on  this  resolution,  or  passed  another  based  on  similar 
principles,  no  German  Government  would  be  in  a  position  to 
evade  the  finding  of  this  majority,  and  in  view  of  this  precedent 
which  you  seek  to  establish,  the  Bavarian  Government  would 
be  unable  to  oppose  such  a  resolution,  even  if  it  referred  to  the 
Bavarian  Constitution.  No  doubt  you  say  that  is  an  impossible 
situation,  for  our  circumstances  here  are  very  different  from 


the  circumstances  in  Hesse  which  provoked  the  resolution 
of  1852.  I  fully  share  the  hope  which  has  been  expressed  that  we 
may  never  find  ourselves  in  a  similar  situation;  but  here  we 
have  not  to  do  with  hopes  or  beliefs,  but  with  legal  questions 
and  legal  principles,  and  in  such  a  matter  we  cannot  be  too 
positive.  If  there  is  any  risk  or  danger  to  the  Bavarian  Constitu- 
tion arising  from  the  resolution,  it  must  follow  that  the  Chambers 
are  competent  to  make  the  resolution  the  subject  of  discussion, 
and  the  question  arises  what  means  must  be  used  to  meet  such 
danger.  Like  the  honourable  Reporter,  I  refer  to  sec.  25,  c.  vii., 
of  the  Constitution.  In  this  paragraph  is  given  the  form 
of  oath  in  which  the  States  swear  to  maintain  the  Constitution. 
In  this  oath  it  is  not  merely  provided  that  nothing  shall  be  done 
contrary  to  the  Constitution,  but  also  there  is  laid  down  the  duty 
and  the  right  to  see  to  it  that  the  Constitution  is  univer- 
sally respected.  In  the  case  of  a  positive  breach  of  the  Con- 
stitution the  course  of  the  States  is  clear.  They  are  to  have 
recourse  to  complaint  and  impeachment. 

"There  is  no  question  of  so  serious  a  breach  of  the  Constitution 
in  this  case.  We  have  to  deal  only  with  a  slight  infraction 
of  it,  for  as  such  must  be  regarded  the  risk  to  which  the  Con- 
stitution is  exposed,  and,  therefore,  in  any  case  a  protest  and  a 
petition  to  the  Crown  are  warranted. 

"It  has  been  asserted  that  this  motion  is  untimely,  and  that 
there  is  no  need  to  record  a  protest.  ...  I  fully  share  the 
confidence  which  is  felt  in  the  sincerity  of  the  Government's 
intentions,  and  those  of  Ministers  opposite  never  to  do  anything 
unconstitutional.  I  have,  however,  tried  to  show  that  in  this 
case  everything  does  not  turn  on  the  will  of  the  Government.  I  go 
further.  I  believe  that  the  will  of  the  Government  is  not  sufficient, 
and  that  it  must  be  supported  by  a  protest  from  both  sides 
of  the  House.  Besides,  reliance  on  the  good  intentions  of  the 
Government  will  only  be  confirmed  if  positive  documents  are 
available  to  prove  that  they  dissociate  themselves  from  the 
resolution,  and  the  principles  on  which  it  rests. 

"But  what  sort  of  explanation  has  his  Majesty's  Minister 
given  us? 

"I  have  read  his  speech  in  the  Chamber  of  Representatives, 
and  I  have  found  that  in  principle  he  fully  admits  the  right 
of  the  Federation  to  pass  the  resolution  of  1852  in  the  form 
and  manner  in  which  it  actually  was  passed.  His  Excellency 
observes : 

"I  believe,  gentlemen,  you  will  have  been  convinced  from 
this  account  that  nothing  arbitrary  has  been  done,  but  that  the 
Diet,  taking  its  stand  on  the  Federal  Constitution,  found  itself 
warranted  in  doing  what  it  did.' 

"You  will  hear  the  same  explanation  again  in  a  little  while 
from  the  Ministerial  table.  You  will  hear  that  the  Ministry 
adopts  the  standpoint  of  the  Federal  Government  in  this 


question,  and  is  committed  to  uphold  their  action  as  fully 

"I  therefore  consider  that  a  protest  is  necessary.  But  I  go 
further  and  propose  a  petition  to  the  Crown. 

"The  honourable  Reporter  has  directed  the  whole  weight 
of  his  argument  against  this  petition,  has  attacked  it  as  in- 
admissible, and  has  specially  endeavoured  to  found  his  view 
on  the  contention  that  this  petition  has  no  connection  with 
the  Bavarian  Constitution,  and  is  therefore  quite  outside  the 
proper  sphere  of  action  of  this  House.  .  .  . 

"As  to  this,  I  have  already  shown  that  the  maintenance  of 
the  Constitution  belongs  to  the  functions  of  the  Chambers. 
If,  then,  it  has  been  proved  that  there  is  a  connection  between 
the  Federal  resolution  and  its  motives  and  the  interests  of  our 
Constitution;  if  fears  for  our  Constitution  arise  therefrom,  then, 
by  sec.  19,  c.  vii.,  of  that  Constitution,  the  Chambers  have  the 
privilege  of  bringing  the  wishes  they  may  form  and  the  pro- 
posals they  may  adopt  to  the  notice  of  the  Crown.  .  .  . 

"It  has  been  said  that  this  is  no  time  to  bring  forward  such 
a  motion,  as  the  Federation  is  no  longer  in  a  position  to  pass  a 
resolution  on  this  subject.  I  will  only  now  refer  to  the  resolu- 
tion of  1860,  which  contains  a  requisition  to  the  Hessian  Govern- 
ment to  proceed  immediately  with  the  establishment  of  their 
Constitution,  and  to  forward  a  report  to  the  Diet.  In  any  case, 
then,  the  matter  will  again  come  under  Federal  discussion,  and 
his  Majesty's  Government  will  have  another  opportunity  of 
expressing  their  views  to  the  Confederation.  They  will  then 
be  able  to  reinforce  these  views  by  the  expressed  opinion  of 
the  Chambers. 

"I  must  now  hasten  to  conclude,  and  will  only  beg  leave 
to  make  an  observation  on  the  political  aspect  of  the  question. 

"It  is  true  that  the  Hessian  question  will  be  used  as  a  means 
to  political  agitation  and  commotion.  It  will  be  used  to  awake 
distrust  of  the  Government  by  the  people.  This  is  the  ugly  side 
of  the  Hessian  question,  but  this  cannot  be  placed  in  the  scale 
against  the  importance  of  deciding  the  legal  issue  before  us.  .  .  . 

"At  a  time  when,  as  a  speaker  in  the  Chamber  of  Representa- 
tives says,  revolution  has  inscribed  the  words  fait  accompli 
on  her  banner,  it  is  necessary  that  the  Conservative  forces  in 
political  life  should  inscribe  the  word  Law  on  their  banner,  and 
should  hold  that  banner  high.  I  urge  upon  you,  my  lords,  to  show 
that  you  are  a  truly  Conservative  assembly,  by  maintaining 
the  law's  independence  of  all  political  considerations,  and  I 
therefore  ask  you  to  vote  for  my  motion." 

On  a  division  the  Prince's  motion  was  thrown  out  by  29 
against  8  votes.  With  him  voted  Count  von  Giech,  Count 
Fugger-Hoheneck,  Count  zu  Pappenheim,  President  von  Harless, 
Freiherr  von  Franckenstein,  Count  von  Holstein,  and  Herr  von 


As  is  well  known,  the  Constitutional  question  in  Hesse  was 
settled  in  1862,  in  accordance  with  the  claim  of  right  advocated 
by  Prince  Hohenlohe.  On  March  8,  1862,  Austria  and  Prussia 
brought  forward  a  joint  motion  in  the  Diet  to  require  the 
Hessian  Government  to  take  the  necessary  steps  to  put  in  force 
again  the  Constitution  of  1831,  which  had  been  suppressed 
in  1852,  subject  to  changes  being  constitutionally  carried  which 
were  required  to  bring  it  into  harmony  with  Federal  law.  On 
May  24  the  Diet  adopted  the  Austro-Prussian  proposal. 
On  the  26th  came  the  fall  of  the  reactionary  Ministry  at  Cassel, 
and  on  June  22,  1862,  the  Hessian  Constitution  of  1831  was 

In  the  beginning  of  1861  the  Prince,  in  a  correspondence 
with  his  brother,  had  raised  the  question  whether  he  was  entitled 
to  a  seat  in  the  Prussian  Upper  House  as  owner  of  the  domain 
of  Treffurt,  and  so  invested  with  a  fief  of  the  younger  branch 
of  the  Ratibor-Corvey  family  by  an  entail  confirmed  by  Friedrich 
Wilhelm  IV.  It  appears  from  a  letter  from  the  Duke  of  Ratibor, 
dated  April  14,  1861,  that  the  King  had  expressed  his  readiness 
to  receive  an  immediate  application  from  the  Prince  as  to  his 
entry  into  the  Upper  House,  as  "he  would  regard  him  as  a 
valuable  acquisition  for  Crown  and  country  in  these  difficult 

After  the  Hessian  debate  in  the  Chamber  the  Prince  replied 
to  this  communication  in  the  following  terms: 

MUNICH,  May  14,  1861. 

With  reference  to  the  subject  above  mentioned,  I  will  tell 
you  frankly  that  I  find  myself  in  a  curious  difficulty.  Of  course 
I  want  to  be  admitted  to  the  Upper  House.  But  I  know  the 
circumstances  and  the  opinions  that  prevail  here  too  well  not 
to  foresee  that  any  step  directly  taken  by  me  in  that  direction 
will  be  taken  very  ill.  I  have  made  deadly  enemies  of  the 
Bavarian  Particularists,  of  the  Court,  even  of  the  King,  by  my 
speech  on  the  Hessian  question.  Now,  if  these  gentlemen 
hear  that  I  have  been  named  a  member  of  the  Upper  House 
"at  my  special  desire,"  they  will  draw  the  conclusion  that  I 
intend  to  give  up  my  position  here  entirely,  that,  therefore, 
I  wish  to  give  up  being  a  Bavarian,  and  that  I  don't  want  to 
have  anything  more  to  do  with  them.  This,  however,  is  not  so. 
I  think,  on  the  contrary,  that  the  two  positions  are  perfectly 
compatible.  The  following  reproach  will  also  be  cast  in  my 
teeth.  They  will  say,  "Oh,  yes,  now  we  understand  why  Prince 
Hohenlohe  took  such  a  strong  line  on  the  Hessian  question. 
We  always  said  that  it  was  and  they  alone  the  National  League 
party  who  brought  the  Hessian  question  on  the  tapis  in  Bavaria. 
Clearly  Prince  Hohenlohe  belongs  to  this  party,  as  he  has  solicited 
a  seat  in  the  Prussian  Upper  House,  and  he  will  sell  Bavaria 
to  Prussia,"  and  so  on,  in  the  same  silly  style. 



If,  then,  the  King  were  graciously  pleased,  without  my 
applying,  to  name  me  a  member  of  the  House  on  the  ground 
that  I  am  the  beneficiary  of  the  entail  confirmed  by  his  Majesty, 
King  Friedrich  Wilhelm  IV.,  I  should  be  most  grateful,  and 
I  could  represent  it  here  as  being  a  perfectly  natural  consequence 
of  my  owning  land  in  Prussia.  To  make  an  application  would 
be  very  difficult  for  me  at  this  moment. 






BADEN-BADEN,  July  17,  1861. 

"The  news  of  the  attempt  *  on  the  life  of  the  King  of  Prussia 
brought  me  to  Baden  to  pay  my  respects  to  his  Majesty.  I  met 
several  high  personages  on  the  way  bound  on  the  same  errand, 
some  as  emissaries  of  their  Sovereigns,  others  on  their  own 
account,  as,  for  instance,  Count  Adlerberg. 

"All  Baden  was  full  of  indignation  at  the  deed  and  of  joy  at 
the  King's  marvellous  escape.  They  say  the  pistol  was  fired  point- 
blank  at  him.  There  is  a  pretty  severe  contusion,  but  the  King  goes 
out  although  his  neck  is  still  somewhat  stiff,  as  I  noticed  when  he 
spoke  to  me  to-day  on  the  promenade. 

"  On  my  arrival  yesterday  I  called  on  the  equerries  on  duty  and 
heard  from  them  the  details  of  the  attempt,  which  are  of  course  in 
all  the  papers.  A  remarkable  congratulatory  address  was  sent 
to  the  King's  Aide-de-camp  from  Tharandt.  It  ran  somewhat  as 
follows :  '  The  Prussian  students  in  Tharandt  *  drink  with 
rejoicing  patriotism  to  the  happy  escape  of  the  King,  and 
perdition  to  the  assassin.' 

"I  called  to-day  on  von  Roggenbach,  the  Minister  for  Baden. 
We  soon  got  on  to  the  subject  of  German  politics.  He  expressed 
himself  to  the  following  effect :  There  were  no  grounds  whatever 
for  identifying  him  with  the  National  Union  or  reproaching  him 
with  trying  to  force  Prussia  into  a  Unionist  policy.  He  con- 
sidered the  National  Union  not  only  useless,  but  positively  harm- 
ful; it  represented  the  irregular  troops  in  the  campaign.  The 
really  important  thing  was  that  Prussia  should  know  definitely 
what  she  wanted.  If  they  felt  they  had  not  the  courage  to  put 
themselves  at  the  head  of  Germany  they  had  better  "leave  the 
cart  in  the  stable."  As,  however,  even  the  timid  people  must 

*  By  the  student  Becker  on  July  14,  1861. 
t  Reiben  einen  patriotischen  Salamander. 


admit  that  something  would  have  to  be  done  to  meet  the  de- 
mand for  greater  unity  —  as  it  was  in  the  interests  of  various 
ruling  houses  to  abandon  the  defence  of  positions  which  had 
become  untenable  —  it  was  necessary  to  have  a  clear  view  of  one's 
aim.  In  his  opinion  Prussia  should  pursue  neither  a  policy  of 
annexation  nor  of  union.  The  former  was  self-evident.  By  the 
latter  he  meant  a  policy  which  sought  to  apply  concentration  to 
spheres  where  it  was  unnecessary,  impracticable,  and,  as  regards 
the  maintenance  of  the  separate  States,  dangerous,  as,  for  instance, 
the  adoption  of  a  universal  legislature  or  the  like.  Above  all,  he 
considered  it  imperative  that  the  separate  German  States  should 
relinquish  what,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  they  do  not  possess,  namely, 
the  defence  of  Germany  and  the  representation  of  Germany  in 
other  countries.  Austria  must  go  her  own  way,  and  would  do  so 
as  soon  as  she  dropped  her  present  policy  of  propaganda  and 
turned  to  the  policy  of  securing  her  legitimate  interests.  She 
would  then  see  that  she  must  lighten  herself  of  her  ballast  of 
German  policy;  and  Austrian  influence  once  removed  from  the 
Middle  German  States,  they  would  be  much  more  likely  to  con- 
form to  Prussian  political  ideas. 

In  the  course  of  conversation  we  touched  upon  the  position  of 
the  German  upper  classes.  Roggenbach  said  he  rejoiced  to  see 
how  many  of  the  landed  nobility  had  abandoned  the  pitiable 
role  of  being  dragged  at  the  chariot  wheels  of  the  particularist 
Junker  policy.  This  they  must  do  in  self-preservation.  Their 
order  spread  all  over  Germany ;  their  politics  therefore  should  be 
German  too.  They  were  the  class  on  which  a  German  Constitu- 
tion might  found  itself  and  so  forth.  In  much  of  all  this 
Roggenbach  was  of  course  "suiting  his  company,"  but  there  is 
a  kernel  of  truth  in  what  he  said.  He  advised  a  general  union 
of  German  landed  proprietors.  I  told  him  of  the  experiments 
on  these  lines  of  the  attendant  difficulties. 

The  King  received  me  with  his  wonted  kindness,  thanked 
me  for  my  sympathy  and  for  having  come  so  soon.  I  apologised 
for  having  added  even  one  more  to  the  number  of  audiences.  He 
was  still  unwell  and  fatigued  and  sat  in  an  arm-chair,  I  opposite 
at  the  writing-table.  He  spoke  first  of  Berlin,  of  the  Upper 
House,  of  the  Reichsrath  in  Munich,  &c.  Presently  he  said: 
"You  remember  when  I  saw  you  here  last  year  how  all  the 
German  States  were  on  good  terms  with  Prussia;*  they  had 
confidence  in  me.  That  is  all  changed  now,  there  is  much  distrust 
and  dissension  of  every  kind.  We  then  touched  on  the  Hessian 
question,  which  he  handled  with  thorough  knowledge.  Here 
Austria  and  Bavaria  were  the  most  difficult  to  deal  with.  He  did 
not  deny  that  the  change  of  government  in  Prussia  since  the  over- 
throw of  the  Hessian  Constitution  had  made  it  easier  for  him  to 
turn  back  than  for  Austria,  where  there  had  been  no  change  either 
of  Sovereign  or  Ministers.  However,  there  was  now  no  other  way 
*  The  Congress  at  Baden  in  June  1860. 



but  to  turn  back.     Finally  he  thanked  me  once  more  and  I  took 
my  leave. 

Memorandum  of  the  year  1862. 

Among  German  statesmen  and  politicians  there  are  many 
who  declare  the  dissatisfaction  which  has  recently  seized  upon 
the  people  to  be  wholly  groundless.  In  their  opinion  the  political 
condition  of  Germany,  though  it  no  doubt  leaves  much  to  be 
desired,  is,  on  the  whole,  satisfactory,  and  only  deliberate  ill-will 
could  blind  any  one  to  the  advantages  offered  by  the  existing 
federal  constitution.  These  gentlemen  compare  the  Germany 
of  to-day  with  Germany  as  rearranged  by  the  Imperial  Commis- 
sion of  1803,*  and  consider  the  federative  organisation  of  the 
German  Confederation  as  it  emerged  from  the  laborious  negotia- 
tions of  the  Congress  of  Vienna  infinitely  preferable  to  the  dis- 
organisation of  the  old  Empire.  In  this  they  are  no  doubt  right, 
for  the  worst  defects  of  our  present  military  organisation  are 
perfection  compared  with  the  old  system  of  district  contingents, 
&c.,  in  the  days  of  the  German  Empire.  The  most  regrettable 
resolutions  of  the  Diet  of  the  Confederation  are  miracles  of  wisdom 
compared  to  the  deliberations  of  the  Diet  of  Regensberg  and  our 
present  division  of  States  looks  imposing  when  placed  side  by 
side  with  the  patchwork  map  of  the  German  Empire  at  the  time 
of  the  Peace  of  Luneville. 

If,  nevertheless,  the  commendable  points  of  our  Federal  Con- 
stitution are  not  appreciated,  and  the  desire  for  its  reform  finds 
determined  expression  on  all  sides,  the  reason  will  be  found  to  lie 
mainly  in  one  cause  —  among  many  —  which  has  perhaps  not 
received  sufficient  attention.  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  in 
no  part  of  Germany  does  the  idea  of  German  unity  enjoy  greater 
popularity  than  in  the  South- Western  States. 

While  Austria  and  Prussia  treat  the  question  of  an  improve- 
ment in  the  Federal  Constitution  either  as  an  unimportant  detail 
or  use  it  as  means  of  increasing  their  influence  in  Germany,  or  for 
their  own  aggrandisement,  in  South-Western  Germany  it  is 
regarded  as  a  matter  of  life  and  death  and  is  the  unceasing  object 
of  anxious  thought  to  politicians  and  eager  excitement  to  the 

No  one  in  his  senses  will  attribute  this  movement  to  revo- 
lutionary agitators.  Movements  of  this  kind  cannot  be  artificially 
produced,  their  roots  lie  deep.  We  believe  that  the  true  cause 
lies  in  the  fact  —  more  or  less  consciously  recognised  —  that  the 
greater  portion  of  the  German  nation  has  no  voice  in  deter- 

*The  Reichsdeputationshauptschluss  of  February  25,  1803,  embodied 
the  decisions  arrived  at  by  a  commission  appointed  by  the  Reichstag  of 
the  old  Empire.  It  provided  (inter  alia)  for  the  secularisation  of  all  the 
ecclesiastical  principalities,  &c.,  mediatised  most  of  the  Imperial  free 
cities,  and  effected  a  considerable  rearrangement  of  the  territories  of  the 
smaller  states. 


mining  its  destinies,  these  destinies  in  relation  to  the  out- 
side world  being  settled  by  Austria  and  Prussia  alone,  to  the 
exclusion  of  the  other  sixteen  millions  of  Germans.  This  sense  of 
exclusion  weighs  more  heavily  and  is  more  bitter  because  South- 
West  Germany  is  the  true  source  of  the  race,  where  the  strain 
is  purest,  whereas  in  Austria  and  Prussia  the  Teutonic  element  is 
largely  mingled  with  the  Slav.  Here,  too,  in  the  South  West, 
lies  the  cradle  of  our  greatest  ruling  Houses;  from  this  part 
of  Germany  more  particularly  came  the  men  who  have  exercised 
the  greatest  influence  over  the  intellectual  development  of  the 
nation;  even  to  the  present  day  the  most  prominent  statesmen 
in  Austria  and  Prussia  were  of  South  German  origin.  This  bitter- 
ness is  naturally  intensified  the  more  the  people  of  these  parts 
become  conscious  of  their  intellectual  and  material  superiority,  and 
yet  find  their  political  activity  restricted  to  more  or  less  local 

It  is  incontestable  that,  for  the  political  education  and 
invigoration  of  a  people,  they  must  have  a  share  in  these  human 
interests  which  are  called  high  politics.  It  is  certain  that  in 
petty  and  narrow  circumstances  the  individual  citizen's  horizon 
is  restricted,  and  his  energy,  soundness  of  judgment  and  strength 
of  character  collapse  and  give  place  to  a  bourgeois  sentimental- 
ity and  an  unwholesome  spirit  of  cosmopolitanism.  It  cannot 
therefore  be  denied  that  the  cry  for  German  unity  which  now 
goes  up  from  the  German  States  of  the  middle  and  lesser  ranks, 
is  even  as  the  struggle  of  a  sick  man  to  obtain  the  longed-for 
remedy  which  he  knows  will  cure  his  disease,  and  which  alone 
can  save  his  life. 

There  are  social  philosophers  who  will  say  in  reply,  the  Germans 
are  a  Kulturvolk,  whose  mission  is  rather  to  guide  the  intellec- 
tual development  and  solve  the  great  questions  of  humanity 
than  to  descend  into  the  arena  of  political  strife.  We  can  only 
hope  that  those  who  find  comfort  in  this  thought  are  endowed 
with  the  resignation  of  the  Jews,  for  the  Jews,  too,  were  a 
Kulturvolk.  But  we  refuse  to  believe  that  the  German  nation 
has  sunk  so  low  as  to  find  consolation  for  its  political  impo- 
tence in  an  empty  name. 

Journey  to  Silesia  and  Berlin  in  the  Winter  of  1862. 

In  undertaking  this  journey  I  had  two  objects  in  view:  to 
discuss  the  question  of  the  sale  of  Treffurt  in  Rauden;  further 
to  consult  with  Victor  about  entering  the  Upper  House,  after  which 
I  meant  to  go  to  Berlin  and  settle  the  matter.  In  connection 
with  which  plan  others  were  to  be  fitted  in. 

I  arrived  at  Rauden  on  December  31 ;  started  off  at  once  in 
bitter  weather  on  a  boar  hunt,  but  shot  nothing. 

The  next  day  we  had  a  great  New  Year's  dinner,  at  which 


Justizrat  Engelmann  and  Wiese  were  present,  with  whom  I 
discussed  the  Treffurt  business. 

After  I  had  had  a  few  days  shooting  in  Rauden,  Karl*  came 
over  from  Koschentin,  and  I  had  some  interesting  conversations 
with  him  on  the  present  political  situation  in  Prussia. 

He  admits,  like  all  other  sensible  people  in  Prussia,  that  there 
is  nothing  for  the  Government  but  either  to  put  itself  boldly  at  the 
head  of  the  movement  or  to  adopt  a  more  conservative  attitude. 
Mere  impartial  good-nature  all  round  will  simply  set  both  the 
Upper  House  and  the  Democrats  against  the  Government,  as  the 
event  of  the  elections  has  demonstrated.  The  democratic  result 
of  these  was  due  to  three  causes : 

(1)  Both  country  and  townspeople  are  afraid  of  the  burdens 
attendant  on  the  new  military  organisation,  and  believe  that  the 
Democrats  alone  have  the  necessary  pluck  to  stand  up  against 
the  King's  wishes  in  that  matter. 

(2)  The  Ministry  forbade  the  provincial  officials  to  exercise 
any   influence   on   the   elections,    which   consequently   fell   into 
the  hands  of  the  Democratic  District  Councillors. 

(3)  The  Kreuzzeitung  party  would  sooner  see  red  Democrats 
than  Liberal-Conservatives  in  office,   so  that  their  part  in  the 
elections  was  a  doubtful  one. 

In  Oppeln  I  met  the  State  Councillor  Rudlofff  and  went 
on  with  him  to  Breslau.  His  opinions  agreed  pretty  much 
with  what  I  have  just  set  down.  I  spent  the  day  with  him 
in  Breslau,  learnt  much  from  him  on  the  present  situation,  spoke 
of  my  plan  regarding  the  Herrenhaus,  and  was  advised  to  consult 
Privy  Councillor  von  Obstfelder  in  Berlin.  Victor  and  Prince 
Karl  Lichnowsky  joined  me  in  the  evening  at  the  station,  and  I 
arrived  in  Berlin  on  the  morning  of  the  i4th.  Here  the  necessary 
calls  were  made,  I  dined  at  the  "Maison  dore*e"  and  finished  the 
evening  at  the  Casino.  On  two  evenings  I  drank  tea  with  the 
Queen.  On  the  first  occasion  I  sat  at  the  Queen's  table  between 
Frau  von  Lazareff  and  Hugo,  %  on  the  second  between  the  Queen 
and  Frau  von  Lazareff.  There  was  an  Ordensjest  on  Sunday  the 
igth.  We  assembled  at  11.30  in  the  new  chapel  of  the  Palace, 
which  is  almost  too  sumptuous  for  a  Protestant  church.  There 
was  a  seething  mass  of  Orders  of  every  description.  To  the  right 
of  the  altar  were  jauteuils  for  the  Royal  Family,  opposite,  on 
the  left,  the  seats  of  the  Knights  of  the  Black  Eagle.  The 
rest  of  the  Knights  took  their  places  according  to  the  precedence 
of  their  Order.  The  Royal  Family  appeared  at  12.30,  the  ladies 
wearing  trains.  Then  began  the  service  according  to  the  Protes- 
tant Liturgy;  the  choir  was  excellent.  The  sermon,  which  was 
in  good  taste,  purposeful  and  very  well  delivered,  was  preached 
by  a  Wiirtemberger  named  Hofmann.  He  described  candour, 

*  Prince  Karl  zu  Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen  (1820-1890). 

f  Whom  the  Prince  knew  as  a  barrister  in  Coblentz. 

J  Prince  Hugo  of  Hohenlohe-Oehringen,  Duke  of  Ujest  (1816-1897). 


steadfastness  and  devotion  to  Christ  as  the  three  qualities  which 
should  adorn  the  true  Knight.  After  the  service  came  a  grand 
dinner  of  five  hundred  covers.  I  sat  between  two  Court  ladies, 
Countess  Brandenburg  and  Countess  Schwerin.  On  the  other 
side  of  the  latter  sat  Field-Marshal  Wrangel,  who  grew  ex- 
tremely merry  and  noisy  towards  the  end,  as  did  the  somewhat 
mixed  company  in  the  other  rooms.  It  was  all  over  by  half- 
past  four. 

BERLIN,  January  18,  1862. 

At  half -past  two  to-day  I  had  audience  with  the  Crown  Prince. 
After  a  little  conversation  on  general  subjects  he  began  about  our 
family  affairs,  the  entailed  estates  of  Ratibor  and  Corvey,  and 
about  Treffurt  too.  At  his  request  I  explained  it  all  to  him  and 
laid  stress  upon  the  fact  that  I  thought  of  acquiring  more  property 
in  Prussia.  To  this  he  replied  that  he  was  the  more  pleased  to 
hear  it  as  he  had  learnt  with  regret  that  I  had  renounced  my 
intention  of  entering  the  Prussian  Upper  House.  I  then  told 
him  that  I  had  consulted  my  brother  last  year  as  to  the  advisa- 
bility of  my  doing  so,  and  had  received  a  favourable  answer,  but 
that  at  that  time  and  during  the  session  of  the  Bavarian  Par- 
liament I  had  not  ventured  to  make  an  application  in  the 
matter.  In  consequence  of  this  delay  the  report  had  got 
about  that  I  had  abandoned  my  previous  intention.  This  was 
not  the  case  at  all.  On  the  contrary,  I  was  now  in  a  position 
to  take  the  necessary  steps  at  any  moment,  as  I  considered 
the  work  in  the  Prussian  Upper  House  entirely  compatible 
with  my  duties  in  Bavaria,  where  we  sat  only  once  every  three 
years.  As  to  the  political  side  of  the  question,  that  presented 
no  difficulties  to  me  —  I  was  already  decried  in  Munich  as  a 
Prussian,  and  should,  therefore,  be  neither  better  nor  worse  off 
in  Bavaria  than  before.  I  then  proceeded  to  give  him  a  detailed 
account  of  my  political  history,  beginning  with  a  complete  descrip- 
tion of  the  Imperial  Mission,  going  on  to  my  political  position  in 
Bavaria,  laid  stress  on  my  vote  in  1849  and  wound  up  by 
characterising  my  position  at  that  time  as  a  "Little  German." 
The  Prince  listened  with  great  attention,  and  then  openly  admitted 
his  own  " Little  German"  leanings;  expressed  his  satisfac- 
tion at  Herr  von  Roggenbach's  work,  and  agreed  with  me  entirely 
when  I  observed  that  considering  the  prevailing  state  of  feeling 
in  South  Germany,  and  the  extremely  subtle  and  secret  plans 
of  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  we  could  not  proceed  too  carefully. 
Finally,  I  begged  the  Crown  Prince  to  tell  the  King  that  I  had  by 
no  means  given  up  my  intentions  with  regard  to  entering  the 
Upper  House,  and  was  ready  at  any  moment,  if  it  pleased  his 
Majesty,  to  take  the  necessary  steps.* 

*  The  Prince  gave  up  all  idea  of  entering  the  Prussian  Herrenhaus, 
however,  in  consequence  of  the  struggle  over  the  Constitution.  On 
December  12,  1862,  he  wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Ratibor:  "It  would  seem 


BERLIN,  January  21,  1862. 

This  evening  again  I  took  tea  with  the  Queen  and  had  a  long 
conversation  with  her  on  literature  and  literary  people.  She 
holds  very  sensible  views  on  the  intercourse  with  savants  and  the 
dangers  attendant  thereon.  The  King,  as  usual,  came  in  rather 
later,  was  very  cheerful  and  conversational,  but  sat  so  far  away 
that  I  did  not  get  a  word  with  him  till  just  before  the  end  of  the 

January  24. 

This  morning  the  Queen  sent  me  word  I  was  to  come  to  her  at 
half -past  three,  "in  morning-dress."  As  I  knew  that,  for  all  their 
Anglomania,  the  frock-coat  is  not  yet  recognised  at  Court  as 
morning-dress,  I  put  on  a  dress-coat,  but  permitted  myself  a  black 
tie.  The  Queen  was  out  driving,  but  had  deputed  Countess 
Haacke  to  keep  me  company  till  her  return. 

At  four  o'clock  the  Queen  arrived,  dismissed  the  Countess,  and 
seating  herself  just  as  she  was  in  bonnet  and  cloak  at  a  table  in  the 
window,  motioned  me  to  a  seat  at  the  other  end  of  the  table. 

She  said  she  was  anxious  to  ask  me  a  few  questions  which 
I  was  to  answer  quite  frankly,  regardless  of  who  or  what  she  was, 
simply  as  an  old  friend.  Formerly  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern 
had  kept  her  in  touch  with  politics,  but  his  health  had  made 
his  retirement  absolutely  necessary.  She  did  not  interfere  at 
all  in  political  matters,  she  only  saw  the  Ministers  when  they 
came  to  tea,  and  therefore  could  not  gain  any  information 
from  them.  She  confessed  to  me  frankly  that  she  was  greatly 
depressed.  She  had  never  imagined  that  ruling  was  so  difficult, 
or  that  the  circumstances  of  her  new  position  would  present  them- 
selves to  her  in  so  wretched  a  light  after  so  short  a  time.  The 
King  was  irritable  and  disspirited,  the  outlook  was  very  gloomy, 
the  people  with  whom  one  came  in  contact,  the  party  leaders, 
seemed  to  her  so  unpleasant,  so  far  from  being  gentlemen  in  the 
English  sense  of  the  word.  They  all  seemed  up  in  arms  against  one 
another,  so  that  she  was  thoroughly  anxious,  especially  as  she 
heard  from  all  sides  that  the  situation  was  critical. 

"The  King  and  I,"  she  continued,  "are  old  people;  we  can 
hardly  hope  to  do  more  than  work  for  the  future.  But  I  wish  I 
could  look  forward  to  a  happier  state  of  things  for  our  son." 

She  then  turned  to  foreign  politics.  Here  the  question  of 
German  unity  played  the  chief  part.  They  bore  a  grudge  against 
her  personally  on  that  account  and  cast  aspersions  on  her.  She 
advocated  neither  a  policy  of  immobility  nor  of  conquest;  she 
stood  fair  between  the  two  parties ;  she  would  have  every  German 
ruler  retain  his  rights,  without,  on  the  other  hand,  closing  her  ears 
to  the  urgent  desires  and  needs  of  the  times. 

to  me  nothing  less  than  indelicate  to  apply  to  his  Majesty  for  a  seat  in  the 
Herrenhaus  when  I  was  almost  sure,  sooner  or  later,  that  my  opinions 
would  clash  with  those  held  by  the  Sovereign. 

VOL.  i  —  i 


When  she  had  finished  I  rapidly  debated  in  my  own  mind 
what  her  real  aim  might  be.  I  could  not  quite  see  what  she  wanted, 
but  I  thought  it  best  to  give  her  my  views  quite  openly.  I  began, 
therefore,  by  saying  that  I  had  always  agreed  with  the  old  saying  * 
which  Dahlmann  took  for  the  motto  of  his  policy:  "We  should 
neither  weep  nor  laugh  at  human  things,  but  endeavour  to  com- 
prehend them."  Therefore  I  could  not  regard  the  present 
situation  in  Prussia  so  seriously.  I  begged  her  not  to  forget  that 
by  the  legislation  of  the  last  forty  years  Prussia  had  become 
democratic  through  and  through,  and  that  this  democratisation 
dated  from  a  period  which  the  Prussian  people  regarded  with 
pride  and  glory.  I  pointed  to  the  Ordensjest  as  being  a  typically 
Prussian  but  nevertheless  a  democratic  ceremony.  Though  this 
spirit  had  been  repressed  during  the  reign  of  King  Friedrich 
Wilhelm  IV.,  that  was,  after  all,  only  repression,  not  destruction ; 
with  the  new  reign  and  the  hopes  engendered  by  it  the  old  demo- 
cratic spirit  had  revived  in  full  force.  This  was  one  reason  for 
the  Democratic  elections;  another  was  that  the  peasants  and  the 
rest  of  the  tax-payers  had  thought  that  the  Democrats,  being  less 
timid,  would  be  more  likely  to  cut  down  the  Budget  than  the 
Ministerialists.  To  dissolve  the  Chamber,  however,  because  of 
these  elections,  I  should  consider  a  great  mistake.  Circumstances 
might  occur  during  the  course  of  the  session  to  make  such  a  step 
necessary,  but  upon  that  I  could  not  hazard  an  opinion. 

I  also  pointed  out  to  the  Queen  that  Constitutional  Govern- 
ment in  Prussia  was  barely  ten  years  old;  that  many  a  move- 
ment which  was  looked  upon  as  a  political  catastrophe  was  merely 
a  symptom  of  that  process  of  development  which  we  in  the 
South  German  States  had  passed  through  much  earlier.  The 
conflict  between  modern  constitutionalism  and  the  feudalism  of  the 
mediaeval  State  was  naturally  much  fiercer  in  Prussia  than 
elsewhere.  This  was  a  struggle  which  England  had  still  before 
her,  and  which  the  majority  of  the  Continental  States  had  already 
fought  out. 

It  was,  of  course,  to  be  regretted  that  in  our  political  life 
we  had  not  "gentlemen"  to  deal  with,  but  it  was  a  term  for 
which,  in  this  connection,  we  had  no  equivalent. 

As  to  foreign  policy,  I  quite  approved  of  her  views.  It  was 
more  necessary  than  ever  to  play  a  waiting  game.  The  German 
question  would  be  near  its  solution  if  revolutionary  principles 
gained  the  upper  hand  in  Europe,  but  further  from  it  if  the 
principle  of  "historic  tradition"  were  given  another  trial.  Just 
recently  the  latter  event  seemed  to  have  come  to  pass.  At  such 
a  moment,  if  the  situation  shows  the  faintest  sign  of  becoming 
more  stable,  no  German  Prince  dreams  of  renouncing  a  single 
right  which  is  profitable  to  his  officials.  The  number  of  Legations, 
for  instance,  will  not  be  reduced.  The  whole  question,  I  con- 
tinued, presented  infinite  difficulties,  and  at  the  moment  I  saw 

*  Of  Spinoza. 


no  possibility  of  coming  to  any  satisfactory  conclusion.  We 
conversed  some  time  on  this  subject,  on  the  indignation  aroused 
by  BernstorfFs  note,*  deplored  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  Allge- 
meine  Zeitung,  and  so  forth. 

Finally  her  Majesty  said  she  was  anxious  to  speak  to  me 
about  my  own  position.  "Leonille  f  has  often  told  me  she  wished 
you  would  take  some  post  in  Prussia.  That  is  my  wish,  too. 
We  need  you."  Here  followed  some  flattering  remarks.  "I 
think  the  only  way  is  for  you  to  enter  the  Upper  House.  Would 
it  not  be  possible?  Could  you  combine  it  with  your  duties  in 
Bavaria?  For  those  you  must  not  give  up.  We  have  so  few 
links  with  South  Germany  that  this  one  would  be  of  the  utmost 
value."  So  that  was  her  real  object  in  this  interview,  to  play 
the  mediator  between  Prussian  schemes  and  South  Germany ! 

I  explained  that  I  had  already  made  inquiries  as  to  the  feasi- 
bility of  my  entering  the  Upper  House,  that  I  had  only  deferred, 
and  not  abandoned,  the  idea  last  year,  and  that  I  had  every  in- 
tention of  taking  it  up  again,  although  there  were  sure  to  be 

After  a  few  more  remarks  on  personal  matters  she  rose,  still 
talking  fast  as  she  went  towards  the  door,  turned  at  the  door, 
gave  me  her  hand,  which  I  touched  respectfully  with  my  lips, 
and  disappeared. 

PARIS  — THE   WINTER    OF    1862 

Extract  from  a  letter  to  PRINCESS  ELISE. 

PARIS,  February  22,  1862. 

...  I  must  confess  that  I  am  not  enjoying  myself  particularly 
here.  Amusement  has  no  meaning  for  me  except  as  a  rest  from 
work.  But  when  a  man  of  my  age  has  no  work  he  is  bored. 
My  interests  are  not  here,  but  at  home.  What  I  see  here  only 
fills  me  with  vexation.  For  here  is  a  great  nation  with  a  national 
centre,  vast,  world-wide  interests,  plans  and  thoughts,  while  at 
home  there  is  nothing  but  dissension,  the  splitting  up  of  national 
energy,  projects,  and  thought,  and  Germany  fails  to  occupy 
the  position  which  ought  to  be  hers  in  times  such  as  these.  They 
class  us  here  with  the  Poles  —  a  nation  that  has  had  its  day, 

*  Prussia  had  replied  to  von  Beust,  the  Saxon  Minister's  scheme  of 
reform,  in  which  he  proposed  that  Austria  and  Prussia  should  alternate 
in  the  Presidency  of  the  Confederation,  by  a  note  of  December  20,  1861, 
declaring  that  the  formation  of  a  Federal  State  within  the  Confederation  was 
not  only  feasible,  but  that  it  was  the  only  feasible  plan.  Against  this 
Austria  and  the  Middle  German  States  protested  in  identical  notes, 
February  2,  1862. 

t  Princess  Hohenlohe's  step-mother,  Princess  Leonille  of  Sayn- 
Wittgenstein,  an  intimate  friend  of  the  Empress  Augusta. 


by  whose  dissensions  they  can  profit  and  whose  remains  they 
are  already  preparing  to  devour.  All  this  detracts  from  the 
pleasure  of  my  stay.  I  am  too  much  of  a  politician  to  be 
able  to  help  seeing  everything  from  that  point  of  view. 

PARIS,  February  23. 

The  sermon  I  heard  to-day  in  the  Church  of  St.  Clothilde 
interested  me  in  many  respects. 

I  went  with  Princess  Wittgenstein,  and  we  arrived  at  two 
o'clock,  although  the  sermon  was  not  to  begin  till  a  quarter-past 

The  church  is  in  beautiful  Gothic  style,  and  was  only  com- 
pleted in  1857.  The  stained  glass  is  middling.  The  organ  has 
a  very  beautiful  tone,  but  the  music  during  vespers  is  too  pastoral 
in  style,  a  sort  of  Swiss  air  with  variations.  The  preacher,  Father 
Felix,  a  Jesuit,  a  little  man,  perhaps  thirty,  perhaps  forty  years 
of  age.  He  spoke  very  distinctly,  now  and  then  a  trifle  theatrically, 
but  on  the  whole  extremely  well. 

The  object  of  the  sermon  was  to  solicit  contributions  to 
a  Carmelite  monastery  to  be  founded  at  Meaux.  He  answered 
the  question  as  to  the  need  of  monasteries  in  general  and  of  the 
Carmelites  in  particular  by  pointing  to  the  egoism  of  the  times  which 
was  apparent  everywhere,  and  was  the  ruining  of  the  home  as  well  as 
of  the  State.  "  Uegoisme  dans  VEtat"  he  said,  "c'est  la  tyrannic 
en  haut,  le  servilisme  en  bas,  la  depravation  par  tout."  This  egoism, 
the  radical  evil  of  our  day,  manifested  itself  in  three  ways,  as 
avarice,  sensuality,  and  arrogance,  and  these  the  Carmelites 
sought  to  combat  by  taking  the  vows  of  poverty,  chastity,  and 
obedience.  It  was  a  well-thought-out  and  well-delivered  sermon. 

February  24. 

This  evening  we  were  at  Galiera's,  where  we  found  most  of  the 
Faubourg  St.  Germain  assembled.  Thiers  was  there  and  Monta- 
lembert,  and  the  former  Minister,  Count  Duchatel.  The  Due 
de  Valencay,  who  had  just  returned  from  Berlin,  talked  of  the 
prevailing  tone  there.  An  aged  M.  de  Pontois  regretted 
the  disunion  in  Germany.  Canofari,  ex-Ambassador  of  the 
King  of  Naples,  goes  about  with  a  face  of  gloom.  He  is  a  shrewd 
diplomatist,  but  will  wait  in  vain,  I  fear,  for  the  restoration  of  the 
kingdom  of  Naples.  There  is  much  talk  of  the  scenes  which  have 
taken  place  in  the  Senate,  and  of  Prince  Napoleon's  speech.* 
I  am  convinced  that  this  speech  was  not  made  without  the 
Emperor's  approval,  although  yesterday  both  the  Due  de  Tacher 
and  the  Due  de  Bassano  assured  everybody  that  the  Emperor 
had  no  such  views.  On  the  contrary,  the  Emperor,  feeling  that 

*At  the  debate  on  the  Address  in  the  Senate  on  February  22,  Prince 
Napoleon  had  made  a  very  violent  speech  against  the  legitimist  Count 
Laroche  Jacquelin. 


the  occupation  of  Rome  has  damaged  him  with  the  democratic 
party,  has  seized  this  opportunity  to  throw  dust  in  their  eyes 
by  making  them  a  concession  through  his  cousin. 

PARIS,  March  9. 

The  German  question  is  at  present  occupying  all  statesmen, 
not  only  of  Germany  but  of  all  Europe.  And  very  naturally. 
Every  question  of  the  present  day  which  is  seized  upon  and 
exploited  by  the  party  of  revolution  must  absorb  the  attention  of 
all  thinking  men,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  in  proportion  as 
the  grievances  and  discontent  underlying  such  "questions"  are 
well  founded.  What  we  call  " questions"  nowadays  are  wide- 
spread movements,  oscillations  of  the  whole  human  race,  enigmas 
which  have  to  be  solved.  The  German  question  did  not  spring 
fully  armed  from  the  heads  of  the  demagogues;  it  arose  out  of 
the  nature  of  things,  and  its  spirit  permeates  every  party  in 
Germany.  For  a  whole  people  whose  separate  component  States 
are  united  by  the  tie  of  a  common  language  and  literature,  who  are 
moved  by  common  interests,  and  who  in  consequence  of  increasing 
travelling  facilities  come  daily  into  closer  connection  with  one 
another,  will  not  endure  indefinitely  a  state  of  disintegration 
which  degrades  them  to  the  position  of  being  the  plaything  of 
foreign  intrigues  and  the  scorn  of  foreign  nations. 

Herein  lies  the  great  danger,  and  this  is  the  reason  why  even 
the  most  peaceable  and  conservative  people  in  Germany  have  been 
driven  to  declare:  "We  must  have  union,  and  since  we  cannot 
achieve  it  by  lawful  methods,  then  it  must  be  by  revolution." 

Thus  demagogy  enlists  decent  people  on  its  side  and  swells  to 
a  power  which  no  Government  can  control.  The  question  is : 
Can  the  revolution,  which,  though  not  immediate,  is  unavoidable, 
be  obviated  by  prompt  measures  of  reform  ? 

The  proposals  hitherto  made  by  the  various  Governments  for 
reforming  the  Confederation  are  utterly  impracticable.  Herr 
von  Beust's  *  scheme  was  merely  a  move  to  checkmate  Prussia. 
Perfectly  aware  that  Prussia  would  not  accept  it,  the  Middle 
German  States  made  this  cheap  offer  which  they  will  never  have 
an  opportunity  of  carrying  out. 

The  word  Pan-German  has  two  meanings.  Either  it  means 
"one  great  German  Republic,"  in  which  the  German-Austrian 
States  would  be  included,  or  it  is  an  empty  phrase  coined  to  work 
against  Prussia  and  lull  the  good  citizen  to  sleep.  The  Pan- 
German  Federative  State  may  be  all  very  well  in  theory;  in 
practice  it  is  out  of  the  question.  It  premises  the  renunciation 
by  the  rulers  of  certain  sovereign  rights  which  only  the  revolution 
will  force  them  to  give  up.  But  if  it  came  to  that,  if  the  revo- 
lution were  such  a  power  as  to  be  able  to  force  the  German  rulers 
to  obey  her  behests,  she  would  certainly  not  be  satisfied  with  a 
Federative  State. 

*  See  note,  p.  115. 


A  practical  Pan- German  programme  has  never  existed  and 
never  will  exist. 

The  antagonism  between  Prussia  and  Austria  may  be  deplored, 
but  cannot  be  argued  away.  It  is  just  as  impossible  that  Prussia 
should  be  under  Austria  as  Austria  under  Prussia.  The  monarchs 
and  diplomatists  can  do  nothing  either  for  or  against  it.  The 
people  themselves  will  not  have  it  so.  All  this  talk  of  the  revival 
of  a  German  Empire  under  the  House  of  Hapsburg  is  mere 
visionary  nonsense. 

But  if  we  do  not  want  a  Pan- German  Republic,  if  we  see  that 
a  continuance  of  the  present  state  of  affairs  must  lead  to  revo- 
lution, we  must  think  of  some  plan  which  is  not  outside  the  bounds 
of  possibility.  The  logical  result  is  that  we  come  back  to  Herr 
von  Radowitz's  idea:  a  Federal  State  under  Prussia  and  an 
alliance  with  Austria. 

This  plan  miscarried  because  in  1849  people  were  not  yet 
convinced  that  any  other  plan  was  impossible.  Thirteen 
years  have  passed  since  then,  and  the  idea  has  gained  ground 
every  day.  But  the  idea  of  a  Federal  State  also  came  to  grief 
through  the  opposition  of  the  Catholic  party  in  Germany,  to 
whom  the  prospect  of  putting  themselves  under  a  Protestant 
Emperor  was  most  distasteful.  There,  I  think,  the  Catholic 
party  is  wrong.  By  clinging  to  the  Pan- German  programme  it 
only  hinders  reform  without  getting  any  nearer  to  the  realisation 
of  its  desires.  It  works  for  stagnation  and  therefore  revolution, 
whereas  under  a  Prussian  sovereign  it  would  lose  nothing,  but 
would  gain  greater  freedom  for  the  Church.  The  position  of 
the  Catholics  in  Prussia  as  compared  to  their  position  elsewhere 
in  Germany  is  a  proof  of  this. 

It  lies  with  this  party  now  to  decide  whether  the  reform  of  the 
German  Confederation  shall  be  accomplished  by  peaceful  methods 
or  by  revolution.  If  it  takes  up  the  idea  of  a  National  Assembly 
the  various  Governments  will  be  obliged  to  yield.  A  conser- 
vative element  will  thereby  be  introduced  into  the  movement 
which  will  be  a  guarantee  for  its  remaining  purely  a  movement 
of  reform. 

A  word  from  Montalembert  to  this  effect  would  be  of  incal- 
culable importance  and  find  instantaneous  response. 

March  10. 

I  laboured  away  at  Montalembert  to-day  on  the  foregoing 
subject.  He  brought  forward  two  arguments  against  it: 

(1)  He  complains  of  Prussian  intolerance  towards  the  Catho- 
lics, particularly  in  the  matter  of  the  Universities.     He  says  that 
Friedrich  Wilhelm  III.'s   hostile    policy  had    set    the  Catholics 
against  Prussia.     Besides  that,  par  suite  d'un  prejuge  et  de  tradi- 
tions? the  Catholics  in  Germany  were    attached    to   the    House 
of  Austria,  and  were  consequently  against  Prussia. 

(2)  He  considers  Herr  von   Radowitz's  idea    impracticable, 


because  Austria  was  made  for  a  Federal  State,  and  would  be 
unable  to  force  her  conflicting  racial  dependencies  into  any  con- 
tinued unity. 

I  vindicated  Herr  von  Schmerling's  ideas,  and  did  my  best 
to  disprove  his  first  contention.  In  the  middle  of  it  we  were 

KARLSRUHE,  September  26,  1862. 

While  in  Karlsruhe  I  managed  to  have  several  conversations 
with  Roggenbach,  partly  about  my  private  affairs,  partly  on 
questions  of  general  political  interest.  At  a  supper  at  his  house 
the  Prussian  question  came  up  and  was  discussed  by  him  and  me 
and  the  two  Holsteins.  The  present  state  of  affairs,  said  Prince  W. 
Holstein,  was  owing  to  the  power  and  the  influence  still  exercised 
by  the  Kruezzeitung  party,  not  only  in  the  Upper  House,  but 
towards  the  Crown  and  society  in  general.  Everything  was 
suffering  under  the  pressure.  There  was  a  good  deal  of  talk 
about  details,  the  arrangements  of  administrative  districts,  &c., 
which  Prince  Fr.  Holstein  considered  important.  But  Roggen- 
bach urged  that  the  one  thing  needful  was  that  the  aristocracy, 
or  a  part  of  it,  should  put  itself  at  the  head  of  the  movement 
so  far  as  its  claims  were  legitimate,  and  that  they  should  leaven 
the  Liberal  party  with  a  Conservative  element,  instead  of  seeking 
to  import  Liberalism  into  the  various  Conservative  groups.  The 
rest  would  follow. 

With  regard  to  the  German  question,  Roggenbach  observed 
that  it  could  not  be  fully  discussed  till  some  great  European 
question,  such  as  the  Eastern,  should  give  a  handle  for  forcing 
the  Powers  into  making  concessions  to  Germany.  She  could 
not  constitute  herself  de  but  en  blanc  into  a  united  State  without 
taking  the  European  balance  of  power  into  consideration  and 
instantly  calling  a  coalition  against  her  into  being.  This  would, 
however,  be  avoided  if  the  Powers  were  divided  on  some 
other  European  question,  and  an  opportunity  was  thus  afforded 
to  throw  the  concession  regarding  the  German  and  Holstein 
questions  into  the  balance  as  a  makeweight  to  the  alliance. 

At  the  Court  ball  Prince  W.  Holstein  and  Roggenbach  re- 
turned to  the  Prussian  question,  and  Roggenbach  emphasised 
the  fact  that,  above  all  things,  it  was  necessary  to  form  a  party 
in  the  Upper  House,  who  were  capable  of  administration  and  who 
could  take  the  initiative  and  gain  the  respect  of  the  country,  so 
that,  should  a  crisis  occur,  they  would  stand  out  as  men  of  whom 
a  Government  might  be  formed. 

In  my  last  conference  with  Roggenbach,  when  we  were  alone, 
we  first  discussed  Austria's  position  in  Germany.  Austria's 
business,  he  said,  was  to  reduce  her  sphere  of  influence  within 
definite  limits  and  to  settle  her  attitude  to  Germany,  thus  fixing 
her  position  in  accordance  with  what  was  possible.  Her  present 
aim  was  to  destroy  Prussia  and  make  herself  sovereign  of  Mid- 
Europe.  This  was  a  task,  however,  quite  beyond  her  power  to 


carry  out.  Europe  would  never  suffer  the  destruction  of  Protes- 
tant Prussia,  and  Austria's  supremacy  in  Germany  was  absolutely 
conditional  on  that  destruction.  If,  therefore,  the  object  of  these 
enthusiasts  in  Austria  was  unattainable,  the  whole  matter  became 
a  fruitless  agitation,  with  possibly  dire  consequences  to  Austria. 
The  moment  the  Pan- German  programme  ceased  to  be  negative 
it  became  a  radical  one.  He  quite  agreed  with  me  that  to  have 
a  Parliament  without  a  strong  central  government  was  to  play 
into  the  hands  of  the  revolution. 

As  regards  my  own  position,  he  said  at  the  close  of  the  inter- 
view: "When  the  present  Crown  Prince  came  to  the  throne, 
they  would  have  to  look  about  for  a  man  whose  position, 
education,  and  views  fitted  him  for  the  post  of  Premier.  He 
knew  no  one  so  suitable  as  myself,  and  the  way  was  being  prepared. 
As  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  in  such  a  case  he  should  propose 
Usedom.  (I  fancy,  however,  he  was  really  thinking  of  himself, 
for  Usedom  is  quite  unsuited  to  the  post.) 

His  programme  seems  to  smack  somewhat  of  Cavour. 
He  wants  to  put  Prussia  at  the  head  of  Germany,  at  Austria's 
expense.  If  Austria  goes  under,  the  Austro- German  provinces 
will  fall  naturally  to  Germany.  That  is  the  fin  mot  of  the  Little 
German  programme.  Once  "Little  Germany"  is  constituted, 
Austria  is  to  be  the  German  Venetia.  That  is  why  Herr 
Metz  of  Darmstadt  let  the  cat  out  of  the  bag  when  he  spoke  of  the 
Austrians  as  our  "whipping  boys."  This  was  premature,  but 
we  shall  hear  of  it  again. 

Roggenbach  thinks  that  all  these  assemblies  in  Frankfurt, 
Weimar,  and  so  on  will  come  to  nothing.  To  my  objection  that 
they  knew  nothing  of  me,  supposing  I  ever  came  to  be  Prussian 
Premier,  he  answered  very  naively:  "If  you  serve  a  dish,  you 
supply  the  sauce  to  it.  The  Press  will  see  to  that." 

Journey  to  Frankfurt  to  the  Congress  of  German  Princes. 

Friday,  August  14,  left  Munich  at  six  in  the  morning  for 
Frankfurt  via  Ulm  and  Stuttgart. 

At  one  of  the  numerous  changes  I  was  joined  by  Count  Wald- 
stein,  a  member  of  the  Austrian  Upper  House,  who  was  also  on 
his  way  to  the  Congress  at  Frankfurt.  He  told  me  much  that 
was  interesting  about  affairs  in  Bohemia,  and  appeared  to  belong 
to  the  Unionist  party.  His  opinions  on  the  German-Czech 
aristocratic  party  were  most  sensible.  The  decorations  were  in 
progress  at  the  stations  all  along  the  route.  The  heat  was  beyond 
words.  We  arrived  at  Frankfurt  in  a  boiling  condition.  I  se- 
cured a  modest  room  at  the  Hotel  de  Russie,  and  hastened  to 
change  my  clothes  and  go  down  to  dinner.  There,  to  my  very 
agreeable  surprise,  I  found  Mulhens,  and  we  spent  the  evening 


together,  going  after  dinner,  first  to  Madame  Metzler,  then  for  a 
moment  to  the  theatre,  where  we  saw  the  last  act  of  The  Merchant 
oj  Venice. 

I  have  heard  nothing  as  yet  about  the  Congress;  everybody 
is  too  busy  decorating  their  houses,  arranging  the  procession  and 
suitable  quarters  for  the  exalted  personages  who  are  expected. 

August  15. 

At  ten  o'clock  to  the  Duke  of  Coburg.  I  found  him  delighted 
that  the  idea  suggested  by  the  Emperor  had  been  carried  out. 
He  thinks  the  Emperor  should  at  once  lay  a  fresh  Constitution 
for  the  Confederation  before  the  German  Princes.  Prussia  would 
then  withdraw  from  the  Confederation,  but  in  a  fortnight's  time 
would  be  only  too  glad  to  enter  it  again.  The  King  of  Bavaria, 
he  said,  was  furious,  the  other  monarchs  quite  nonplussed; 
indeed  it  was  altogether  a  very  comical  situation  that  these 
gentlemen,  who  had  just  forbidden  the  German  flag  in  their 
dominions,  should  find  themselves  compelled  to  sit  fuming  under 
the  magnificent  black,  red,  and  gold  flag  flying  over  their  several 
residences  here  in  Frankfurt. 

I  next  called  on  Pfordten.*  He  was  very  friendly,  but 
seemed  to  take  a  gloomy  view  of  the  whole  situation.  He 
thought  it  peculiar  that  no  communication  had  been  made 
beforehand.  That  his  friendship  for  Austria  and  antipathy 
against  Prussia  should  have  brought  this  upon  him  caused  him 
a  very  disagreeable  impression.  He  was  evidently  disconcerted 
and  out  of  humour  with  Austria.  I  was  not  at  all  sorry  to  see 
him  in  this  dilemma,  which  I  had  long  ago  predicted  for 
these  Bavarian  gentlemen.  I  am  curious  about  the  King;  they 
say  he  has  suddenly  developed  extraordinary  sympathy  for 

At  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  I  went  with  the  Mulhens  and 
Prince  Bernhard  Solms,  with  whom  I  had  dined,  to  the  Beifuss 
house,  from  the  balcony  of  which  we  were  to  watch  the  Emperor's 
entry  into  the  town. 

At  six  came  the  Emperor  in  an  open  caleche  seated  for  two 
people.  As  they  had  expected  he  would  arrive  with  eight 
horses  and  a  great  suite,  of  course  nobody  recognised  him,  and 
there  was  not  one  hurrah  as  he  drove  past.  Only  Frau  von 
Bethmann,  on  our  balcony,  threw  down  a  bouquet  or  two,  but, 
fortunately  for  the  Emperor,  they  missed  the  carriage. 

In  the  evening  we  strolled  about  the  streets,  and  at  nine 
o'clock  I  drove  to  Madame  Metzler's,  where  I  stayed  till  eleven. 
The  King  of  Hanover  arrived  just  as  I  got  home. 

To-day,  the  i6th,  great  crowds  in  the  streets,  the  Sovereigns 
visiting  one  another,  the  public  staring  and  criticising. 

*Freiherr  von  der  Pfordten  represented  Bavaria  in  the  Diet  of  the 
Confederation  from  1859  to  1864. 


The  situation  would  seem  to  be  as  follows:  Austria  will 
bring  forward  a  delegation  scheme,  the  details  of  which  are  not 
known.  The  Duke  of  Coburg  and  Herr  von  Herstorf  are 
supposed  to  have  originated  the  idea. 

The  King  of  Bavaria  and  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden  are  against 
it,  Wiirtemberg  will  accept  it,  of  Hanover  I  know  nothing.  The 
Austrians  have  the  best  of  it  in  any  case.  If  nothing  comes 
of  it  they  can  always  say  we  were  ready  to  do  anything,  but  the 
German  Sovereigns  would  not  agree.  If  discontent  and  revolu- 
tion follow  they  will  retire  into  the  security  of  their  united  king- 
dom and  fish  in  troubled  waters.  Should  the  Sovereigns  agree, 
however,  then  Austria  will  gain  what  she  has  long  hankered 
after:  the  supremacy  over  a  dominion  of  seventy  million  souls. 
Regarded  thus  the  coup  is  extremely  adroit,  but  whether  in  the 
interests  of  Germany  is  another  question. 


It  appears  that  the  scheme  for  the  new  Constitution  is  not  so 
bad  after  all  —  a  Directorate,  a  Council  of  Princes  in  which  the 
Free  Cities  will  have  a  vote,  and  a  House  of  Delegates  with  pretty 
extensive  powers.  A  deputation  of  the  Princes  will  be  sent  to 
request  the  concurrence  of  Prussia.  The  first  debate  is  to  take 
place  to-morrow.  God  grant  that  the  opposition  which  is  bound 
to  arise  may  not  wreck  the  whole  business. 

My  day  was  spent  mostly  in  the  streets.  At  every  turn  one 
met  ministers  and  diplomatists,  Apponyi  from  London,  Larisch, 
Schrenck,  and  so  on.  I  paid  my  respects  to  the  Duke  of  Augus- 
tenburg  at  the  Englischer  Hof . 

In  the  evening  fatigue  and  a  stroll  through  the  Zoological 

At  eleven  o'clock  of  the  same  day  Hermann  *  came  to  me  to  say 
that  he  was  to  have  an  interview  to-morrow  with  State  Councillor 
Samwer,  attached  to  the  Duke  of  Coburg,  on  the  subject  of  the 
position  of  the  Free  Cities  in  the  Council  of  Princes.  He  wished 
me  to  be  present. 

August  iS. 

In  consequence,  I  went  this  morning  to  the  Duke  of  Coburg's, 
where  I  found  the  Duke  at  breakfast  with  Hermann,  Erbach,  and 
a  few  gentlemen. 

The  new  Constitution  was  discussed  and  I  now  heard  the 
details  of  the  project. 

A  Directorate  will  be  formed  of  five  members,  Austria  to 
have  one  vote,  Prussia  one,  Bavaria  one.  The  Assembly  of 
Princes  will  consist  of  the  former  Diet. 

The  nobles  are  to  have  a  share  in  the  Legislative  vote  in  the 
Council  of  Princes.  This  has  already  met  with  opposition.  The 

*  Prince  Hermann  of  Hohenlohe-Langenberg,  the  present  Governor 
of  Alsace-Lorraine. 


question  to  be  decided  in  Hermann's  consultation  with  Samwer 
is,  therefore,  whether  we  are  to  use  our  efforts  to  get  into 
the  Federal  Council.  We  thought,  however,  it  would  be 
more  to  the  purpose  to  enter  the  Council  of  Princes.  There  is 
not  much  to  be  done  either  way,  only  by  the  latter  means 
you  maintain  the  principle  of  equality  of  birth.  This  is  Samwer's 
opinion  too.  However,  to  his  thinking  this  Constitution  by  no 
means  settles  the  question  of  the  Federal  State.  The  Constitu- 
tion would  not  last  very  long,  and  then  the  question  of  the  Federal 
State  would  come  up  just  as  before. 

At  eleven  o'clock  the  meeting  is  to  take  place  at  which  the 
Emperor  will  lay  the  project  before  the  Sovereigns.  The  King  of 
Bavaria  will  reply,  they  say.  The  Sovereigns  will  then  enter  into 
debate  upon  the  question,  which  will  last  for  several  days.  There 
is  talk  of  a  deputation  of  Princes,  with  the  King  of  Saxony  at 
its  head,  to  be  sent  to  Baden  to  the  King  of  Prussia.  It  is  not 
thought  that  Prussia  will  retire  from  the  Confederation,  especially 
if  Hanover  joins  it. 

On  Monday,  August  17, 1  determined  to  go  to  Munich,  return- 
ing on  Thursday,  as  there  must  necessarily  be  a  pause  in  the 
proceedings  during  those  days.  The  Assembly  of  Princes  had 
decided  to  address  a  letter  to  the  King  of  Prussia. 

After  one  day  in  Munich  I  returned  to  Frankfurt  on  Thursday 
the  2oth.  The  King  of  Saxony  *  had  not  yet  returned.  In  the 
evening  I  went  to  the  Duke  of  Coburg's,  where  I  found  Hermann. 
Here  I  noticed  at  once  that  the  situation  was  completely  changed. 
The  Duke  lamented  that  nothing  would  be  achieved;  that  his 
brother-in-law,  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden,  was  agitating  vigorously 
against  the  scheme;  that  behind  the  Grand  Duke  stood  the 
Gotha  party,  with  Hausser  and  Bluntschli  at  its  head,  determined 
to  oppose  Austria;  that  the  Grand  Duke  obstructed  every- 
thing, stirred  up  the  Princes  against  Austria,  and  was  personally 
discourteous  to  the  Emperor. 

I  went  home  with  Hermann,  who  was  going  back  to  Langen- 
burg  the  next  morning. 

Friday,  August  21. 

This  morning  to  the  sitting  of  the  Diet  of  Deputies,  which  is 
held  in  a  fine  room  in  the  so-called  Saalbau  with  roomy  galleries. 
The  Standing  Committee  of  the  Diet  proposed  without  further  cere- 
mony to  elect  the  officers  and  to  that  end  proposed  Bennigsen, 
Unruh,  and  Earth,  who  were  accordingly  at  once  nominated 
Presidents.  Benningsen  made  a  kind  of  inaugural  address  in  a 
well-modulated  voice,  and  admirably  expressed.  He  looks  young 
and  has  the  assured  manner  of  a  man  who  has  moved  much  in 
public  life.  Unruh  is  the  typical  Prussian  Government  official. 
Barth  was  no  stranger  to  me.  The  most  important  of  the  speeches 

*  Who  had  gone  to  Baden  on  August  19  as  the  bearer  of  the  letter  from 
the  Assembly  to  the  King  of  Prussia. 


was  that  of  Hausser,  wherein  he  very  clearly  expounded  the 
attitude  of  his  party  as  regards  the  Emperor's  projects  of  re- 
form. I  saw  at  once  from  this  that  Austria  has  nothing  to  hope 
for  from  the  Liberal  party  in  Germany,  who  hold  fast  to  the  su- 
premacy of  Prussia  and  the  programme  of  the  National  Union. 
Welcker,  who  has  grown  very  old,  spoke  with  his  wonted  energy 
for  a  National  Constitution.  Schulze-Delitzsch's  speech  was 
fine,  but  more  suited  to  a  popular  meeting.  Some  of  the  other 
speakers  were  absolutely  below  criticism,  for  instance,  a  mouthing 
Jew  called  Fischer  from  Breslau,  a  Herr  Becker,  and  one  or  two 
others  unknown  to  fame. 

I  was  there  again  in  the  afternoon,  but  as  I  could  not  stay 
after  four  I  missed  Volk's  speech,  which  was  good,  I  hear.  At  five 
o'clock  I  dined  at  the  Russicher  Hof  with  Larisch,  who  is  here 
as  Minister  for  Altenburg.  He,  in  his  good  old  familiar  way,  is 
frankly  against  the  Austrian  Reform  scheme.  He  holds  the  Reform 
to  be  impossible  without  the  absolute  equality  of  the  two  Great 
Powers,  and  that  such  equality  is  impossible  within  the  Confedera- 
tion. To  have  a  Confederation  containing  Austria  would  simply 
be  to  perpetuate  the  present  state  of  things.  To  set  Austria  at 
the  head  of  a  Federal  State  would  mean  the  humiliation  of  Prussia 
in  which  the  smaller  Sovereigns  had  no  wish  to  lend  a  hand,  and 
to  which  the  Prussian  people  and  the  Prussian  Army  would  never 
submit.  This  is  the  opinion  of  Oldenburg,  Baden,  Meiningen, 
Altenburg,  and  others.  Darmstadt  and  Nassau  side  with  Austria, 
as  does  Saxony  most  probably,  because  the  shrewd  Herr  von 
Beust  thinks  nothing  will  come  of  it  anyhow.  Bavaria  withholds 
her  opinion  as  yet;  Wiirtemberg  too  is  undecided.  As  the 
Liberal  masses  are  not  satisfied  with  the  Reform  projects,  the 
Sovereigns  say  to  themselves,  Why  should  we  surrender'  our 
independence  if  even  our  own  Liberals  are  not  going  to  thank  us  ? 
For  Austria,  of  course,  they  will  not  stir  a  step  for  all  their  ostenta- 
tious display  of  sympathy.  Prussia's  absence  from  the  Congress  is 
a  splendid  excuse  for  their  doing  nothing.  And  now  the  German 
Diet  of  Deputies  is  supporting  them !  If  these  professors  under- 
stood their  own  interests  they  would  have  got  their  Parliament 
even  if  it  were  made  up  only  of  delegates;  they  would  at  least 
have  had  something  to  take  hold  of  and  could  have  rearranged 
things  later  as  circumstances  permitted.  Instead  of  which  they 
foolishly  cling  to  the  idea  of  a  National  Constitution,  which  no 
human  being  will  ever  give  them,  and  so  finally  will  get  nothing 
at  all.  Once  more  I  have  thoroughly  convinced  myself  that  the 
German  people  are  not  ripe  for  a  United  Germany.  If  they  ever 
will  be  God  alone  knows. 

At  Roggenbach's  I  found  a  number  of  diplomats  of  the  Prus- 
sian persuasion  putting  their  heads  together.  This  is  the  head- 
quarters of  those  who  oppose  the  scheme  because  they  do  not 
want  Austria  in  Germany.  They  want  to  remain  pure  unadul- 
terated German  —  no  concessions  to  Austria.  Here  Liberalism 


is  mixed  with  a  due  care  for  the  maintenance  of  the  individual 
sovereignties  and  for  their  personal  ambitions;  and  great  stress 
will  be  laid  on  the  principle  that  Prussia  must  not  be  out-voted. 
All  these  gentlemen  are  favourable  to  Prussia,  but  they  are  joined 
in  secret  by  many  who  were  hitherto  on  the  side  of  Austria,  and 
still  are  so  openly.  They  are  ostensibly  displeased  at  the  conduct 
of  Austria's  enemies,  but  in  their  hearts  are  thankful  to  be  able  to 
draw  their  heads  out  of  the  halter  of  the  Austrian  Confederation 

To-day,  the  22nd,  at  one  o'clock  in  the  morning,  Austria  sent 
round  a  proposal  in  which  the  Princes  are  asked  definitely  to 
accept  in  the  conference  to-day  the  chief  points  in  their  favour, 
and  leave  the  details  to  be  discussed  by  the  Ministers.  Great 
consternation  among  the  smaller  opponents.  Even  the  Duke  of 
Coburg  thinks  this  is  going  too  far  and  that  the  petty  Sovereigns 
should  not  submit  to  it.  Great  driving  about  of  the  Ministers  in 
the  early  morning.  The  conference  takes  place  at  eleven  o'clock. 
It  appears,  however,  that  Austria  has  lost  the  game.  In  my  opinion 
they  quite  deceived  themselves  in  Vienna  as  to  the  feeling  among 
the  petty  Sovereigns.  They  imagined  they  had  them  safely  bagged 
and  that  Prussia  was  to  be  annihilated  by  a  coup  d'etat.  This 
has  missed  fire  because  the  German  sovereigns  at  once  formed 
front  against  Austria  when  they  saw  she  meant  to  crush  one 
or  other  of  them.  Had  Austria  known  her  ground  better  she 
would  not  have  carried  out  this  manoeuvre,  or  else  she  should 
have  adopted  a  more  revolutionary  programme  and  won  over 
democracy  by  a  Democratic  Constitution. 

AugUSt   22. 

Austria  withdrew  the  proposal  she  sent  round  in  the  night, 
at  the  instance,  it  appears,  of  the  King  of  Saxony.  The  con- 
ference then  took  place  with  much  stormy  discussion,  I  am  told. 
Down  to  Article  6  they  were  agreed,  except  as  to  Article  3  — 
the  Directorate  —  which  was  set  aside  for  further  debate  this 
afternoon.  The  petty  Princes  are  unwilling  to  put  themselves 
unconditionally  under  this  Directorate  of  Five;  they  wish  that 
it  should  represent  the  united  sovereignty  of  the  German  Con- 
federated State,  but  not  the  supremacy  of  one  ruler  over  another. 
They  therefore  wish  to  provide  that  the  Directory  must  lay  a 
sort  of  account  of  its  stewardship  before  the  Council  of  Princes. 
The  Kings  are  not  satisfied  with  a  Directory  of  Five  —  Saxony 
proposes  six,  of  whom  Austria  and  Prussia  are  to  choose  two, 
Bavaria  one,  Saxony,  Wurtemberg,  and  Hanover  two,  and  the 
rest  of  the  Princes  one. 

This  is  to  be  put  to  the  vote  to-morrow  in  the  Emperor's 
presence.  This  one  point  settled,  the  rest  will  not  take  very 
long,  so  that  Wednesday  will  probably  see  the  end  of  it  all. 

In  the  evening  there  was  a  ball  at  Baron  Bethmann's.  I  met 
a  number  of  people  I  knew  —  Herr  von  Vincke  (Gisbert),  who  now 


lives  here,  Steinberg,  Dumreicher,  Zacharia  from  Gottingen,  and 
others.  The  Grand  Duke  of  Baden  drew  me  aside  to  give  me  his 
views.  The  Grand  Duke  of  Weimar  invited  me  to  Weimar  in  the 
autumn.  I  spoke  besides  to  the  Duke  and  the  Hereditary 
Prince  of  Meiningen,  to  Rechberg,  Crenneville,  Schrenck,  and 
many  others.  The  news  that  the  Bavarian  Chamber  has  declared 
for  the  draft  Constitution  made  a  great  sensation. 

Herr  von  Kerstorft  remarked  that  it  was  high  time  the 
Sovereigns  cleared  out  of  Frankfurt,  "  they  were  beginning  to  bore 

Prince  and  Princess  Metternich  were  also  present  at  the  ball, 
the  latter  in  a  somewhat  conspicuous  toilette  and  very  much 

I  drove  to  the  races  this  afternoon  with  Lerchenfeld  and 
Hompesch.  On  the  Royal  stand  were  the  Emperor,  the  Elector 
of  Hesse,  the  Duke  of  Meiningen,  and  a  few  more. 

After  the  races  to  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden.  He  gave  me 
details  of  the  conference,  and  said  that  those  Sovereigns  who 
raised  any  objections  to  the  Reform  Act  were  terrorised  by 
Austria  and  the  majority.  He  had  ventured  to  point  out  that 
the  discussion  could  not  be  carried  on  without  some  show  of 
business  order,  but  no  one  took  any  notice.  They  went  on  talk- 
ing, and  at  last  the  Emperor  said:  "We  will  try  putting  the 
separate  paragraphs  to  the  vote,"  and  this  "trial"  proceeding 
was  forthwith  employed  for  good.  Immediately  after  the  reading 
of  the  first  Article  on  the  purpose  of  the  Confederation,  the 
Emperor  had  asked  if  any  one  had  anything  to  say  against  it. 
No  one  spoke,  so  he,  the  Grand  Duke,  observed  that  this  Article 
covered  the  most  important  constitutional  questions,  but  as 
none  of  those  present  expressed  any  opinion  on  the  subject,  he 
concluded  that  they  had  no  wish  to  discuss  it.  At  this,  general 
murmuring;  he  was  asked  if  he  had  anything  better  to  suggest, 
and  so  forth.  Altogether  any  opinion  differing  in  the  least  from 
the  Austrian  was  put  down  by  terrorism  and  intrigue.  The 
Grand  Duke  seems  persuaded  that  they  are  trying  to  crush 
Prussia,  and  that  it  is  his  special  mission  to  prevent  this.  In 
the  evening  at  Madame  Metzler's  I  found  Prince  Metternich, 
Rechberg,  the  Hereditary  Prince  of  Meiningen,  a  few  diplomats, 
and  a  great  many  of  the  elegant  ladies  of  Frankfurt.  I  soon 
took  myself  off  again. 

August  24. 

In  the  afternoon,  before  my  departure,  I  looked  in  for  a  mo- 
ment on  the  Duke,  who  had  just  come  from  the  conference  and 
was  very  pleased  at  the  result  (six  members  in  the  Directorate). 
He  has  hopes  of  the  matter  being  accomplished. 

At  four  I  left  for  Sayn,  convinced  that  nothing  could  be  done 
in  the  interests  of  the  nobles,  and  worn  out  by  the  irritation  of 
only  hearing  half  of  what  was  going  on  and  yet  being  pestered 


for  my  opinion  by  people  who  were  thoroughly  acquainted  with 
all  that  happened,  and  more  convinced  than  ever  of  the  wisdom 
of  minding  one's  own  business. 


MUNICH,  February  18,  1864. 

Yesterday  I  called  on  Bodenstedt.  I  had  learned  that  he 
wanted  me  to  join  the  Schleswig-Holstein  League,  and  that  this 
was  a  means  of  my  becoming  a  Minister  which  he  and  the  Liberal 
party  in  Bavaria  consider  necessary.  Bodenstedt  regretted 
that  I  had  not  come  sooner;  I  could  have  been  of  use  then  in  the 
league;  now  it  was  almost  too  late.  He  complained  of  Schrenck 
and  his  inaction,  believes  that  the  King  would  act  quite  differently 
if  he  had  another  Minister,  and  told  me  that  Schrenck  had  already 
broached  the  Schleswig-Holstein  subject  to  the  King,  and  had 
said  that  Germany  looked  to  the  King  in  the  matter,  &c. 

To-day,  then,  I  went  to  Schrenck.*  He  began  by  saying 
he  had  heard  I  was  going  to  join  their  league.  On  my  denying 
this,  he  lectured  me,  saying  that  on  so  sacred  a  matter  one  had 
no  right  to  conceal  one's  true  opinions,  and  so  forth  and  so  on. 
I  replied  that  I  had  never  concealed  my  political  opinions  when 
there  was  call  to  express  them;  besides,  everybody  in  Bavaria 
knew  what  my  opinions  were.  The  following  consideration, 
however,  rendered  my  entry  into  the  league  impossible.  It  was 
my  belief  that  the  Schleswig-Holstein  associations  would  shortly 
find  themselves  compelled  to  choose  between  two  paths:  either 
to  abandon  lawful  tactics  or,  yielding  to  superior  force,  retire  into 
private  life,  and  neither  of  these  alternatives  were  to  my  taste. 
If  I  once  joined  an  association,  I  would  accept  all  the  logical  con- 
sequences arising  out  of  that  step.  It  was  not  my  way  to  look 
back  when  I  had  once  set  my  hand  to  the  plough.  But  as, 
given  certain  circumstances,  I  saw  revolution  ahead  as  the 
inevitable  consequence  of  these  associations,  I  preferred  not  to 
have  any  part  in  them. 

To  Schrenck's  plea  that  the  league  was  composed  of  most 
responsible  men  —  he  instanced  Ringeis  —  I  returned  that  I  must 
maintain,  with  all  due  modesty,  that  if  I  entered  the  league 
it  would  give  it  a  political  colouring.  In  the  course  of  the 
conversation  I  explained  my  programme,  showed  him  that  for 
Bavaria  it  was  a  matter  of  life  and  death,  and  that  for  the  main- 
tenance of  her  independence  a  Parliament  of  Mid-German 
States  must  be  called  together  and  a  definite  policy  set  up. 

*  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  and  for  Commerce,  1850^1864. 


MUNICH,  March  12,  1864. 

Meanwhile  various  events  have  occurred.  The  death  of  the 
King*  will  make  no  difference  for  the  present  in  the  policy  of 
the  Schleswig-Holstein  question.  Schrenck  will  remain  in  office. 

The  matter  stands  thus:  Hanover  proposed,  or  tried  to 
propose,  that  Denmark  should  be  called  upon  by  the  Confedera- 
tion to  put  a  stop  to  the  seizing  of  German  vessels.  (Austria  is 
against  it,  consequently  the  proposal  will  never  be  made.)  In 
the  event  of  refusal,  the  Confederation  is  to  declare  war  on 
Denmark.  The  paramount  Powers,  however,  will  not  recognize 
the  Confederation. 

In  the  same  way,  Darmstadt  is  said  to  have  required  that  the 
troops  of  the  Confederation  should  be  employed  against  Denmark. 
This,  too,  is  refused  by  Austria  and  Prussia.  The  assistance  of 
separate  German  States  will  be  accepted,  but  not  that  of  the 
Confederation.  The  paramount  Powers  want  to  keep  the  affair 
in  their  own  hands. 

The  proposal  of  a  debate  on  the  question  of  the  succession  is 
to  be  delayed  as  long  as  possible.  The  German  paramount 
Powers  will  not  hear  of  convening  the  Holstein  Deputies.  They 
insist  on  a  free  hand.  Herr  von  Bismarck,  it  appears,  has  taken 
Austria  in  tow. 

Archduke  Albrecht's  mission  is  partly  of  general  interest, 
partly  for  the  opening  up  of  friendlier  relations.  But  special 
propositions  were  made,  too;  in  particular  as  regards  the  treat- 
ment of  proposals  made  by  the  Confederation,  on  which  subject 
the  Austrian  Gpvernment  is  at  variance  with  the  Confederation. 
The  Bavarian  Government,  especially  the  late  King  Max,  held 
their  ground,  however. 

Prince  Hohenlohe  was  among  the  most  decided  followers  of 
Duke  Frederick.  With  twelve  other  members  of  the  Bavarian 
Upper  House,  he  addressed  the  following  letter,  dated  May  12, 
1864,  to  Herr  von  Beust,  the  representative  of  the  German 
Confederation  at  the  London  Conference: 

"Your  Excellency  already  possesses  many  written  evidences 
of  the  prevailing  feeling  in  Germany  as  regards  the  German- 
Danish  conflict  In  addressing  to  your  Excellency  yet  another 
letter  on  the  subject,  the  undersigned  members  of  the  Upper 
Chamber  of  the  Legislature  of  the  Kingdom  of  Bavaria 
are  acting  not  only  in  full  agreement  with  the  stand- 
point always  maintained  by  their  own  Government,  but  in 
the  consoling  assurance  that  your  Excellency  shares  their 
convictions,  and  that  you  have  ever  laid  your  decisive  word  in 
the  balance  for  right  and  justice.  By  ancient  chartered  right 
the  Duchies  of  Schleswig  and  Holstein  can  claim  indivisible  union 
under  a  Duke  of  their  own.  At  the  death  of  Friedrich  VII., 

*  King  Maximilian  II.  of  Bavaria,  died  March  10,  1864. 


King  of  Denmark,  Duke  of  Schleswig-Holstein,  the  indubitable 
right  to  the  ducal  throne  of  Schleswig  and  Holstein  devolved 
upon  Duke  Friedrich  VIII.  of  Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg- 
Augustenburg.  By  the  undisputed  and  indisputable  principles 
of  private  and  general  law,  no  one  —  therefore  not  even  the 
Great  Powers  of  Europe  —  is  warranted  in  adopting  measures 
inimical  to  the  clearly  proved  rights  of  third  parties  —  in  this  case 
Duke  Friedrich  VIII.,  the  Representatives  of  the  Duchies,  and, 
in  so  far  as  Holstein  is  concerned,  the  German  Confederation. 
As  such  unwarrantable  proceedings  would  react  disastrously 
and  irremediably  on  the  interests,  and  deeply  violate  the 
sense  of  justice  of  the  German  nation,  we  confidently  hope 
that  your  Excellency,  as  the  authorised  representative  of 
the  German  Confederation  at  the  London  Conference,  will  use 
your  utmost  endeavours  to  bring  about  a  solution  to  this 
difficulty  which  shall  satisfy  the  just  claims  of  the  legitimate 
successor,  of  the  people  of  Schleswig-Holstein,  and  of  the  German 

"As  the  Landtag  is  not  sitting  at  present,  and  the 
people  are  without  representation  in  the  Confederation,  it  rests 
with  individual  members  to  voice  the  general  anxiety  of  the 
nation  and  openly  express  their  conscientious  convictions  in  this 
question,  which  so  profoundly  affects  the  honour  of  Germany. 
At  the  same  time,  may  we  beg  your  Excellency  to  accept  this 
expression  of  the  firm  confidence  with  which  we  are  inspired  by 
the  knowledge  that  the  honour  and  interests  of  Germany  are  in 
your  Excellency's  hands?" 

To  which  Herr  von  Beust  replied : 

LONDON,  May  20,  1864. 

Your  Highness  did  me  the  honour  to  send  me  a  communica- 
tion, signed  by  several  members  of  the  Upper  House  of  the 
Legislature  of  the  Kingdom  of  Bavaria,  containing  a  renewed 
and  weighty  expression  of  the  prevailing  sentiment  in  Germany 
touching  -the  justice  of  the  German- Danish  conflict.  I  beg  to 
offer  my  respectful  thanks  to  your  Highness  for  this  communica- 
tion, which  I  value  all  the  more  highly  in  that  it  affords  me  an- 
other and  most  encouraging  proof  of  the  fact  that  the  political 
significance  for  the  future  of  Germany  of  the  mission  which 
brings  me  here  is  recognised  and  appreciated  to  the  full  by  the 
Conservative  sections  of  the  nation. 

I  can  say  with  a  clear  conscience  that,  in  so  far  as  my 
efforts  are  concerned,  the  flattering  confidence  expressed  in  the 
letter  is  not  misplaced,  and  I  look  forward  to  justifying  it  by 
the  success  of  my  endeavours.*  I  have  every  hope  that  a 

*At  the  sitting  of  the  London  Conference,  May  17,  the  Prussian 
Representative  read  the  German  declaration  claiming  for  the  Duchies 
complete  political  independence.  Although  this  by  no  means  excluded 
the  Danish  King  from  the  succession,  it  was  immediately  rejected  by 

VOL.  i  —  K 


solution  of  the  question  will  be  reached  which  will  satisfy 
respectively  the  sense  of  justice  and  the  political  interests  of 
the  German  nation  and  the  wishes  of  the  people  of  the 

Notes  of  a  journey  from  Aussee  by  way  of 
Wildalpen  to  Munich. 

October  2-10,  1864. 

...  In  Linz  I  bought  a  Presse,  and  saw  from  it  that  Schrenck 
had  resigned. 

Arrived  at  Munich  at  ten  o'clock. 

The  next  morning  I  attended  to  some  commissions  and  then 
went  to  the  Ludwigstrasse,  where  I  met  Venninger,  who  con- 
gratulated me  on  my  nomination  to  the  Premiership.  He  said 
I  had  been  alluded  to  as  President  at  the  sitting  of  the  Bank 
Committee.  Soon  afterwards  I  met  Handelsgerichtsrat  Voldern- 
dorff,  with  whom  I  went  for  a  walk.  He,  too,  spoke  of  the 
change  of  Ministry,  and  said  that  in  Franconia  they  all  counted 
on  me  and  put  their  faith  in  my  party.  We  discussed  what 
course  the  Foreign  Minister  in  Bavaria  should  adopt  just 
now,  and  both  agreed  that  the  most  important  thing  at  present 
was  to  acquire  influence  over  the  young  King,  and  for  the  rest 
to  be  discreet  in  the  endeavour  to  put  Bavaria  at  the  head  of  the 
Mid- German  States,  to  keep  a  firmer  hand  on  Home  government, 
no  reaction,  and  in  foreign  affairs  caution  and  independence. 

Oettingen  complains  of  the  difficulties  a  member  of  the  Upper 
House  has  to  encounter.  Harless  told  me  the  King  had  declared 
he  would  make  no  member  of  the  Upper  House  a  Minister. 

The  latest  news  names  Hompesch  as  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs.  When  I  found  him  at  dinner  at  the  Vier  Jahreszeiten, 
he  was  not  agreeably  surprised  to  see  me.  This  confirms  my 
opinion  that  he  has  hopes.  I  saw  the  King  at  the  theatre.  He 
looks  well.  I  could  not  help  thinking,  however,  that  he  is 
beginning  to  take  on  his  father's  distrustful  expression. 

My  opponents  are  the  Court,  the  lower  nobility,  the  Ultra- 
montanes,  and  the  Austrians.  The  intelligent  middle  classes 
are  for  me,  and  so  are  the  Democrats.  It  looks,  however,  as  if 
Prussian  and  Austrian  influences  were  at  work  to  bring  about 
a  reaction  in  Bavaria.  They  do  not  want  me,  at  any  rate,  and 
with  this  conviction  I  calmly  took  my  departure. 

Denmark,  thereby  putting  the  personal  union  with  Denmark  out  of  the  ques- 
tion for  good  and  all,  and  ensuring  the  continuance  of  the  war  with  the  object 
of  completely  detaching  the  Duchies  from  Denmark.  Beust  had  declared 
at  the  sitting  of  the  conference,  in  the  name  of  the  German  Confederation, 
"que  la  major  it  e  de  la  Diete  ne  consentirait  pas  a  une  solution  qui,  meme 
sous  la  forme  d'un  arrangement  conditionnel  ou  eventuel,  retablirait  Vunion 
entre  les  Duches  et  le  Danemarc"  —  Count  Beust,  Aus  drei  Vierteljahr- 
hunderten,  vol.  i.  p.  383. 


From  a  letter  to  PRINCESS  ELISE. 

AUSSEE,  October  29,  1864. 

.  .  .  The  Presse  has  a  savage  article  against  me  from 
Munich.  It  accuses  me  of  always  appearing  in  Munich  just 
before  a  change  of  Ministry,  and  speaks  contemptuously  of  this 
unjustifiable  pretension.  It  also  throws  my  youth  in  my  teeth ! 
I  confess  that  the  article  rather  annoyed  me.  But  it  is  quite 
wholesome  to  be  abused  sometimes. 

From  a  letter  to  HERR  VON  MUHLENS  in  Baden. 

SCHILLINGSFIJRST,  November  23,  1864. 

I  have  not  been  made  Minister,  in  spite  of  the  general  report. 
The  Bavarian  Dynasty  will  not  have  a  mediatised  noble  as 

This  must  be  a  family  policy.  Well,  I  cannot  say  I  am  sorry. 
Better  never  see  the  Cabinet  than  pass  through  it  only  to  be 
shelved.  .  .  . 


MUNICH,  April  3,  1865. 

Your  Majesty  has  graciously  commanded  me  to  acquaint 
you  with  the  matter  which  led  me  to  request  an  audience.  I 
hasten  to  comply,  and  herewith  lay  at  your  Majesty';  feet  the 
petition  which  it  was  my  intention  to  prefer  verbally. 

From  the  beginning  of  your  Majesty's  reign  I  have  had 
continuous  proof  of  your  Majesty's  gracious  approval,  which 
fills  me  with  pride  and  the  deepest  gratitude.  The  sincere  and 
heartfelt  loyalty  which  I  bear  towards  your  Majesty  inspires 
me  with  the  earnest  desire  never  to  forfeit  this  gracious  con- 
sideration, nor,  above  all  things,  your  Majesty's  respect. 

With  the  opening  of  Parliament,  however,  I  am 'seized  with 
the  apprehension  that  your  Majesty  may  receive  reports  of 
my  activity  in  the  Chamber,  and  of  the  motives  inspiring  me 
which  might  present  me  in  a  false  light. 

Accustomed,  in  the  debates  in  Parliament,  to  act  strictly  in 
accordance  with  my  conscience  and  the  obligations  of  my  Oath, 
I  cannot  blind  myself  to  the  possibility  of  circumstances  arising 
in  which  I  shall  be  at  variance  with  the  Government.  Your 
Majesty  is  too  high-minded  not  to  appreciate  independence 
of  opinion  in  the  country's  representatives,  among  whom  the 
members  of  the  Upper  House  may  be  reckoned.  On  that  score 
I  know  I  have  nothing  to  fear.  But  I  do  fear  misrepresentation 
as  regards  my  motives. 

Consequently,  should  your  Majesty  ever  happen  to  consider 
my  words  or  action  in  the  State  Council  of  sufficient  importance 
to  claim  your  Majesty's  attention,  and  to  require  explanation, 


I  should  be  profoundly  grateful  if  your  Majesty  would  be 
graciously  pleased  to  demand  such  explanation  direct  from 
me,  or  through  your  Majesty's  Cabinet. 

This  was  the  request  which  I  was  anxious  to  prefer  in  all 
submission  verbally,  but  which  I  herewith  venture  to  lay  before 
your  Majesty  in  writing. 

Two  letters  to  QUEEN  VICTORIA  of  England  on  social 
and  political  conditions  in  Germany,  1864,  1865. 

In  the  April  of  1864  the  Prince  received  a  letter  from  his 
aunt,  Princess  Feodora  of  Hohenlohe-Langenburg,  in  which 
she  mentioned  a  wish  expressed  by  her  sister,  Queen  Victoria. 

The  Queen  complained  that  since  the  death  of  the  Prince 
Consort,  her  connection  with  Germany  had  been,  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent, severed ;  and  that  there  was  no  one  to  whom  she  could  speak 
her  mind  openly,  or  from  whom  she  could  receive  an  unbiassed 
account  of  things.  She  had  confidence  in  Prince  Hohenlohe 
as  an  old  friend  of  Prince  Albert,  and  wished  him  to  keep  her 
au  courant  with  the  social  and  political  conditions  in  Germany. 
Owing  to  the  suspicion  with  which  all  German  influence  in 
England  was  watched,  these  communications  were  to  be  sent 
to  the  Queen  through  the  medium  of  Princess  Feodora.  In 
particular,  the  Prince  was  to  explain  the  Schleswig-Holstein 
affair,  and  its  significance  for  Germany,  as  this  was  not  under- 
stood in  England.  In  accordance  with  Queen  Victoria's  wish, 
therefore,  the  Prince  sent  in  the  two  following  communications 
under  date  May  4,  1864,  and  April  15,  1865,  a  political  con- 
fession of  faith  immediately  preceding  the  outbreak  of  the 
great  movement  in  which  the  Prince  himself  was  called  to  play 
a  leading  part. 

MUNICH,  May  4,  1864. 

Your  Most  Gracious  Majesty  did  me  the  honour  to  charge  me 
to  report  from  time  to  time  on  the  social  and  political  conditions 
in  Germany.  I  venture"  herewith  to  satisfy  your  Majesty's 

As  regards  the  social  conditions,  these  have  at  all  times  in 
Germany  been  so  intimately  connected  with  religion  that  it  is 
as  well  to  examine  the  religious  movement  in  Germany  first. 

It  is  a  remarkable  phenomenon  that  the  opposition  between 
Orthodoxy  and  Unorthodoxy  is  becoming  rapidly  more 
accentuated.  The  religious  tendency  in  Western  Germany, 
the  representatives  of  which  in  some  countries  hold  the  reins 
of  Church  government,  starts  from  the  idea  that  the  Reforma- 
tion stopped  half  way,  that  it  adopted  too  many  elements  of 


the  Roman  Church,  and  thereby  barred  the  door  to  progress; 
that  the  time  has  now  come  to  remodel  Christianity  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  spirit  of  modern  thought,  and  the  really 
existing  faith  and  religious  needs  of  a  community  no  longer 
orthodox  in  the  old  sense  of  the  word.  In  contrast  to  this  broad 
"Protestant"  movement  the  orthodox  Lutheran  party  closes  its 
ranks  more  firmly  than  ever.  This  party  disputes  the  necessity 
for  progress  or  the  development  of  the  Protestant  creed  in 
accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  times.  It  stands  fast  by  the 
Bible  and  Luther,  and  one  section  would  even  be  willing  to  return 
to  the  bosom  of  the  Roman  Church  if  she  only  would,  or  could, 
make  them  a  few  concessions  —  notably  in  the  matter  of  justifica- 
tion by  Faith.  This  being  out  of  the  question,  they  content 
themselves  with  increased  strictness  in  their  own  doctrinal 
sphere,  modify  their  Liturgy  to  resemble  that  of  the  Roman 
Church,  and  adopt  as  much  of  the  ritual  and  organisation  of 
that  Church  as  is  in  any  degree  possible.  The  institutions 
of  the  Deaconesses,  the  Brothers  (Bruderschajf)  in  Berlin  and 
Hamburg,  the  Knights  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  &c.,  are  so 
many  proofs  of  these  tendencies. 

Beyond  these  Christian  parties  stands  the  great  School 
of  Materialism  and  Nihilism  represented  by  the  leaders  of 
Materialistic  Philosophy  and  Natural  Science.  The  teachers  of 
this  party  are  often  men  of  wide  knowledge  and  honest  inten- 
tions, but  who  have  come  in  the  course  of  their  studies  to  deny 
the  existence  of  anything  they  cannot  put  under  the  microscope. 
Were  these  theories  confined  to  their  originators  the  danger 
would  not  be  so  great;  but  education  is  so  widespread  in 
Germany,  the  people  take  so  lively  an  interest  in  all  the  pro- 
fessors bring  forward,  Science  has  become,  if  I  may  so  express  it, 
so  democratic,  that  such  theories  cannot  fail  to  have  a  serious  in- 
fluence on  our  social  life.  Tnie,  we  have  no  proletariat  comparable 
in  extent  to  that  in  England,  Belgium,  or  France;  the  industrial 
population  is  mostly  gathered  together  in  a  few  districts,  and 
the  greater  portion  of  Germany,  especially  Bavaria,  has  chiefly 
a  population  of  quiet  agriculturists.  But  with  the  advance 
of  industry  the  industrial  population  will  increase,  and  the 
deeper  it  has  been  imbued  with  this  superficial,  false,  and  sub- 
versive education  the  more  pernicious  will  be  its  influence  on 
the  social  and  political  conditions  of  the  country. 

As  regards  the  political  situation,  all  other  considerations 
are  swallowed  up  in  the  Schleswig-Holstein  question.  That 
this  question  should  have  acquired  importance  is  to  be 
explained,  first,  from  the  fact  that  the  German  is  by  nature 
a  lawyer,  and  that  legal  questions  always  arouse  the  keenest 
interest  —  so  much  so  that  in  some  parts  of  Germany  litigation 
is  the  farmer's  one  amusement  in  his  spare  time.  Apart  from 
this,  however,  every  one  in  Germany  is  conscious  of  the 
profound  significance  the  Schleswig-Holstein  question  must 


have  for  our  internal  policy.  Every  one  knows  that  with  that 
question  the  German  question  too  will  be  decided.  At  the 
beginning  it  looked  as  though  the  Mid-German  States,  the  real 
root  of  the  nation,  were  to  rise  to  greater  political  prominence 
by  means  of  the  Schleswig-Holstein  affair.  And  therein  lies 
the  reason  why  this  question  has  aroused  greater  excitement 
in  the  German  territories  outside  Prussia  and  Austria. 

Examining  attentively  the  movements  which  have  agitated 
Germany  during  the  last  fifty  years,  we  find  that  their  true 
origin  lies  in  the  discontent  of  the  population  of  the  middle 
and  petty  States,  a  population  of  nearly  nineteen  million  souls, 
at  seeing  themselves  excluded  from  participation  in  the  affairs 
of  Europe  —  in  the  position  of  grown  men  who  are  not  permitted 
to  have  a  voice  in  their  own  business.  In  time  this  becomes 
insupportable.  You  may  say  that  the  material  condition  of 
these  States  is  very  satisfactory,  and  that  it  would  be  folly  to 
bring  about  a  state  of  affairs  which  would  certainly  entail  greater 
material  sacrifices  than  the  existing  one.  But  this  ambition, 
or  rather,  this  craving  for  due  honour  and  repute,  is  a  sign 
of  the  vitality  of  the  German  people,  who  put  honour  and 
repute  above  mere  material  comfort.  It  was  to  throw  off  this 
oppression  that  they  fought  in  1848  for  German  unity.  This 
movement  began  in  South-West  Germany.  It  proved  abortive, 
because  neither  Austria  nor  Prussia  would  bow  to  an  ideal 
overlord  ship. 

One  party  then  attempted  to  bring  about  the  Prussian 
hegemony,  but  that,  too,  was  frustrated  by  the  refusal  of  the 
King  of  Prussia. 

The  aspiration  remained,  however,  because  it  was  firmly 
rooted  in  fact.  Then  came  the  Schleswig-Holstein  affair,  which, 
had  they  been  able  to  combine,  would  have  afforded  the  middle 
and  petty  States  an  opportunity  of  winning  for  themselves 
a  recognised  political  position  in  Europe.  The  people  thought 
that  the  hour  was  come,  and  importuned  their  Govern- 
ments. The  Governments,  disunited  and  incapable,  let  the 
happy  moment  go  by.  The  German  Paramount  Powers  took 
the  matter  in  hand,  and  so  vanished  the  political  hopes  which 
the  people  of  South  Germany  had  built  upon  the  Schleswig- 
Holstein  affair.  Not  so,  however,  their  interest  in  the  matter. 
Public  opinion  turned  once  more  to  Prussia,  for  men  cherished 
the  hope  that,  after  her  military  successes,  she  would  not  let 
the  rights  of  the  Duchies  be  trampled  under  foot. 

Since  1848  the  German  people  have  made  progress  in  their 
political  education;  in  particular,  they  have  learnt  to  wait. 
They  have  learned  that  in  political  matters  it  is  inexpedient 
to  run  your  head  against  a  wall.  It  is,  however,  inevitable 
in  the  prevailing  state  of  public  sentiment  that  a  solution  to 
the  Schleswig-Holstein  question  offensive  to  the  people's  sense  of 
justice  would  have  the  gravest  consequences  for  Germany,  and 


more  especially  for  the  very  existence  of  the  middle  and  petty 
States.  Not  that  an  immediate  revolutionary  movement  would 
break  out  —  the  mass  of  the  people  is  too  peaceable,  too  phlegmatic 
for  that  —  but  contempt  would  arise  for  the  Governments,  who 
would  be  severely  blamed  because  they  did  not  seize  the  right 
moment,  and  a  deep,  growing  irritation  which  must  in  the  end 
undermine  the  existence  of  the  dynasties  of  those  States. 

This  the  statesmen  of  the  respective  countries  recognise 
to  the  full,  which  explains  how  conservative  men  like  Beust 
and  Pfordten  are  on  the  side  of  the  Progressive  party  in  this 

If  I  am  not  much  mistaken  they  have  come  to  the  same 
conclusion  in  Prussia.  For  the  same  movement  that  would 
crush  the  middle  and  petty  States  must  sooner  or  later  have  fatal 
consequences  for  Prussia.  For  Prussia  is  essentially  a  German 
kingdom,  and  her  Government  must  —  whether  they  like  it 
or  not  —  go  with  the  stream  of  public  opinion,  whereas  Austria, 
predominantly  a  Slav  nation,  takes  little  account  of  the 
opinion  of  her  German  subjects,  nor  has  she  any  need  to. 
The  Schleswig-Holstein  affair  is,  therefore,  to  the  people,  a 
question  of  rights,  a  question  of  power  to  the  Governments, 
and  a  question  of  existence  to  the  Confederation,  that  is,  to 
the  middle  and  petty  States. 

I  must  apologise  to  your  Majesty  for  dwelling  at  such  length 
on  a  subject  on  which  doubtless  your  Majesty  is  better  informed 
than  I.  My  reports  can  contain  no  really  recent  political  news, 
seeing  that  I  am  not  in  touch  with  the  central  points  of  European 
politics.  They  are  only  meant  to  serve  as  an  expression  of 
the  political  opinion  of  the  educated  classes  in  Germany,  and  as 
such  I  beg  your  Majesty's  indulgent  criticism  of  it. 

MUNICH,  April  15,  1865. 

Your  Majesty  will  graciously  pardon  me  for  having  delayed 
thus  long  in  following  up  my  communication  of  last  May  with 
a  second.  My  sojourn  in  the  Austrian  Alps,  and  consequent 
remoteness  from  the  political  arena  last  summer,  made  it  difficult 
for  me  to  offer  an  opinion  on  the  state  of  political  affairs  in 
Germany.  Since  my  return  I  have  made  several  attempts 
to  repair  this  neglect,  but  found  myself  each  time  slipping  into 
the  odious  style  of  our  journalists,  and  could  not  make  up  my 
mind  to  lay  it  before  your  Majesty. 

I  must,  however,  pluck  up  courage  now  —  though  at  the 
risk  of  creating  an  unfavourable  impression  —  to  send  your 
Majesty  another  instalment  of  my  political  observations.  They 
are,  after  all,  chiefly  the  outcome  of  what  I  have  read  in  the 
newspapers  and  reviews,  and,  therefore,  I  must  beg  your  Majesty's 
kind  indulgence  for  them. 

The  question  which  was  agitating  the  whole  of  Germany 
last  spring  has  now  been  relegated  to  the  background.  Schleswig- 


Holstein  is  still  much  written  about  and  discussed,  but  the 
interest  of  the  general  public  has  waned.  This  is  a  proof  of 
the  justice  of  my  former  assertion  that  the  ardent  interest  in 
the  fate  of  the  Duchies  last  year  was  less  for  the  Schleswig- 
Holstein  than  the  German  question,  which  promised  to  find 
a  solution  in  this  conflict.  Now  that  the  affair  has  simply 
become  a  question  of  power  and  influence  between  Prussia 
and  Austria,  the  agitation  of  the  masses  has  subsided,  or  turned 
in  another  direction.  Certainly  not  a  little  of  this  pacification 
is  owing  to  the  general  satisfaction  that  the  Duchies  have  ceased 
to  belong  to  Denmark,  but  nevertheless,  a  feeling  of  bitterness 
and  disappointment  is  slowly  spreading  through  the  South 
German  States  at  the  passive  role  to  which  these  States  are 
condemned  in  any  question  involving  German  interests. 

This  feeling  is  shared  by  Government  and  people  alike; 
it  seems  necessary,  therefore,  that  the  Governments  should 
look  about  for  some  means  of  extricating  themselves  from  so 
trying  a  situation.  Bavarian  statesmen  see  salvation  in  the 
"Triad,"  i.e.,  a  closer  union  between  the  middle  States,  and 
their  organisation  into  a  Federal  State  under  the  overlordship 
of  Bavaria,  a  State  which,  with  the  addition  of  Austria  and 
Prussia,  would  form  the  great  German  Confederation. 

There  are,  however,  many  insurmountable  obstacles  to  the 
realisation  of  this  idea.  First,  the  disinclination  of  the  separate 
rulers  to  renounce  any  part  of  their  sovereign  rights  in  favour 
of  the  dynasty  which  would  stand  at  the  head  of  the  more 
restricted  Confederation.  I  hardly  think  that  either  the  King 
of  Saxony  or  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg  would  care  to  hand 
over  any  of  their  rights  to  our  youthful  Monarch.  Nor  would 
the  King  of  Hanover  feel  the  slightest  inclination  that  way. 

Another  stumbling-block  is  the  opposition  of  the  democratic 
party  to  the  Triad  idea.  The  South  and  Mid-German  Democracy 
belongs  in  part  to  the  National  Union,  whose  aim  is  the  organisa- 
tion of  a  Federal  State  under  the  overlordship  of  Prussia. 
They  look  upon  Herr  von  Bismarck's  Government  as  a 
passing  evil,  after  whose  removal  the  project  will  certainly  be 
carried  out.  The  rest  of  the  Democrats  are,  consciously  or 
unconsciously,  Republicans,  and  look  forward  to  the  time  when 
a  Democratic  storm  shall  empty  the  thrones  of  the  Continent 
and  bring  back  to  Germany  the  glorious  days  of  a  Constituent 
Assembly.  Owing  to  the  opposition  of  this  section  of  public 
opinion  which  knows  how  to  make  itself  decisively  felt,  a  reform 
of  the  Federal  Constitution,  on  the  lines  I  have  indicated,  is 
very  difficult. 

Another  obstacle  to  the  realisation  of  Bavaria's  idea  is  the 
objection  of  Austria  and  Prussia  to  the  Triad.  In  Austria  they 
want  to  keep  the  Confederation  as  it  is,  and  are  opposed  to  the 
formation  of  a  third  group  of  States,  because  in  it  Protestant  and 
Catholic  States  would  be  associated,  an  idea  most  distasteful  to 


the  Ultramontane  party.  It  is  possible  that  Vienna  looks  for- 
ward to  the  complete  break  up  of  the  Confederation  in  order  to 
round  off  the  Austrian  dominions  on  the  German  frontier  with 
some  of  the  remnants.  But  I  am  not  sufficiently  initiated  into 
the  secrets  of  Vienna  Court  or  Government  circles  to  be  justified 
in  offering  an  opinion. 

Prussia  sees  in  the  Triad  not  only  a  menace  to  the  prospect 
of  a  Prussian  hegemony,  but  also  a  hindrance  to  her  territorial 
expansion  in  the  north  of  Germany.  So  from  this  side  too  Bavaria 
will  meet  with  determined  opposition. 

I  fear,  therefore,  that  the  Middle  States  are  bound  to 
remain  as  they  are  till  in  some  great  European  conflict  they 
are  swallowed  up  in  the  resulting  territorial  changes. 

To  me  this  state  of  things  seems  grievous,  not  only  for  the 
Principalities  thus  menaced,  but  in  the  interests  of  the  German 
paramount  Powers  themselves.  Austria  needs  no  additional 
territory.  A  well-ordered  internal  Government  and  settled  finances 
are  always  more  important  to  her  and  suffice  to  establish  her 
dominion  on  a  permanent  basis,  especially  if  in  addition  she  has 
the  support  of  her  natural  allies.  Prussia  could  only  carry  out 
her  federal  scheme  under  a  quite  exceptionally  favourable 
juncture  of  the  European  situation,  and  then  only  if  Austria 
were  wiped  off  the  map.  In  1848  the  political  situation  on  the 
Continent  was  favourable  to  the  formation  of  the  Federal  State, 
but  Prussia  missed  her  opportunity.  Such  an  opportunity  is 
not  likely  to  recur  in  a  hurry.  In  spite  of  Italy,  in  spite  of  bad 
finances,  and  in  spite  of  the  concordat,  Austria  will  not  dis- 
appear from  the  map  of  Europe.  The  conditions  therefore  are 
not  yet  within  sight  which  are  essential  to  the  formation  of  a 
Prusso- German  Federal  State.  Meanwhile,  however,  the  present 
state  of  affairs  in  the  German  Confederation  may  well  lead  to 
such  a  disastrous  commotion  as  will  shake  even  Vienna  and 

For  this  reason  I  think  it  would  be  in  the  best  interests  of  both 
Austria  and  Prussia  if  they  would  not  only  withdraw  their  opposi- 
tion to  the  formation  of  a  third  group  of  States  but  use  their 
influence  towards  its  formal  recognition.  The  antipathy  of  the 
several  German  rulers  would  then  retreat  into  the  background 
and  the  support  or  opposition  of  the  Democratic  party  lose  its 
importance.  I  believe  that  by  thus  removing  the  chief  cause 
of  disquiet  and  complaint  the  paramount  German  Powers  could 
secure  peace  to  Germany  and  the  rest  of  Europe  for  long  years  to 

I  see  no  other  solution  of  the  problem.  Nothing  will  be 
achieved  so  long  as  they  fail  to  pay  due  attention  to  certain 
undeniable  things.  Chief  among  these  is  the  individual  char- 
acter of  the  various  German  races  and  the  tenacity  with  which 
each  clings  to  its  peculiar  characteristics.  Social  and  political 
uniformity  is  not  so  difficult  in  France  or  Italy,  where  the  national 


character  shows  greater  uniformity  and  fewer  idiosyncrasies  in 
its  component  parts.  But  in  Germany  the  races  are  as  distinct 
to-day  as  they  were  in  the  time  of  Charlemagne;  the  Wurtem- 
berger  is  as  much  an  Alemann  or  a  Suabian,  the  Bavarian  as 
unmistakably  a  Bojar  as  ever;  you  recognise  the  vivacious 
Frank  in  Central  Germany,  the  reserved  and  hard-working  Saxon 
in  the  population  of  Westphalia  and  Hanover.  Thus,  what  is 
generally  known  as  particularism  has  its  root  deep  in  the  national 
character  and  is  not  to  be  torn  up  and  thrown  aside  by  theories. 

Where,  as  in  Prussia  and  Austria,  the  influence  of  the  Slav 
element  has  asserted  itself,  and  even,  in  a  way,  predominates, 
legislative  union,  and  uniformity  has  been  easily  attained.  In  the 
South  and  West  of  Germany,  the  parts  untouched  by  the  Slav 
element,  the  separation  has  continued  as  the  unavoidable  result 
of  race  characteristics.  It  will  be  hard  enough  to  induce  these 
Principalities  to  enter  into  anything  approaching  a  practical 
federation,  but  certainly  easier  than  trying  to  fuse  them  into  one 
State  like  Prussia  or  Austria.  In  political  matters  it  is  best  to  set 
one's  mind  only  on  what  is  possible,  painful  as  it  may  be  to 
renounce  one's  cherished  theories. 

I  sum  up,  in  conclusion,  the  subjects  that  are  at  present 
occupying  the  attention  of  all  classes  in  Germany.  The  prin- 
cipal points  are  as  follows : 

(1)  The  Papal   Encyclical,*  which,  on   the   whole,    has   not 
created  a  good  impression  among  the  German  Catholics. 

(2)  The  question  as  to  which  will  gain  the  victory  in  the 
struggle  between  Government  and  people  in  Prussia. 

(3)  The  solution    of    the    Schleswig-Holstein    question  —  so 
closely  connected  with  the  foregoing  —  whether  the  Duchies  will 
come    under    Duke   Friedrich's   independent   rule  or   become  a 
province  of  Prussia. 

(4)  The  American  Civil  War  which  profoundly  affects   the 
material  interests  of  South  Germany.     It  is  not  only  our  cotton- 
spinners  that  are  suffering.     It  is  a  question  of  life  and  death 
with  them.     The    capitalists    who    have    put    their    money    in 
American  stock  are  anxiously  watching  the  progress  of  the  war, 
and  long  for  the  conclusion  of  peace  and  the  triumph  of    the 
Northern  States.     Besides,  the    sympathies    of    the    Democratic 
population  of  South  Germany    are    naturally    with    the    North 
American   States. 

Finally,  as  regards  Bavaria,  I  must  not  omit-  to  observe  that 
we  have  the  most  amiable  and  engaging  Sovereign  I  have  ever 
beheld.  His  is  a  noble  and  poetic  nature,  and  his  manner  is  so 
particularly  attractive  because  one  feels  that  his  courtesy  is 
the  natural  expression  of  a  truly  kind  heart.  He  has  plenty  of 
brains  and  character  to  boot.  I  trust  that  the  tasks  he  has 
before  him  may  not  be  beyond  his  strength. 

*The  Encyclical  Quanta  Cura  of  December  8,  1864,  with  the 


The  foregoing  notes  by  the  Prince  on  his  journeys  and  his 
political  impressions  give  no  idea  of  the  busy  and  happy  family  life 
at  Schillingsfurst  which  was  unfolding  itself  in  the  quiet  years 
between  1853  and  1866.  On  November  30, 1847,  the  first  daughter, 
Elizabeth,  was  born  to  the  princely  pair,  and  on  July  6,  1851,  the 
Princess  Stephanie.  On  June  5,  1853,  came  the  son  and  heir,  the 
present  head  of  the  family  Prince  Philipp  Ernst.  A  son,  Albert, 
born  October  14,  1857,  fell  a  victim  to  diphtheria  in  the  spring 
of  1866.  Finally,  on  August  6,  1862,  the  twin  Princes,  Moritz 
and  Alexander,  were  born. 

In  1858  the  Prince  acquired  the  house  in  the  Brienner  Strasse 
in  Munich,  which  he  occupied  with  his  family  during  the  par- 
liamentary sessions.  In  1865  he  bought  a  farmhouse  at  Alt- 
Aussee  in  Styria,  which  he  remodelled  as  a  villa.  Here  the  family 
invariably  spent  part  of  the  summer.  The  parents  were  assisted 
in  the  education  of  the  children  by  Princess  Elise,  the  youngest 
sister  of  Prince  Hohenlohe,  who  made  her  home  with  her  brother 
till  her  marriage  in  1868  with  the  Prince  of  Salm-Horstmar.  From 
her  letters  which  the  editor  has  been  kindly  permitted  to  see, 
a  few  short  extracts  are  reproduced  in  this  book  which  illustrate 
the  life  and  spirit  of  the  household.  The  Princess  Amalie,  the 
Prince's  favourite  sister,  married  in  1857  the  Court  painter, 
Richard  Lauchert,  against  the  will  of  the  family.  The  resulting 
estrangement  lasted  but  a  few  years.  Princess  Salm  writes 
on  the  subject:  "Later  on  my  sister  was  reconciled  to  all  my 
brothers  and  passed  many  a  happy  hour  again  with  my  brother 
Chlodwig.  My  brothers  came  to  see  that  the  man  for  whom 
she  had  given  up  all  was  entirely  worthy  of  her.  He  was  not 
only  a  talented  artist  but  an  admirable  and  wholly  trustworthy 
character.  Unfortunately  he  died  in  1868,  when  they  had 
only  been  married  eleven  and  a  half  years." 

On  the  relations  of  the  Prince  to  his  brothers  and  sisters  the 
Princess  writes:  "We  all  turned  to  him  when  in  the  slightest 
doubt  or  difficulty.  His  keen  judgment  and  reassuring  calm,  and 
the  brotherly  love  which  was  evident  in  all  his  counsels,  gave  them 
great  weight.  Our  mother's  tender  goodness  came  out  again  in 
Amalie  and  Chlodwig.  He  had  drawn  up  documents  about  each 
of  us,  so  that  he  could  take  up  the  thread  of  our  affairs  at  -any 
moment.  At  Schillingsfurst  one  used  to  go  to  his  little  study 
and  sit  down  in  a  small  arm-chair  beside  him  at  the  writing-table, 
and  he  would  look  up  from  his  work  and  instantly  give  his  whole 
attention  to  whatever  you  had  to  say.  Words  cannot  describe 
it;  I  can  still  feel  his  penetrating  gaze." 

Again,  in  1852,  the  Princess  writes:  "I  can  never  cease  to 
admire  Chlodwig,  and  how  calm,  unselfish,  and  patient  he  is  in 
all  his  actions.  Let  them  say  what  they  will  about  masculine 
energy,  firmness,  and  proper  self-assertion  —  that  is  all  very 
well  in  its  way;  but  a  delicate  noble  mind  is  an  infinitely 
higher  thing.  Better  to  have  that  alone,  without  those 


qualities,  than  the  other  way  round.  To-day  he  was  speaking 
again  of  sacred  things.  I  cannot  describe  the  extraordinary 
impression  it  makes  on  me,  how  it  moves  me  to  hear  him 
pronounce  the  name  of  Christ;  it  seems  to  come  from  the 
depths  of  his  heart." 

The  Princess  thus  describes  the  position  of  Schillingsfiirst : 
"It  was  charming  in  the  summer  with  the  wide  views,  the  solemn 
silence  up  on  the  heights,  the  sunshine  streaming  through  the 
spacious  rooms  and  the  glorious  sunsets.  We  much  appreciated 
the  near  neighbourhood  of  Langenburg,  where  Prince  Ernst 
(my  mother's  brother,  and  father  of  the  present  Statthalter),  a 
man  of  the  old  courtly  school,  was  then  living  with  his 
beautiful  and  cultivated  wife.  For  other  neighbours  of  our 
standing  there  were  none,  so  that  Schillingsfiirst  might  really  be 
called  a  lonely  spot.  For  my  dear  sister-in-law,  who  was  not 
accustomed  to  that  kind  of  life,  it  was  in  some  respects  hard, 
especially  as  the  dryness  of  the  air,  the  absence  of  a  river,  and 
the  keen  wind  which  nearly  always  blew  at  Schillingsfurst,  seemed 
not  to  agree  with  her.  This  necessitated  frequent  changes  to 
Schwalbach  and  Schlangenbad  or  to  the  sea.  They  also  went 
frequently  to  Rauden,  near  Ratibor,  to  England,  and,  in  later 
years,  also  to  Vienna.  This  constant  moving  about  was  not 
really  to  my  brother's  taste,  but  it  was  his  way  to  make  the  best 
of  everything.  He  made  copious  and  interesting  notes  of  all  he 
saw,  had  many  instructive  conversations  with  people  he  met, 
and  ever  put  his  own  desires  in  the  background. 

"Afterwards,  in  the  winter  evenings  at  Schillingsfurst,  my 
brother  would  illustrate  his  travels  by  drawings  in  a  great  scrap- 
book.  The  youngest  child  would  be  seated  on  his  knee,  the  others 
standing  round  looking  on  with  awe  and  delight  as  they  watched 
their  own  portraits  in  every  possible  situation,  and  the  portraits  of 
their  parents,  relations,  and  servants  growing  under  their  father's 
hand.  In  this  way  many  books  were  filled  containing  a  whole 
family  history. 

"My  brother  was  very  fond  of  sport  and  was  an  excellent 
shot,  but  all  with  due  moderation.  Once  in  his  later  years  in  the 
Chancellor's  Palace  he  said  to  me :  '  I  cannot  bear  to  look  at  antlers 
now;  sport  has  become  a  perfect  idolatry.'  " 

The  following  observations  from  the  pen  of  the  Prince's  sister- 
in-law,  Princess  Konstantine  of  Hohenlohe,  touching  the  social 
rather  than  the  domestic  life  of  the  Prince,  may  serve  to  amplify 
what  we  have  learned  from  Princess  Elise : 

"The  character  of  my  brother-in-law,  Chlodwig,"  she  writes, 
"always  seemed  to  me  to  bridge  the  gulf  between  two  periods. 
His  mind,  though  deep  rooted  in  the  feudal  traditions  of  his  caste, 
had  yet  a  lively  and  intuitive  sympathy  for  all  the  liberal  views 
which  have  only  come  to  the  fore  in  our  modern  days.  To  his 
benignant  philosophy  it  was  given  to  smooth  rough  edges,  to 


mediate  between  conflicting  forces.  Whether  the  conflicting 
elements  in  his  own  breast  did  not  bring  him  frequent  suffering 
none  can  say;  he  veiled  it  in  impenetrable  silence.  His  imper- 
turbable calm  seemed  to  me  simply  the  peace  after  a  hard-won 
victory  over  self. 

"He  devoted  himself  with  fatherly  care  to  his  youngest  brother, 
Konstantine,  who  was  hardly  more  than  a  boy  at  the  death  of 
their  beloved  mother.  He  and  his  wife  arranged  our  marriage 
and  Marie  was  delighted  to  have  a  cousin  in  the  intimate  family 
circle.  She  always  treated  me  with  special  kindness,  and  they 
both  came  every  year  to  visit  us  newly  married  young  people. 
The  social  life  of  Vienna,  at  that  time  so  exclusive,  courtly,  and 
brilliant,  had  an  irresistible  attraction  for  my  sister-in-law.  It 
did  not  appeal  so  much  to  her  husband,  but,  as  he  was  always 
loath  to  spoil  any  one's  pleasure,  he  took  part  with  cheerful  resig- 
nation in  all  the  pomp  and  the  festivities  where  the  beauty  and 
the  splendid  jewels  of  his  adored  Princess  created  a  great  sensa- 
tion. He  would  often  accompany  me  to  a  lecture  which  interested 
me  while  our  respective  frivolous  better  halves  went  off  to  an 
Offenbach  operette.  A  change  came  over  these  pleasant  and 
innocent  associations  in  the  years  between  1866  and  1870  for 
Chlodwig's  well-known  political  views  and  his  proclamation  against 
the  Vatican  Council  gave  great  offence  in  Vienna.  This  very  much 
upset  my  husband,  who  highly  disapproved  of  his  brother's  action 
in  the  matter.  Yet  the  Chlodwigs  came  to  see  us  as  before.  They 
had  no  thought  of  missing  their  innocent  share  in  the  accustomed 
festivities  and  he  pretended  not  to  notice  the  coolness  of  his  re- 
ception or,  at  most,  merely  smiled  if  some  one  rudely  failed  to 
return  his  greeting.  His  dignified  and  reserved  attitude  made  any 
direct  attack  impossible,  so  that  it  never  came  to  painful  scenes. 
Our  Emperor  was  always  well  inclined  towards  him,  a  feeling 
which  in  later  years,  when  he  was  Governor  of  Alsace  and  Impe- 
rial Chancellor,  increased  to  warm  attachment.  The  Emperor 
expressed  his  regret  at  being  unable  to  invest  the  three  Hohenlohe 
brothers  simultaneously  with  the  Golden  Fleece.  Besides  my 
husband,  the  eldest  brother,  Ratibor,  had  received  the  Fleece  for 
his  constant  and  active  services  to  the  interests  of  Austria  at  Berlin. 
Immediately  on  the  death  of  the  Duke  of  Ratibor,  Chlodwig  was 
honoured  by  receiving  the  Golden  Fleece,  the  most  exclusive  of 

"We  had  many  a  delightful  time  together  in  the  Austrian 
Alps  where  my  husband  had  rented  one  of  the  finest  chamois 
shootings  in  the  country.  My  sister-in-law  threw  herself 
passionately  into  this  noble  sport.  Her  husband  fulfilled  his 
duties  as  a  hunter  most  correctly,  but  with  far  less  enthusiasm.  He 
took  Latin  classics  with  him  when  out  stalking,  filling  my  boys,  who 
were  still  at  the  Gymnasium  in  those  days,  with  amazement.  I 
remember  being  out  with  him  once  in  his  last  years.  We  had  a  long 
wait,  and  to  pass  the  time  he  recited  from  memory  and  without 


one  stumble  whole  poems  of  great  beauty.  In  our  fine  enthusiasm 
of  course  he  missed  the  chamois  which  were  being  driven  to  him. 
At  the  last  moment,  as  we  were  on  the  point  of  going  home, 
his  whole  attention  was  taken  up  by  a  field-mouse  which,  terrified 
by  all  the  racket  and  shooting,  had  sought  refuge  and  protection 
with  him.  This  delayed  us  considerably,  especially  as  even  then 
he  walked  very  slowly,  and  my  husband,  alarmed  for  our  safety, 
had  sent  some  of  the  huntsmen  back  to  look  for  us.  The  inextin- 
guishable laughter  of  the  company  when  we  explained  that  we 
had  been  delayed  by  a  mouse  while  out  chamois  driving  made 
not  the  smallest  impression  on  Chlodwig's  imperturbable  calm." 

THE  YEAR   1866 

Memorandum  by  the  PRINCE. 

MUNICH,  March  21,  1866. 

As  to  the  approaching  or  contemplated  demonstration,*  it  is 
in  the  highest  degree  necessary  to  be  clear  as  to  ends  and  means, 
to  ask  oneself  whether  the  object  is  attainable  and  whether  the 
means  at  hand  promise  a  successful  result. 

The  end  must  be:  by  organising  a  union  to  urge  the 
Government  to  take  up  a  more  decisive  attitude,  to  intervene 
actively  in  the  present  crisis,  and  at  the  same  time  secure  for 
itself  the  alliance  of  the  nation,  or  at  least  of  the  South- Western 
portion  of  it,  by  publishing  the  scheme  for  convening  a  German 

The  active  intervention  of  the  Government  must  be  assisted 
so  as  to  bring  about  the  union  of  the  secondary  States. 

Here  it  may  be  asked:  Is  this  portion  of  the  programme  yet 
within  reach?  With  regard  to  the  dynasties  and  the  Govern- 
ments representing  them,  we  can  only  count  on  the  assent  of 
Saxony;  Wiirtemberg  is  doubtful,  Baden  hostile,  the  small 
duchies  and  all  North  Germany  on  Prussia's  side.  All  these 
States  would  only  follow  the  lead  of  Bavaria  if  they  were  forced 
into  it  by  a  popular  agitation. 

Even  in  its  own  country  the  idea  of  a  German  Parliament 
would  at  present  be  regarded  with  distrust.  The  situation  is  at 
present  this,  that  a  simple,  artless  suggestion  to  convene  a  German 
Parliament  would  be  received  with  jeers.  It  must  consequently 
be  chiefly  and  emphatically  the  Parliament  of  the  middle  States, 
the  so-called  Triad  Parliament. 

*  Nothing  more  precise  about  the  projected  "demonstration"  can  be 
ascertained.  The  reason  is  given  in  the  following  letter  of  Prince 
Karl  of  Bavaria. 


But  even  here,  is  acquiescence  to  be  counted  on  ?  The  Ultra- 
montane party  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  it,  the  Progressive 
party,  in  so  far  as  they  are  National  Unionists,  do  not  swerve 
from  the  Prussian  headship,  and  is  content  to  wait.  The 
Democratic-Progressive  or  people's  party  is  with  us  so  weak 
that  it  may  be  disregarded.  There  thus  remains  only  the  Liberal 
Greater  Germany  group.  This  is  at  the  present  moment  without 
influence;  at  least  its  influence  is  too  trifling  for  it  to  carry  the 
Bavarian  people  along  with  it  by  drawing  up  a  programme. 

In  Wiirtemberg  the  parties  are  grouped  in  a  similar  manner. 
Baden  is  partly  Ultramontane,  partly  National  Unionist.  The 
North  is  altogether  for  the  National  Union.  Thus,  outside  Bavaria, 
no  enthusiasm  for  the  Triad  Parliament  is  to  be  awakened. 

The  active  interference  of  the  Government  must  further 
consist  in  quitting  its  neutral  position  and  entering  upon  a 
definite  alliance  with  Austria. 

This  object  will  also  be  reached  without  our  co-operation. 
Either  Austria  approaches  the  Confederation,  transfers  the 
occupation  of  Holstein  to  the  troops  or  commissioners  of  the 
Confederation,  which  Prussia  will  not  suffer,  and  then  there 
would  be  war  with  Prussia  and  the  alliance  with  Austria  follows 
of  itself: 

Or  Austria  goes  off  on  her  own  path  alone  without  reference 
to  the  Confederation,  which  is  improbable.  Then  comes  the 
immediate  question,  Yes  or  No?  brooking  not  a  moment's 
delay,  which  the  two  paramount  German  Powers  will  put  to  the 
secondary  States.  Bavaria's  only  course,  whether  she  likes  it 
or  not,  will  then  be  to  join  Austria. 

The  setting  up  of  the  parliamentary  idea  for  the  German 
secondary  States  might  lead  to  unexpected  results,  which,  in 
Bavaria's  interests,  are  little  to  be  desired.  Who  is  to  guarantee 
that  if  the  parliamentary  idea  were  to  be  suddenly  mentioned 
and  gained  support,  Prussia  would  not  thereupon  proceed  to 
propose,  directly  and  officially,  reform  of  the  German  Confedera- 
tion, of  which  she  has  already  given  semi-official  intimation? 
Then  we  should  all  at  once  be  relegated  to  the  Union  of  1849. 

Should  I,  however,  be  deceived  on  all  these  points,  should 
it  indeed  be  judicious  and  useful  to  proceed  to  the  formation  of 
a  union  in  the  proposed  manner,  yet  there  is  an  important  point 
to  take  into  consideration.  Political  demonstrations  should  not 
emanate  from  novi  homines,  nor  from  those  who  do  not  possess,  or 
who  have  ceased  to  possess  the  entire  confidence  of  the  people. 
At  any  rate,  those  who  belong  to  these  two  categories  should 
not  attempt  a  demonstration  single-handed.  Demonstrations 
can  only  prove  successful  when  led  by  men  whom  the  people 
(whether  rightly  or  wrongly)  look  upon  as  the  men  worthy  of 
their  trust.  If  these  be  the  leaders,  we  can  join  ourselves  to 
them;  if,  however,  we  act  alone,  we  shall  be  scoffed  at  as 
prying  aristocrats,  and  render  ourselves  impossible  for  ever.  I 


reckon  amongst  the  trustworthy  men  who  might  originate  the 
demonstration,  amongst  others  the  following  persons:  Potzl, 
Schlor,  Hegnenberg,  Lerchenfeld,  Stenglein,  and,  above  all, 
Marquard  Earth. 

The  demonstration  will  be  useless  from  the  beginning  if  it 
does  not  have  the  effect  of  kindling  enthusiasm.  These  volunteer 
political  acts  are  only  justifiable  when  they  are  the  manifestation 
of  the  inspired  thought  of  all  hearts,  when,  the  moment  they 
take  place,  every  one  must  exclaim:  "That  is  the  very  thing !" 
Only  let  there  be  no  blow  struck  at  empty  air,  especially  when 
the  air  is  storm-laden. 

Therefore,  I  will  conclude  in  the  words  of  the  First  Epistle  to 
the  Corinthians,  chap.  ix.  v.  26:  "I  therefore  so  run,  not  as  un- 
certainly; so  fight  I,  not  as  one  that  beateth  the  air." 

PRINCE  KARL  of  Bavaria  to  the  PRINCE. 

MUNICH,  March  23,  1866. 

YOUR  HIGHNESS,  —  I  send  your  remarks  of  the  2ist  inst., 
which  I  intended  to  bring  back  to-day  myself,  with  best  thanks. 

Bavaria's  programme,  which  proposes  to  support  Austria 
if  she  returns  to  the  point  of  view  of  the  German  Confederation, 
will  be  approved  by  all  parties.  An  association  formed  to  act  in 
this  sense  is  superfluous.  An  assembly  which  demands  the 
immediate  convocation  of  a  Parliament  for  Germany  collectively, 
or  for  the  secondary  States,  is  impracticable  and  therefore 
absurd.  I  had  no  such  thought. 

The  Parliament  should  temporarily  make  its  appearance  only 
under  the  condition  of  meeting  the  demand  for  reforms  in  the 
German  Confederation.  Bavaria  would  have  to  establish  a 
connection  between  these  and  her  adhesion  to  Austria. 

It  seems  to  me  that  a  more  favourable  opportunity  than 
the  present  for  arriving,  without  a  revolution,  at  a  reform  of  the 
German  Confederation  will  not  soon  return,  and  I  should  even 
to-day  (at  all  events  in  the  event  of  increasing  complications) 
consider  as  practicable  the  convocation  of  the  Landtag  to  take 
active  measures  in  this  direction  and  to  aim  at  the  unification 
of  all  Liberals  of  the  Greater  Germany  group.  It  is  possible, 
however,  that  you  may  be  right,  and  that  for  this  the  time  has 
not  yet  come. 

Besides,  I  suspect  Pfordten  of  carrying  on  at  the  same  time 
in  deep  secrecy  a  policy  of  a  Rhine  Confederation.  How 

These  are  the  observations  to  which  I  intended  to  call  the 
attention  of  your  Highness.  In  the  meantime  I  will  not  forget 
the  counsel  of  prudence,  for  which  I  reiterate  my  most  sincere 
thanks,  and  remain, 

Your  Highness's  devoted  servant, 




MUNICH,  April  n,  1866. 

Dined  to-day  with  the  King.  In  the  Winter  Garden  after 
dinner  the  King  began  discussing  politics  with  me,  and  expressed 
his  apprehension  regarding  Prussia's  proposal  to  set  up  a  Parlia- 
ment. I  said  the  Parliamentary  scheme  would  always  turn  up  from 
time  to  time;  now  was  the  moment  of  all  others  for  Bavaria  to 
come  forward.  The  Democratic  party  would  not  follow  Bismarck 
unconditionally,  as  they  would  a  Liberal  Prussian  Ministry. 
Prussia's  only  aim  just  now  was  supremacy  in  North  Germany. 
Here  the  King  broke  in:  "Just  now,  yes,  but  presently  she  will 
want  more."  I  questioned  this,  and  added  that  I  believed  Bavaria 
could  come  to  terms  now  with  Prussia,  and  that  Prussia  would 
offer  no  objection  if  we  tried  to  make  a  better  position  for  our- 
selves in  South  Germany.  He  then  spoke  of  Bismarck's  influence 
over  the  King,  which  he  declared  to  be  unlimited.  The  Queen 
and  the  Crown  Prince  were  against  Bismarck.  Leaving  me, 
the  King  had  a  talk  with  Maurer,f  who  corroborated  my  opinions 
and  told  me  afterwards  he  had  particularly  urged  the  King  not  to 
be  afraid  and  to  seize  this  favourable  opportunity. 

MUNICH,  May  31,  1866. 

Arrived  last  night.  The  debate  on  the  address  took  place 
yesterday  morning.  Arco-Valley,  whom  I  met  at  the  station,  told 
me  that  Zu  Rhein  moved,  and  in  a  long  speech  urged,  the  adop- 
tion, in  the  address,  of  a  more  rigorous  tone  against  Prussia, 
whereas  Wilhelm  Lowenstein  advocated  a  moderation  in  her 
favour.  However,  the  Chamber  accepted  Harless's  address  as 
sufficiently  firm  and  dignified.  I  suspect  that  Stauffenberg 
fixed  the  meeting  immediately  before  my  arrival,  if  not  purposely, 
at  least  not  without  inward  satisfaction.  He  wanted  to  deprive 
me  of  the  opportunity  of  making  a  political  confession  of  faith. 
On  the  other  hand  it  may  only  have  been  to  enable  him  to  get 
away  to-day  on  another  week's  holiday. 

Feeling  here  is  against  Prussia;  even  the  sympathy  which 
prevailed  in  the  Army  has  vanished,  I  am  told.  I  walked  up  and 
down  the  Dultplatz  yesterday  for  a  long  time  with  Bodenstedt, 
who  is  keen  on  the  general  arming  of  the  people  —  outside  the 
Standing  Army  of  course.  This  was  the  special  rallying-cry  of  the 
democracy,  and  if  the  people  did  not  mind  the  attendant  expense 
and  discomfort,  why  not  let  them  do  it  and  be  happy.  Revolution 
would  certainly  not  come  of  it. 

The   King's  journey  to  Switzerland  J   has   done   him  much 

*Here  begins  the  regular  continuous  record  which  the  Prince  calls 
his  diary. 

t  State  Councillor  von  Maurer  (1790-1872),  a  member  of  the  Upper 

J  The  purpose  of  the  journey  to  Switzerland,  where  the  King  visited 
the  scene  of  Schiller's  Wilhelm  Tell,  was  misconstrued  by  the  public,  who 
believed  that  the  King  went  there  in  order  to  meet  Richard  Wagner. 

VOL.  i  —  L 


harm  with  Munich  people.  They  are  said  to  have  shouted  abuse 
at  him  in  the  open  street,  and  when  he  drove  to  church  on  the 
opening  day  of  the  Diet  there  was  no  hurrahing,  they  scarcely 
even  saluted  him.  This,  they  say,  is  his  reason  for  transferring 
the  Chief  of  Police,  Pfeufer,*  to  Augsburg  (as  if  the  police 
could  cause  the  bad  feeling !)  and  nominating  Fritz  Luxburg  f 
Chief  of  Police,  in  his  place.  The  latter  is  wretched  about  it 
and  cannot  make  up  his  mind  to  accept. 

Pfordten  declares  constantly  that  he  is  sick  of  the  whole 
business,  but  stays  on  nevertheless  and  will  probably  go  to  the 
conferences  as  Plenipotentiary  to  the  Confederation.  I  do  not 
see  how  this  will  work  with  the  Landtag,  as  there  will  then  be  no 
Minister  to  bring  forward  the  Government  business. 

They  tell  me  the  King  has  refused  to  open  the  session  personally, 
so  old  King  Ludwig  and  Prince  Karl  drove  over  to  Berg  and 
lessoned  him.  The  closing  sentence  of  the  address  of  the  Council 
is  also  a  lesson : 

"When  the  devotion  of  a  Monarch  to  the  duties  of  govern- 
ment —  doubly  heavy  at  the  present  time  —  is  supported  by  the 
confidence  of  his  people,  and  the  confidence  of  the  people  in  its 
turn  increased  and  strengthened  by  that  devotion,  both  ruler  and 
people  may  look  without  dismay  even  into  a  dark  future.  United 
by  this  bond  of  mutual  trust,  we  may  hope,  with  your  Majesty, 
that  should  we  be  called  upon,  in  spite  of  all  our  efforts  for  peace, 
to  defend  the  right  by  force  of  arms,  the  valour  of  our  troops  and 
the  fervent  patriotism  of  the  people  will,  with  God's  help,  gain 
the  victory." 

MUNICH,  June  i,  1866. 

Prince  Reuss  J  fears  that  the  anti-Prussian  demonstrations 
in  the  Bavarian  Chamber  will  finally  result  in  setting  the  Prussian 
people  against  the  South  German  States  and  so  hasten  the  war. 
He  declares  that  Prussia  is  being  more  and  more  driven  to  take 
the  defensive,  and  that  Austria,  by  an  artificial  working  up  of  the 
war  enthusiasm,  is  being  forced  into  war.  The  scheme  of  reform 
of  the  Confederation  which  he  imparted  to  me  touches  but  few 
points,  ignores  the  question  of  a  central  authority,  and  will  satisfy 
no  one.  I  told  him  so  to-day,  and  pointed  out  to  him  that  by 
calling  in  a  Parliament  without  at  the  same  time  organising  a 
central  authority  Bismarck  was  simply  encouraging  the  revolution. 
That  is,  perhaps,  his  intention.  In  my  opinion  the  only  practical 
plan  would  be  a  Council  of  Ministers  associated  with  a  certain 
number  of  picked  men  from  the  Chambers,  who  should  then 
deliberate  together  and  decide  upon  a  draft  of  a  Federal  Con- 
stitution and  draw  up  an  electoral  law  at  the  same  time.  This 
is  the  only  practical  way  of  going  about  it. 

*  Afterwards  Minister  of  the  Interior. 

t  Count    Luxburg,    Prefect    of    Strassburg    in    1871,    and    afterwards 
President  of  the  Government  in  Wurzburg. 
Prussian  Minister  in  Munich. 


MUNICH,  June  3,  1866. 

There  was  another  brush  with  the  police  last  night  in  the 
Sterngarten.  The  Landwehr  fired  on  the  brawlers  and  one 
man  was  killed  and  two  wounded.  I  heard  the  shots,  but 
thought  it  was  fireworks  in  one  of  the  beer-gardens.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  that  these  disorderly  scenes  are  got  up  by  paid  agents. 
This  afternoon  it  began  again  at  the  Lowenbrau.  Who  is  at  the 
bottom  of  it  all  is  not  quite  clear.  The  Liberals  say  it  is  the 
Ultramontanes  who  are  trying  to  get  up  a  revolution  and  drive 
the  young  King  out;  others  say  it  is  done  by  Bismarck's  agents 
so  that  Bavaria  may  be  obliged  to  withdraw  some  of  her  troops 
from  the  frontier  to  quell  the  disturbances. 

The  conferences  seem  to  be  meeting  with  difficulties.  Degen- 
feld,*  whom  I  met  to-day,  says  that  Austria  was  making  con- 
ditions that  must  inevitably  wreck  the  whole  conference.  It  is 
evident  that  the  more  one  hears  of  there  being  little  or  no  desire 
for  war  in  Prussia,  the  more  is  Austria  set  upon  having  it.  I 
no  longer  doubt  that  there  will  be  war.  Napoleon  will  then  join 
with  Italy  and  Prussia,  and  if  the  South- Western  States  make 
too  much  fuss  they  will  be  occupied  by  France  and  Prussia 
together.  We  are  not  sufficiently  organised  to  be  able  to  offer 
much  resistance. 

Pfeufer's  dismissal  was  the  outcome  of  a  very  outspoken 
report  he  sent  to  the  King  on  the  notoriously  bad  feeling  in  the 
capital.  Without  further  explanation  he  was  deprived  of  his 
office  and  made  Director  of  Administration  at  Augsburg.  Instead 
of  entering  a  protest  against  this  Sultanic  encroachment  on  the 
part  of  the  Cabinet,  the  Minister  of  the  Interior,  like  the  thorough 
old  bureaucratic  sleepy-head  he  is,  let  it  pass  without  a  word. 
So  long  as  the  King  is  encouraged  in  his  caprices  by  the  sycophancy 
of  the  Court  and  the  Government  officials,  so  long  will  he  continue 
to  regard  himself  as  a  demi-god  who  can  do  what  he  pleases  and 
for  whose  pleasure  the  rest  of  the  world  —  at  any  rate  Bavaria  - 
was  created. 

June  4. 

Somebody  told  me  yesterday  that  Blomef  was  the  head  of 
the  war  party  in  Austria,  and  was  all  the  more  anxious  to  bring 
it  on  because  he  considered  this  the  most  favourable  moment 
for  re-establishing  the  temporal  power  of  the  Pope  on  its  old 
scale.  If  the  Jesuits,  who  have  even  Bismarck  under  their 
thumb,  consider  war  necessary  to  their  interests,  no  power  on 
earth  can  save  us  from  it.  Since  I  heard  that  I  have  not  the 
slightest  doubt  that  in  a  fortnight's  time  it  will  have  broken  out. 

MUNICH,  June  5. 

Austria  refuses  to  send  a  representative  to  the  Congress  or  the 
conferences.     From  this  everybody  concludes  that  the  war  will 
*  Minister  for  Wurtemberg.          t  The  Austrian  Minister  in  Munich. 


break  out  at  once,  particularly  if  it  is  true  that  Prussia  declared 
in  Vienna  she  would  regard  the  calling  together  of  the  Estates  in 
Holstein  as  a  casus  belli.  Consequently  there  is  general  conster- 
nation in  Munich.  On  the  other  hand,  Konneritz  *  says  Bismarck 
is  in  a  horrible  position.  He  sees  now  that  he  has  gone  too  far,  that 
his  unpopularity  is  increasing,  the  military  organisation  inadequate, 
and  the  Landwehr  wanting  in  the  proper  warlike  spirit.  The 
Household  troops  could  not  be  spared  from  Berlin,  as  the  feeling 
there  was  too  uncertain,  and  as  a  result  of  all  this  there  were 
rumours  of  the  King's  abdication.  Whether  this  is  only  a  highly 
coloured  Saxon  version  I  cannot  say. 

As  regards  the  Schleswig-Holstein  affair,  they  say  a  scheme 
is  being  discussed  according  to  which  Duke  Friedrich  is  to  re- 
nounce the  ducal  crown  in  favour  of  his  son,  and  a  Regency  to  be 
appointed.  Prussia  would  then  be  more  likely  to  give  way. 

If  a  change  of  throne  and  government  were  really  to  occur 
in  Prussia,  the  party  of  the  National  Union  and  their  Prussian 
views  would  grow  stronger  in  Bavaria  and  the  position  of  the 
Bavarian  Government  much  more  difficult. 

MUNICH,  June  7,  1866. 

The  longer  I  stay  here,  the  clearer  does  the  situation  in  Bavaria 
become  to  me.  Things  must  unfold  themselves  slowly  before 
me  if  I  am  to  gain  a  right  view,  and  that  entails  many  wearisome 
visits  and  evenings  at  the  Club. 

Yesterday  Berchtoldf  was  with  me  for -a  long  time  and  told 
me  of  the  conversations  between  the  Deputies  at  the  committee 
on  the  address.  Pfordten  stated  his  policy  frankly  and 
received  the  approval  of  all  parties.  They  all  said  they  had 
nothing  whatever  against  him,  but  much  against  his  incompetent 
colleagues.  Bavaria  stands  firmly  by  the  Confederation,  and  in 
this  Pfordten  is  supported  by  all  parties.  The  Left  votes  grudg- 
ingly with  them,  but  can  bring  forward  no  other  programme.  The 
Triad  is  not  excluded;  the  way  is  being  prepared  for  that  too. 
Berchtold  said  there  was  a  rumour  that  I  had  come  to  an  under- 
standing with  the  Advanced  Liberals,  Barth  and  Volk,  that  they 
were  going  to  draw  the  King  over  to  their  side,  have  Wagner  re- 
called and  put  me  up  for  the  Premiership.  I  am  quite  innocent 
of  any  claims  to  this  honour,  for  with  the  exception  of  Herr 
Umbscheiden  J  whom  I  often  meet  in  the  street  as  he  lives  near 
me,  I  have  never  even  spoken  to  a  member  of  the  Left.  As 
Pfordten  is  now  more  firmly  established  than  ever  there  can  be 
no  question  of  any  such  combination,  which  would  be  very 
distasteful  to  me. 

*  Saxon  Ambassador  in  Munich. 

t  A  parliamentarian  of  advanced  views. 

j  A  judicial  officer,  formerly  Member  of  the  Frankfurt  Parliament. 


June  9. 

To-day  brought  the  debate  on  the  address  in  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies  to  a  close  after  lasting  two  days.  Pfordten's  Ministry 
met  with  little  opposition  on  the  whole.  As  far  as  I  could  hear 
no  voice  was  raised  in  favour  of  direct  alliance  with  Austria.  The 
instability  and  vagueness  of  the  whole  situation  made  the  Deputies 
very  guarded  in  their  speech.  Altogether  there  was  much  talk 
with  very  little  in  it,  as  nobody  would  show  his  hand. 

The  chairman,  Professor  Edel  of  Wiirzburg,  said  pretty  much 
what  one  reads  in  the  Allgemeine  Zeitung.  He  was  appallingly 
dull.  A  Deputy  of  the  Palatinate  said  they  ought  to  side  neither 
with  Austria  nor  with  Prussia,  nor  yet  remain  neutral,  but  should 
place  the  Army  at  the  disposal  of  the  German  Parliament;  to 
which  Pfordten  replied,  would  he  be  good  enough  to  tell  them 
first  where  the  German  Parliament  might  be. 

Pfordten  spoke  with  his  customary  lucidity,  and  entirely  from 
the  standpoint  of  the  rights  of  the  Confederation.  That  will 
not  do  him  much  good  if  the  Confederation  is  broken  up  by  the 
war  between  the  two  paramount  Powers.  There  seems  at  present 
to  be  a  decided  feeling  in  favour  of  a  closer  union  between  smaller 
States,  the  formation  of  the  so-called  Triad.  Whether  this  plan 
could  ever  be  actually  carried  through  still  seems  to  me  very 

The  debates  on  the  question  of  supply  will  begin  at  the  end  of 
the  week  in  the  Lower  House,  and  then  come  on  to  us  in  the 
week  of  June  17  to  28.  I  shall  probably  have  an  opportunity 
then  of  speaking  against  the  State  paper  currency. 

War  now  seems  inevitable.  I  have  every  reason  to  suppose 
that  Napoleon  has  an  understanding  with  Prussia  and  that  events 
will  take  the  course  I  have  already  pointed  out. 

MUNICH,  June  16,  1866. 

One  startling  piece  of  news  comes  on  the  heels  of  another  in 
these  days.  First  Prussia's  secession  from  the  Confederation 
because  of  the  mobilisation  of  the  Federal  forces,  and  now  the 
news  of  the  entry  of  the  Prussians  into  Saxony,  of  King  Johann's 
departure  for  Prague,  and  the  retreat  of  the  Saxon  troops  across 
the  Bohemian  frontier.  Prussia  has  sent  an  ultimatum  to  Hanover 
and  also  to  the  Electorate  of  Hesse  —  to  disarm  or  she  will  send 
an  army  of  occupation.  And  so  the  scheme  for  the  partition  of 
Germany  is  well-nigh  complete.  We,  for  our  part,  allow  our- 
selves to  be  hustled,  now  by  Prussia,  now  by  Austria,  and  have 
no  definite  plans  of  any  kind. 

The  Bavarian  Army  is  in  a  most  unsatisfactory  state.  Prince 
Karl  is  too  old  to  be  Commander-in-Chief.  The  officers  have  not 
sufficient  confidence  in  their  own  powers.  I  hardly  think  we 
shall  win  many  laurels  for  all  the  hearty  good  will  of  the  men 
and  the  Bavarian's  inborn  love  of  a  fight. 

On    Monday   the   debate    on   the   thirty-one    millions  which 


are  needed  for  military  purposes  will  take  place  in  the  Chamber 
of  Deputies.  I  am  curious  to  hear  the  speeches  on  paper  money. 
Brater  and  Kolb  are  of  my  opinion,  and  against. 

The  King  sees  no  one  now.  He  is  staying  with  Taxis  *  and 
the  groom  Volk  on  the  Roseninsel,  and  lets  off  fireworks.  Even 
the  Members  of  the  Upper  House,  who  were  to  deliver  the  ad- 
dress to  him,  were  not  received  —  a  case  unprecedented  in  the 
constitutional  life  of  Bavaria.  Not  to  receive  addresses  of  loy- 
alty, and  from  the  faithful  Senate,  that  is  a  bitter  pill  for  the 
august  Chamber!  The  Munich  people  themselves  are  again 
making  quite  justifiable  comments.  Other  people  do  not  trouble 
their  heads  about  the  King's  childish  tricks,  since  he  lets  the 
Ministers  and  the  Chambers  govern  without  interfering.  His 
behaviour  is,  however,  imprudent,  since  it  tends  to  make  him 
unpopular.  At  one  o'clock  I  was  with  Reuss,  who  is  expecting  his 
recall.  Louis  f  will  take  his  place.  He  must,  in  fact,  unless 
he  is  anxious  to  ruin  his  position  in  Prussia  altogether. 

The  public  at  large  are  watching  the  whole  crisis  with  a  kind 
indifference,  an  objective  interest.  That  present  conditions 
cannot  continue,  every  one  can  see.  Why  go  to  war  to  main- 
tain them?  Konneritz  thinks  that  in  spite  of  all  Bavaria 
will  take  no  active  part.  To-night,  so  Stauffenberg  tells  me,  an 
uproar  among  the  Jews  is  announced.  I  don't  believe  it  though. 

MUNICH,  June  19,  1866. 

On  account  of  the  proposal  to  mobilise  the  Army  Corps 
of  the  Confederation,  Prussia  has  announced  her  withdrawal, 
and  has  attacked  Saxony,  Hanover,  and  Hesse.  The  Bavarian 
Government,  which  up  to  now  has  taken  up  an  indecisive 
attitude  of  ostensible  impartiality,  and  flattered  itself  it  could 
keep  it  up,  has  suddenly,  to  its  astonishment,  been  waked  out 
of  its  dream  and  compelled  to  range  itself  on  the  Austrian  side. 
The  Prussian  Minister  has  been  informed  that  diplomatic  rela- 
tions are  broken  off,  and  Reuss  left  with  Louis  at  six  o'clock 
this  evening.  I  bade  him  farewell  at  the  station;  the  French, 
the  Russian,  and  the  Italian  Legations  were  there,  besides 
Quadt,  Deroy,  and  I. 

Reuss  left  with  a  heavy  heart,  as  undoubtedly  he  will  not  re- 
turn here.  Alvensleben  is  staying  some  time  longer,  to  put  every- 
thing straight. 

The  most  various  rumours  are  afloat.  One  day  they  say 
that  the  Prussians  are  at  Hof,  and  the  other  day  the  Austrians 
had  taken  Gorlitz  by  storm,  an  Archduke  killed,  &c.  Then 
some  one  declares  that  he  has  read  a  telegram  from  some  one 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Frankfurt,  who  has  heard  heavy  firing 
in  that  neighbourhood. 

*  Orderly  Officer  Prince  Paul  Taxis. 

f  Prince  Ludwig  zu  Sayn -Wittgenstein,  brother  of  the  Princess,  then 
in  the  Prussian  Legation  at  Munich. 


Our  Army  is  not  in  particularly  good  condition,  and  the  Aus- 
trians  do  well  to  send  further  reinforcements  to  Southern  Germany. 
Austrians  are  expected  there  shortly. 

I  am  afraid  that  now  the  war  will  be  very  long  and  very  san- 
guinary. People  will  only  grow  accustomed  to  war  by  degrees, 
but  the  habit  of  it  will  come,  and  when  once  Germans  get  to  logger- 
heads, they  can't  stop. 

The  Rhine  Palatinate  has  sent  a  deputation  here  to  complain 
that  they  are  being  delivered  over  to  the  mercy  of  the  French. 
The  Emperor  Napoleon  is  already  setting  inquiries  about  as 
to  whether  the  population  would  care  to  become  French.  The 
characterless  people  there,  who  have  never  clung  to  any  Sovereign, 
any  more  than  to  Germany,  will  readily  allow  themselves  to  be 
made  French.  This  makes  the  patriots  furious,  and  they  are  send- 
ing deputations  to  implore  protection.  But  where  are  we  to  get  an 
army  from  to  keep  the  French  troops  off  ?  Our  troops  have  enough 
to  do  to  keep  off  the  Prussians ;  there  are  none  left  for  the  Palat- 

To-day  there  was  a  long  sitting  of  the  Upper  House,  before 
which  I  had  brought  a  motion  on  the  disadvantages  of  paper 
money.  The  House  and  the  Ministry,  however,  were  not  agreed 
on  the  point,  so  I  withdrew  it,  my  intention  being  only  to  bring 
the  question  under  discussion. 

I  met  Pfordten  at  the  Club  to-night.  He  was  lamenting  over 
the  war,  which  will  result  in  the  dismemberment  of  Germany; 
he  said  over  and  over  again:  "This  is  the  end  of  Germany." 
I  almost  believe  it  myself  now.  Prussia  will  become  a  great 
and  compact  State  in  North  Germany;  we,  in  the  South,  will 
go  on  vegetating  under  French  or  Austrian  protection,  until 
our  hour  strikes,  and  half  of  us  falls  to  France,  and  the  other 
half  to  Austria. 

Baron  Guttenberg  came  late  into  the  Club,  and  related  that 
the  Prussians  have  shown  themselves  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Hof.  Taxis*  thereupon  is  said  to  have  rapidly  collected  his 
troops  against  them,  whereupon  they  withdrew  across  the 
frontier  again  without  fighting.  This  is  said  to  be  authentic. 
Leidenhayn  says  they  are  arguing  in  his  club  about  the  war. 
"What  quarrel  have  we  with  the  Prussians,  then,  that  we  should 
go  to  war  for  Augustenburg?"  the  habitues  there  say.  "If 
Max  were  alive  now,"  he  added,  "things  would  not  have  come  to 

MUNICH,  June  21,  1866. 

To-day  we  had  our  last  sitting  on  a  law  touching  the  exten- 
sion of  the  Bank's  right  to  issue  notes.  At  the  end  of  the 
sitting  Pfordten  gave  a  valedictory  address,  in  which  he  em- 
phasised that  the  Bavarian  Government  had  done  their  best 
to  avoid  a  war,  &c.  At  one  o'clock  I  had  a  meal  with  a 

*  General  Prince  Taxis  was  father-in-law  to  Freiherr  von  Guttenberg. 


number  of  Senators  and  Gustav  Castell  *  at  the  Bayrischer  Hof. 
Gustav  Castell  had  been  at  Bamberg  to  make  arrangements 
for  the  reception  of  the  General  Staff  in  the  palace  there, 
and  got  back  here  again  yesterday  evening.  Prince  Karl 
left  here  at  noon  yesterday  for  Bamberg  with  the  whole  of  his 
Headquarters  Staff.  Von  der  Tann  is  Quarter-master  General. 
A  huge  number  of  officers,  &c.,  travelled  in  the  suite;  likewise 
an  Austrian  General,  Huyn.  Prince  Luitpold  is  going  with  the 
General  Staff  too.  The  King  goes  there  to-morrow,  so  they 
say,  but  will  only  remain  a  short  time.  There  is  talk  here 
to-day  again  of  battles.  They  say  that  in  Saxony  or  Bohemia 
there  has  been  a  cavalry  engagement,  and  that  a  big  battle 
has  taken  place  near  Oppeln.  However,  nothing  is  known 
for  certain.  The  prevailing  temper  here  is  not  enthusiastic. 
People  are  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  the  war,  but  regret 
it,  and  are  loath  to  go  to  the  front.  Munich  is  deserted; 
the  people  stand  at  the  booksellers'  windows,  stare  at  the  maps, 
and  repeat  the  rumours  they  have  heard  to  each  other. 

Dusemann  has  just  been  here,  and  told  me  that  the  Neue 
Bayrische  Kurier  is  enlarging  upon  the  fact  that  I  accompanied 
Reuss  to  the  station.  As  if  they  could  find  any  sympathy  for 
Prussia  in  that.  I  could  not  let  Louis  leave  without  going  to 
see  him  off.  At  eleven  o'clock  last  night  I  was  at  the 
station  to  see  the  Austrian  troops  go  through.  But  they  were 
only  coaches  with  a  convoy  of  Italian-speaking  soldiers.  A 
crowd  of  onlookers  were  sauntering  about.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  every  one  is  on  the  go  all  the  time  to  be  ready  to 
be  off  to  the  station  and  watch  the  troop  trains.  I  own  that 
the  sight  makes  me  sad,  since  it  is  a  case  of  war  in  Germany,  and 
between  Germans. 

They  are  considering  here  whether  they  ought  not  to 
send  their  valuables  to  Switzerland.  Still,  I  have  heard  sensible 
people  again,  who  regard  such  attempts  at  flight  as  absurd. 

MUNICH,  June  26,  1866. 

On  my  arrival  back  from  Baden  last  night,  I  learnt  that 
the  Duke  of  Augustenburg  was  here.  I  went  to  see  him  this 
afternoon.  He  invited  me  to  dine  with  him,  and  I  met  Samwer, 
a  Dr.  Lorenzen,  and  a  Major  Schmidt.  After  dinner  we  both 
drove  to  Schack,  and  then  in  the  English  Garden.  He  told 
me  the  whole  history  of  his  political  life  since  1863.  He  is 
extraordinarily  calm  and  confident,  and  has  no  doubts  as  to 
the  success  of  his  cause.  It  was  news  to  me  that  the  King 
of  Prussia  and  Bismarck  were  entirely  in  agreement  with  him 
until  Bismarck's  journey  to  Biarritz.t  After  his  return,  Bismarck 

*  Count  Gustav  Castell-Castell,  at  that  time  Captain  of  Artillery  and 
Aide-de-camp  to  the  King. 

f  The  allusion  is  doubtless  to  Bismarck's  visit  to  Biarritz  in  October 


tried  every  possible  subterfuge  and  evasion,  and  then  brought 
the  whole  affair  to  its  present  point.  He,  the  Duke,  was  ready 
to  make  every  possible  concession.  But  Bismarck  wanted 
annexation.  The  treaty  with  Italy  *  was  concluded  before  the 
Castein  Convention,  and  Bismarck  has  been  preparing  for  war 
for  two  years,  and  taking  measures  accordingly.  That  time 
the  matter  failed  on  account  of  the  opposition  of  the  King,  who 
"would  not  take  the  leap."  It  was  for  that  reason  alone  that 
the  Gastein  Convention  was  concluded.  The  Duke  says  that  the 
whole  tale  about  the  German  reforms  and  the  Parliament, 
&c.,  is  a  mere  imposture.  Bismarck  only  wants  to  round 
off  Prussia.  What  of  Prussia  he  will  have  to  give  up  after  the 
war  is  quite  immaterial  to  him,  so  long  as  he  secures  more  square 
miles  through  compensation  in  other  directions.  He  wants 
Hanover,  Schleswig-Holstein,  and  Hesse,  perhaps  Saxony  as 
well.  The  Duke  hopes  that  Austria  and  the  other  German 
States  will  ultimately  be  victorious.  Of  the  Duke  of  Coburg 
he  says  that  he  is  one  of  the  men  who  always  want  to  have  a 
part  to  play,  and  cannot  wait  until  the  turn  of  the  wheel  has 
again  brought  things  round  to  a  point  where  they  can  get 
their  chance  again.  He  himself  knows  how  to  wait.  That  one 
must  say  for  him.  He  produces  an  exceedingly  good  impression 
upon  one  with  his  calmness,  his  dignity,  and  his  conscientious 
bearing.  He  is  waiting  here  now  for  the  King,  but  does  not 
know  yet  to  whom  he  is  going  to  turn  next. 

For  the  rest,  things  are  quiet  here.  Munich  is  like  a  dead  city. 
The  news  of  the  victory  of  the  Austrians  f  in  Italy  has  caused 

THURNAU,  June  28. 

I  have  been  here  since  yesterday.  From  Munich  to  Nurem- 
berg there  was  no  sign  of  war.  At  Nuremberg  things  began  to 
show  signs  of  military  activity.  There  was  a  battery  of 
the  3rd  Artillery  Regiment  at  Bamberg.  I  met  Captain  von 
Massenbach,  and  gave  him  my  Allgemeine  Zeitung,  whereat 
he  was  much  delighted.  The  soldiers  behaved  like  rough  village 
louts  on  a  Sunday;  they  brawled  and  hooted  abominably.  The 
keeper  of  the  station  restaurant  poured  out  his  grief  over  the 
sad  times  to  me.  Where  the  elegantly  garbed  Kissingen  visitors 
used  to  dine,  the  soldiers  are  now  blustering  about.  On  the  way 
to  Lichtenfels  I  met  trains  full  of  cuirassiers.  At  Lichtenfels 
there  were  sentries  on  duty.  All  is  empty  about  here.  Who 
knows  whether  the  Prussians  may  not  arrive  before  I  leave? 
Still,  the  battle  they  have  lost  in  Bohemia,}  which  we  read  of 
in  the  papers  to-day,  will  doubtless  make  them  somewhat  more 

*  On  the  negotiations  with  Italy  in  the  summer  of  1865,  see  Sybel,  Be- 
grundung  des  Deutschen  Reichs,  vol.  iv.  p.  129  of  the  popular  edition. 

t  The  battle  of  Custozza,  June  24. 
The  engagement  at  Trautenau  on  June  27. 


MUNICH,  July  3,  1866. 

The  latest  news  from  the  theatre  of  war  in  Bohemia 
has  aroused  a  feeling  here  which  does  not  say  much  for  the 
strength  of  character  of  the  populace.  Now  all  at  once 
people  are  beginning  to  discover  that  it  would  have  been  better 
to  remain  neutral;  the  Prussian  needle-guns  are  irresistible, 
&c.  In  addition  to  this,  our  Army,  which  might  very  well 
have  liberated  the  Hanoverians,  has  lost  weeks  without  any 
earthly  reason,  or  at  any  rate  without  any  known  reason.  At  the 
Bavarian  headquarters  they  heard  the  guns  at  Langensalza,  and 
never  stirred.  If  the  war  is  really  being  directed  from  Munich, 
if  the  General  Staff  is  under  the  control  of  an  ex-professor,* 
and  all  orders  are  received  via  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
it  is  impossible  to  carry  on  any  war.  The  indignation  of  the 
Bavarian  officers  is  said  to  be  great.  The  result  of  all  this  is  that 
the  weak  people  are  losing  courage,  and  the  others  are  railing 
worse  than  ever.  That  the  present  military  system  of  the 
Confederation  has  not  proved  efficient,  and  that  the  present  con- 
stitution of  the  Confederation  has  outlived  its  day,  is  gradually 
becoming  clear  to  everybody.  At  seven  o'clock  last  evening  I 
started  home  from  the  Bayrischer  Hof,  where  I  had  dined  at  the 
table  d'hote  with  the  Duke  of  Augustenburg's  gentlemen  (the 
Duke  is  at  Langenburg  for  a  few  days).  However,  it  was  an  hour 
and  a  half  before  I  reached  home,  for  in  the  Ludwigstrasse  I  met 
Tauffkirchen,  f  Deroy,  and  Gustav  Castell,  with  whom  were 
some  others.  So  we  stood  and  talked  over  the  political  situation 
for  an  hour.  In  the  Briennerstrasse  I  met  with  Countess  Lerchen- 
feld  and  six  old  ladies,  who  clustered  round  me,  and  likewise 
began  a  political  discussion.  Then  I  went  with  the  ladies  to  the 
office  of  the  Bayrische  Zeitung  to  get  the  special  edition,  from 
which,  however,  there  was  nothing  new  to  be  gleaned. 
People  are  beginning  to  realise  here  that  we  are  much  to  blame 
for  our  conduct. 

Pfordten's  delay  during  this  winter  bearing  its  evil  fruit.  It 
looks  to  me  as  if  we  should  fall  between  two  stools.  Perhaps 
the  Bavarian  Army  Corps  will  now  begin  to  act  with  some  energy. 
Frau  von  der  Tann  declares  it  will.  It  is  to  be  hoped  so,  but 
it  would  have  been  better,  while  the  impression  of  the  first 
successful  engagements  in  Bohemia  and  the  news  from  Italy 
were  still  fresh,  to  advance  to  the  relief  of  the  Hanoverians.  The 
favourable  opportunity  has  now  been  allowed  to  slip,  and  I  cannot 
blame  the  Ostedeutsche  Post  for  inveighing  against  Bavaria. 

The  King  is  at  Berg  again.  The  Bayrische  Zeitung  an- 
nounces that  for  the  purpose  of  communication  with  the  Ministry 
the  telegraph  is  being  installed  between  Berg  and  Munich,  and 
Privy  Councillor  Pfistermeister,  to  facilitate  rapid  communica- 

*  Von  der  Pfordten  had  been  a  professor  at  Wurzburg  and  Leipzig, 
t  Count  Tauffkirchen,  then  Stadtrichter  (Sheriff)  of  Munich. 


tion  between  the  King  and  his  Ministers,  will  remain  here  at 
Munich ! 

MUNICH,  July  5,  1866. 

The  news  from  Bohemia  is  producing  a  very  dispiriting  effect 
here.  Moreover,  the  Bavarian  Army,  owing  to  the  sheer 
incompetence  of  its  leaders,  has  not  come  to  the  rescue  of  the 
Hanoverians.  The  Bayrische  Zeitung  excuses  this  by  saying  that 
at  headquarters  uthey  did  not  know  where  the  Hanoverians  were." 
Is  anything  more  ridiculous  conceivable?  In  our  War  Ministry 
things  are  proceeding  on  the  old  bureaucratic,  red-tape  lines.  Self- 
satisfaction  and  dilatoriness  everywhere.  Von  Lutz,  the  Minister 
of  War,  so  far  as  I  can  judge  from  the  sittings  of  the  Upper 
House  in  committee,  is  a  man  of  very  small  intellectual  ability. 
A  man  like  this,  who,  in  addition  to  the  rest,  recently  banged  his 
head  against  the  door  in  getting  off  his  horse  and  thereby  made 
himself  more  incapable  than  he  was  before,  is  now  at  the  head  of 
the  Bavarian  Army  Administration  !  Prince  Karl  is  a  nervous  old 
gentleman ;  the  officers  on  the  General  Staff  are  some  of  them  no 
better  than  the  Minister.  I  am  watching  the  progress  of  the  war 
with  alarm.  At  any  rate  it  is  a  good  thing  that  our  Bavarian 
soldiers  are  quite  extraordinarily  pugnacious,  especially  when  they 
are  well  fed.  It  is  possible  that  the  soldiers  will  make  up  for  the 
deficiencies  of  their  leaders. 

Here,  where  even  in  quiet  times  we  have  no  other  recreation 
than  argument  and  discussion,  there  is  no  end  to  the  railing  and 
the  putting  right  of  other  people.  The  news  of  the  battle 
between  Koniggratz  and  Josefstadt  the  day  before  yesterday  has 
made  a  tremendous  sensation. 

Some  one  who  is  not  without  influence  took  it  into  his  head 
to  propose  me  as  Kultusminister  (Minister  for  Public  Worship  and 
Instruction).  He  consulted  me  about  it  first.  I  said,  "No,  thank 
you,"  though,  for  in  the  first  place  I  do  not  wish  to  be  a  Minister 
at  all;  in  the  next  place,  not  with  these  colleagues;  and  in  the 
third  place,  not  Minister  of  Public  Instruction.  I  should  never  be 
safe  from  intrigues  of  every  sort.  Moreover,  the  Minister  of 
Public  Instruction  has  the  Musical  Academies  under  him,  and 
I  should  have  the  pleasure  of  coming  into  conflict  with  Richard 
Wagner,  &c.  I  should  be  sold  and  betrayed  on  all  hands. 

6  P.M. 

Dined  with  Pfordten  and  several  diplomatists.  Pfordten 
told  me  that  a  proposal  for  an  armistice  has  been  sent  from 
Paris  to  Vienna.  So  peace  is  in  prospect.  It  would  thus  seem 
that  we  should  continue  the  war  with  Prussia  alone,  which  I 
think  is  madness.  Pfordten  had  a  dispute  with  Konneritz  at 
table  tfhdte.  The  former  declared  that  he  preferred  Bismarck 
to  the  Prussian  Liberal  party,  who  cared  just  as  little  for  justice. 
Rosty*  was  of  opinion  that  Austria  will  continue  the  war  with 
*  Secretary  to  the  Austrian  Embassy. 


Prussia  after  she  has  given  up  Italy.  There  is  general  delight 
that  the  Bavarians  have  at  any  rate  fought.  The  Prussians  are 
at  Briickenau  and  at  Neustadt-on-Saale.  We  have  no  news  of 
Prince  Alexander  of  Hesse's  8th  Army  Corps,  and  so  the  Prussian 
troops  have  penetrated  between  the  7th  and  8th  Army  Corps. 
Now  the  armistice  will  bring  this  campaign  to  an  end  too. 

MUNICH,  July  7,  1866. 

I  had  business  at  Ansbach  yesterday,  so  started  from  here  at  six 
o'clock.  At  the  station  I  was  met  by  the  editor  of  the  Neueste 
Nachrichten,  who  showed  me  a  telegram:  "Napoleon  imposes 
the  condition  that  Prussia  is  to  evacuate  Bohemia,  or  he  will 
invade  the  Rhine  Province."  I  have  heard  no  more  about  this 
condition  since.  At  Ansbach  I  heard  that  the  Frankfurt  Bourse 
is  revelling  in  anticipations  of  peace,  and  that  the  rate  had  risen 
tremendously.  At  Ansbach  every  one  was  anxious  to  pack.  They 
were  all  terrified  of  the  Prussians.  The  cowardice  of  humanity  is 
no  greater  than  I  would  have  believed.  What  more  particularly 
angers  me  is  that  the  authorities  too  seem  to  have  lost  their  heads. 
This  illustrates  how  demoralising  our  bureaucracy  is.  We 
have  no  men  anywhere,  only  scribbling  old  women.  Because  a 
few  hundred  cuirassiers  and  Uhlans  lost  their  heads,  fled  from 
a  cavalry  engagement  at  Fulda  and  arrived  breathless  at  Wiirz- 
burg,  the  whole  of  Lower  Franconia  lost  heart.  I  hear  a  good 
many  instances  of  the  incapacity  of  our  military  administration. 
President  zu  Rhein  telegraphed  to  Munich  that  orders  must  in  any 
case  be  issued  that  Wurzburg  was  not  to  be  defended  if  the 
Prussians  came !  Meanwhile  the  Prussians  had  withdrawn 
again  over  the  Bavarian  frontier. 

The  engagement  fought  by  the  Bavarians  near  Diedorf  and 
Rossdorf  *  was  very  respectable.  General  Zoller  defended  him- 
self well.  They  even  made  prisoners  and  lost  none.  Here  they 
keep  on  talking  nonsense.  For  instance,  they  say  that  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  has  passed  through,  on  his  way  to  Prince 
Karl's  headquarters,  and  from  there  will  go  to  St.  Petersburg! 
Then  he  is  to  go  to  Paris,  or  to  Strassburg,  and  so  on. 

I  am  beginning  to  believe  that  peace  is  still  a  long  way  off. 
If  it  be  true  that  Napoleon  is  imposing  too  harsh  conditions  on 
Prussia,  for  instance,  the  reinstatement  of  the  banished  German 
Princes,  withdrawal  from  Bohemia  during  the  continuance  of  the 
armistice,  &c.  (I  say  "harsh"  from  the  Prussian  point  of  view),  then 
the  King  of  Prussia  will  absolutely  refuse  them,  and  Napoleon  will 
march  on  the. Rhine  Province.  Then  we  shall  have  a  European 
war.  We  shall  see  before  long.  There  is  much  to  support  this 
view.  It  would  probably  suit  Napoleon  very  well  if  Prussia  did  not 
accept  the  present  conditions  of  peace,  it  would  give  him  a 
splendid  opportunity  of  occupying  the  Rhine  Province.  In  that 
case,  however,  Germany  might  possibly  turn  against  France.  The 
*  Battle  of  Hiinfeld,  July  4. 


confusion  of  German  political  affairs  would  reach  its  zenith.  I 
hope  that  I  am  wrong,  but  such  a  development  would  be  by  no 
means  impossible.  For  the  present,  we  need  not  despair  of  the 
armistice.  But  what  will  come  afterwards  is  anything  but  clear. 
That  things  will  be  as  quickly  settled  as  in  the  year  fifty-nine 
seems  to  me  improbable.  According  to  the  latest  news  the  panic 
of  the  Wiirzburgers  was  absolutely  baseless,  as  no  dispersed 
cavalry  arrived  there  at  all. 

MUNICH,  July  13,  1866. 

The  last  few  days  there  has  been  great  excitement  here  over 
the  engagements  in  and  about  Kissingen.*  The  public  have 
given  vent  to  their  excitement  in  abuse,  as  is  usually  the  way  with 
ordinary  people.  I  had  an  opportunity  to-day  of  dining  with  an 
officer  (Diirig),  who  was  General  Zoller' s  orderly  officer,  and 
brought  his  body  here.  Diirig  has  taken  part  in  every  engage- 
ment and  told  us  a  great  deal.  The  soldiers  have  fought  very 
well  everywhere.  The  head  administration  of  the  General  Staff 
and  of  the  Commissariat  Department  leaves  much  to  be  desired. 
He  said  that  at  Kissingen  the  visitors  were  walking  about  the 
streets  on  the  very  morning  of  the  battle,  until  the  first  shell 
fell  in  the  streets,  and  then  they  crept  into  the  cellars,  where 
many  a  one  doubtless  perished.  Zoller  was  killed  by  a  shell, 
which  killed  Dung's  horse  as  well.  Both  fell  at  the  same  time. 
Diirig  picked  Zoller  up,  but  he  was  mortally  wounded.  The  frag- 
ment of  shell  had  torn  away  his  right  side  in  the  region  of  the 
liver.  Diirig  brought  the  body  out  of  the  fight,  and  then  by  great 
good  fortune  got  it  through  the  Prussian  fighting  lines  to  Schwein- 
furt,  where  they  arrived  just  as  the  Prussians  were  expected 
from  the  same  quarter. 

Diirig  went  back  to  Bamberg  to-day.  There  are  the  most  con- 
tradictory rumours  concerning  the  armistice.  Some  say  that  it 
is  concluded ;  others,  that  the  negotiations  have  come  to  nothing. 
All  the  same  I  think  that  peace  is  desired  on  all  sides  and  the 
Prussians  have  only  dragged  out  the  negotiations  in  order  to 
gain  time  and  territory.  If  the  armistice  does  not  become  an 
accomplished  fact  we  shall  be  in  the  unfortunate  position  of 
being  obliged  to  fight  with  France  against  Prussia,  a  political 
situation  which  I  regard  as  discreditable.  The  time  cannot 
be  far  off  when  German  consciousness  will  react  against  this 
and  will  condemn  those  who  entered  upon  such  an  alliance. 
And  yet  we  cannot  be  expected  to  fight  against  Austria  and 
France  at  the  same  time.  There  are  positions,  like  that  in 
which  Bavaria  found  herself  in  the  year  1805,  when  one  is  forced 
into  an  un-German  alliance  without  the  possibility  of  an  escape. 
General  Zoller's  funeral  yesterday  was  very  imposing.  ^  I 
joined  the  procession  and  went  with  the  Minister  for  War,  behind 
Prince  Adalbert.  The  funeral  oration  was  insignificant.  The 

*  On  July  10. 


parson  made  use  of  the  singularly  inappropriate  expression  that 
"the  deceased  had  fallen  a  victim  to  his  patriotism."  At  the 
outside,  that  might  be  said  of  a  man  who  had  been  murdered, 
not  of  any  one  who  had  fallen  on  the  field  of  honour. 

The  Deputies  for  the  town  of  Munich  have  paid  a  visit  to 
Pfordten,  to  demand  an  alteration  in  the  Ministry,  as  far  as 
Pfordten's  colleagues  are  concerned. 

I  regard  the  present  catastrophe  with  the  utmost  calm.  It  was 
unavoidable,  for  the  opposition  between  Austria  and  Prussia  had 
to  come  to  a  point  and  be  settled ;  and  it  was  better  now  than  ten 
years  later.  It  is  salutary,  too,  because  it  will  do  away  with 
many  rotten  institutions  in  Germany  and  in  particular  will 
demonstrate  clearly  and  ad  hominem  to  the  small  and  medium- 
sized  States  their  pitiable  unimportance.  That  this  will  be 
unfortunate  for  the  dynasties,  I  admit,  but  it  will  be  fortunate 
for  the  people. 

The  King  did  not  receive  Diirig  (although  at  Holnstein's* 
suggestion  he  made  him  a  present  of  a  horse).  But  a  "  high  war 
lord"  who  refuses  to  receive  an  officer  returned  from  the  battle- 
field !  Is  it  not  enough  to  make  people  rail  ? 

MUNICH,  August  13,  1866. 

On  my  arrival  at  Munich  on  the  evening  of  the  i2th,  I  went 
to  the  Club,  where  I  found  Gustav  Castell  and  Tauffkirchen.  The 
latter  informed  me  that  Bavaria  would  be  compelled  to  make 
cessions  of  territory.  They  talk  of  the  cession  of  a  portion  of  the 
Palatinate  to  France  and  a  portion  of  Under  Franconia  to  Darm- 
stadt. Whether  Bayreuth  is  to  be  given  up  to  the  Duke  of 
Coburg  is  not  yet  decided.  The  war  expenses  that  Bavaria  will 
have  to  pay  are  said  to  amount  to  thirty  million  gulden. 

The  Duke  of  Augustenburg  is  here  again,  on  his  return  from 
a  visit  to  his  brother  Christian  in  Switzerland. 

I  was  at  a  public  meeting  last  night.  I  stood  it,  despite 
a  temperature  of  77  degrees  Fahr.  and  a  stifling  atmosphere, 
reeking  of  beer  and  perspiration,  until  eleven  o'clock.  Kolb  spoke 
against  joining  Prussia;  Volk  for  it.  The  opinion  of  the  meet- 
ing was  divided.  There  was  only  unanimity  in  the  applause  when 
the  bravery  of  the  Army  was  praised,  when  the  administration  of 
the  Army  was  condemned,  and  when  von  der  Pfordten  was  abused. 
The  most  striking  thing  about  the  meeting  was  the  excitement 
revealed  in  the  faces  of  the  audience.  I  could  not  find  room  in  the 
hall  and  spent  the  evening  on  a  beer-stillage  in  the  buffet,  from 
which  I  could  see  and  hear  without  being  seen,  which  to  me  was 
of  special  importance. 

Everything,  in  high  politics,  now  depends  on  the  decision 

of  the  King  of  Prussia.     Bismarck  wishes  to  give  way  to  the 

Emperor  Napoleon  and  give  him  Saarbriicken,  Luxembourg,  and 

part  of  the  Bavarian  Palatinate ;  the  King  is  obstinately  opposed 

*  Master  of  the  Horse  (Oberst-Stallmeister),  Count  von  Holnstein. 



to  this.  If  the  King  does  not  give  way  there  will  be  war  between 
Prussia  and  France.  Then  we  shall  have  to  side  with  Austria 
and  Prussia  against  France.  Whether  this  decision  is  very 
patriotically  German  I  will  not  determine,  whether  it  will  meet 
with  the  approval  of  the  people  I  doubt;  but  it  seems  to  me 
that  that  is  what  will  happen. 

Patriotism  and  popular  feeling  are  not  much  considered  just 
at  present.  If  they  are  anxious  to  avoid  this  contingency,  they 
must  come  to  some  understanding  with  Prussia,  and  there  does  not 
seem  to  be  much  inclination  for  that  either  in  Berlin  or  in  Munich. 

The  dispossessed  German  Sovereigns  are  intriguing  at  all  the 
Courts  of  Europe  for  foreign  intervention.  Official  and  unofficial 
agents  are  running  themselves  off  their  legs.  The  German  people  are 
making  speeches  and  railing,  and  in  the  meantime  the  events  with 
which  they  will  suddenly  be  faced  are  preparing  without  their 
intervention  and  then  they  will  have  to  hold  their  peace  and 
pay.  It  has  always  been  the  same,  and  it  will  be  for  some  time 

MUNICH,  August  18,  1866. 

I  went  yesterday  to  see  the  new  Minister  for  War,*  to  return 
his  call.  He  is  an  elegant  officer,  and  you  can  see  at  once  that 
he  is  a  man  of  large  fortune,  independent  position,  and  good 
breeding.  In  contrast  to  his  predecessor,  Lutz,  who  looked  wry 
and  unwholesome,  he  produces  a  fresh,  agreeable  impression 
upon  one;  and  yet  they  declare  that  this  Minister  for  War 
has  not  the  capacity  to  reorganise  the  Army.  What  is  lack- 
ing in  the  Bavarian  Army  is  thorough  technical  knowledge  and 
the  necessary  educational  establishments.  They  have  been 
preaching  this  for  thirty  years  to  Prince  Karl,  so  old  M.  assures 
me,  but  he  considers  the  present  training  quite  sufficient. 

With  regard  to  the  peace  negotiations  in  Berlin,  they  say, 
amongst  other  things,  the  following:  Von  der  Pfordten  told 
Bismarck  that  he  did  not  understand  why  such  hard  conditions 
of  peace  were  imposed  on  Bavaria,  when  Saxony,  Wurtemberg, 
and  Hesse  were  being  so  favourably  treated.  In  reply,  Bismarck 
said:  "What  do  you  expect?  Austria  is  interceding  for  Saxony, 
Russia  is  interceding  for  Wurtemberg  and  Darmstadt  —  no  one  is 
interceding  for  you!"  A  bitter  criticism  of  von  der  Pfordten's 

Here  they  were  anxious  to  get  into  the  good  graces  of  the 
Emperor  Napoleon,  and  they  sent  Perglas  to  Paris.  But  he 
was  not  even  received  by  Napoleon,  and  his  mission  fell  through. 
If  I  were  malicious,  this  would  delight  me. 

Yesterday  there  was  a  report  about  that  Bavaria  had  con- 
cluded an  alliance  with  Prussia  and  placed  a  hundred  thousand 
men  at  her  disposal,  in  return  for  which  Prussia  withdrew  all  her 
demands  for  cession  of  territory  and  pecuniary  indemnity.  On 
*  Freiherr  von  Pranckh. 


inquiry,  however,  it  turned  out  that  the  rumour  was  an  invention. 
The  King  is  busy  devising  scenery  for  the  opera  William  Tell 
and  is  having  costumes  made  for  himself,  dressed  in  which 
he  parades  his  room.  Meanwhile  it  is  a  question  whether  his 
kingdom  is  to  lose  thirty  thousand  inhabitants  of  Franconia 
and  seven  hundred  thousand  of  the  Palatinate. 

The  Duke  of  Nassau  is  here.  He  wears  blue  spectacles  and 
looks  like  an  owl.  Why  he  wears  uniform  I  do  not  know; 
perhaps  the  Prussians  have  taken  away  his  civilian  clothes.  I 
think  it  comprehensible,  and  from  the  purely  human  standpoint 
quite  excusable,  for  these  banished,  or  as  they  now  say  "dis- 
possessed," monarchs  to  appeal  to  foreign  Powers  for  help  against 
Prussia's  "oppression."  From  the  German  point  of  view,  how- 
ever, there  is  no  justification  for  it,  and  in  the  interests  of  Germany 
it  is  to  be  hoped  that  their  intrigues  will  prove  unsuccessful. 

My  presence  is  still  viewed  with  the  greatest  suspicion.  If 
Privy  Councillor  Aretin  were  a  real  basilisk,  he  would  have 
annihilated  me  with  his  glances  long  ago.  I  can  read  similar 
suspicious  thoughts  in  the  faces  of  many  others.  Prince  Ludwig 
is  not  yet  out  of  danger.  They  have  not  yet  found  the  bullet. 

Bavaria  will  probably  pay  twenty  million  gulden  and  be 
obliged  to  cede  a  small  portion  of  Lower  Franconia  and  a  portion 
of  Upper  Franconia,  Hof,  &c.  That  is  the  latest  news. 

During  the  discussion  over  the  drafting  of  the  Bill  touching  the 
war  indemnity  to  be  paid  to  Prussia,  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  ex- 
pressed the  wish :  "  That  his  Majesty  the  King  would  be  graciously 
pleased  to  use  his  influence  in  such  a  direction  that,  by  means  of  a 
closer  union  with  Prussia,  the  path  be  entered  upon  which,  at  the 
present  time,  is  the  only  one  that  can  lead  to  the  wished-for 
goal  of  a  United  Germany,  co-operating  with  a  freely  elected 
parliament  constituted  with  the  powers  demanded  for  the 
effectual  guarding  of  national  interests  and  the  repulse  of  possible 
attacks  from  abroad."  The  Reporter  of  the  Senate  (Chamber 
of  Senators),  Freiherr  von  Thiingen,  could  not  recommend 
the  adoption,  of  the  motion,  but  proposed  something  to  the 
following  effect:  "We  desire  that  his  Majesty  the  King,  in 
the  event  of  an  attack  by  a  foreign  Power  on  German  terri- 
tory, will  endeavour,  with  all  the  forces  of  the  nation  and 
of  the  Army  to  repulse  the  attack."  Prince  Hohenlohe,  on 
the  contrary,  at  the  sitting  of  the  Upper  House  on  August  31, 
1866,  spoke  in  favour  of  the  motion.  "It  seems  to  me,"  he 
said,  "that  this  motion  is  of  extreme  importance.  It  brings 
us  at  once  into  the  German  question  and  testifies  to  a 
change  of  opinion  in  the  whole  country  of  such  a  sweeping  char- 
acter as  I  have  never  encountered  in  the  course  of  my  political 
life.  When,  seventeen  years  ago,  in  the  sitting  of  November  12, 
1849,  I  spoke  on  the  reorganisation  of  Germany  in  the  sense  of  the 
proposals  of  Prussia  at  the  time,  and  advocated  a  closer  associa- 



tion  with  Prussia,  I  did  so  and  was  obliged  to  do  so,  expressly 
recognising  that  I  was  at  variance  with  the  opinion  of  the  Bava- 
rian people.  I  bowed  then  to  the  opinion  of  the  majority.  Since 
then  numerous  projects  in  a  greater  German  spirit  have  cropped 
up  and  disappeared  again.  I  have  never  regarded  them  as 
practicable.  To-day  we  see  ourselves  confronted  by  a  motion 
passed  by  a  great  majority  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  which 
anxiously  recommends  the  reorganisation  of  Germany  in  close 
union  with  Prussia.  You  will  think  it  consistent  on  my  part, 
my  lords,  if  I  support  this  motion  and  recommend  its  adoption. 
But  if  you  ask,  in  your  astonishment,  how  it  is  possible  that 
such  a  reversal  of  opinion  could  have  come  about  among  the 
Bavarian  people,  the  answer  is  not  hard  to  find. 

"After  Austria  withdrew  from  the  German  Confederation,  after 
the  dispersal  of  the  German  Confederation,  we  were  face  to  face 
with  the  question:  'What  is  to  become  of  Bavaria?'  Three 
ways  lay  open  before  us,  the  founding  of  a  South- West  German 
Confederation,  the  isolation  of  Bavaria,  and  a  falling  back  on 
Prussia.  That  the  founding  of  a  South- West  German  Confedera- 
tion was  ever  within  the  domain  of  practical  politics,  I  suppose 
no  one  has  ever  seriously  maintained.  At  any  rate,  no  real 
supporter  of  this  parochial  idea  of  Germany  has  come  in  my  way. 
To  place  Bavaria  as  an  independent  State  in  the  centre  of  the 
great  European  Powers  seems  to  me  equally  impossible.  No  one 
will  maintain  that  such  a  position  can  be  maintained  by  any 
State  of  five  million  inhabitants,  without  the  support  of  a  greater 
Power.  Consequently  there  is  only  left  to  us  to  consider  whether 
we  will  lean  on  France,  as  in  the  time  of  the  Rhine  Confedera- 
tion, or  Prussia. 

"I  must  now,  to  the  honour  of  my  country,  declare  that  not 
even  during  the  worst  days  of  our  recent  history  has  there  come 
forward  one  advocate  of  a  French  alliance,  with  the  excep- 
tion, perhaps,  of  a  Munich  local  paper,  which  has  defended  the 
suggestion.  Union  with  Prussia,  therefore,  remains  the  only 
course.  But  now  the  question  arises  as  to  whether  the  time  has  yet 
arrived  for  endeavouring  to  bring  this  alliance  about.  There  is 
an  objection  that  could  be  raised,  and  has  been,  though  not  in  this 
august  Chamber,  i.e.,  that  it  is  unworthy  of  Bavaria  to  stretch  out 
her  hand  to  her  victorious  enemy  so  soon.  I  confess  that  I  have 
never  been  able  to  understand  this  objection.  We  have  con- 
cluded Peace  with  Prussia;  but  peace  means  reconciliation,  and 
excludes  every  thought  of  bitterness  or  revenge.  It  is  the  pre- 
rogative of  civilised  nations  to  regard  war  as  a  political  neces- 
sity, in  contrast  to  the  negro  races  of  Central  Africa,  who  wage 
war  for  lust  of  booty  and  of  blood,  and  finally  slaughter  and 
devour  their  captives. 

"Among  civilised  people,  animosity  ceases  when  the  political 
conditions  which  have  produced  it  disappear.  Much  more 
should  this  be  the  case  with  peoples  of  one  and  the  same  race 


who  are  dependent  on  one  another.  Another  objection  here 
raised  was  that  we  should  first  wait  to  examine  the  Constitution 
of  the  North  German  Confederation  before  deciding  in  favour 
of  entry  or  against  it.  But  I  will  ask  you  to  remember,  my 
lords,  that  this  delay  may  be  very  dangerous  to  Bavaria.  Who 
can  guarantee  that  the  present  peace  of  Europe  will  remain 
undisturbed?  Should  an  event  occur  to  shatter  this  peace, 
Bavaria  would  be  left  completely  isolated  and  forsaken.  The 
disadvantage  of  having  no  champion,  no  friend,  and  no  allies 
has  been  experienced  to  the  full  by  the  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  in  Berlin.  I  think  it  would  be  more  advisable  to  secure  a 
position  in  the  North  German  Confederation  at  the  present 
moment,  when  the  details  are  by  no  means  settled  or  the 
organisation  complete,  and  when  it  is  still  possible  to  secure 
favourable  conditions  for  the  independence  of  Bavaria  and  its 
dynasty,  than  afterwards  to  knock  at  the  door  of  a  house,  if  I 
may  use  a  metaphor  previously  employed  by  our  respected 
Second  President,  the  construction  of  which  is  complete,  which 
has,  so  to  speak,  taken  its  final  form,  and  the  doors  of  which 
can  be  closed  against  us.  If  we  apply  then,  we  shall  either  be 
excluded  or  obliged  to  agree  to  conditions  which  might  mean 
the  destruction  of  our  dynasty,  and  of  our  racial  character.  It 
has  also  been  urged  that  Prussia  does  not  wish  for  our  alliance; 
I  think  I  know  the  feeling  in  Prussia,  and  I  feel  bound  to  say  that 
this  objection  to  an  alliance  with  South  Germany  exists  only  in 
one  party,  the  so-called  Kreuzzeitung  party,  which  regards  con- 
stitutional life  in  South  Germany  as  an  abomination.  The 
majority  of  the  Prussian  people  do  not  share  this  aversion,  which 
is  entertained  least  of  all  by  the  Government.  The  fact  that  the 
Prussian  Government  has  made  no  proposals  inviting  us  to  enter 
the  Federation,  or  to  make  an  alliance,  is  perfectly  natural  in  view 
of  the  position  of  Prussia  with  respect  to  France.  This,  however, 
is  no  reason  why  the  South  German  States  and  their  repre- 
sentatives should  withhold  their  opinion.  I  mean  to  say  that 
even  if  Prussia  is  obliged  to  consider  the  attitude  of  France,  the 
German  nation  is  big  enough  to  say  what  it  wishes,  what  it 
considers  advisable,  justifiable,  and  politic  for  its  own  welfare, 
without  reference  to  the  wishes  and  hopes  which  may  exist  beyond 
the  Rhine.  I  am  also  of  the  opinion  that  the  supposed  animosity 
of  France  to  Germany  is  merely  an  artificial  creation  of  under- 
hand party  intrigues.  The  French  nation  is  too  generous,  too 
self-reliant,  and  too  noble  to  feel  any  apprehension  at  the 
organisation  of  a  united  Germany. 

"I  admit  that  the  formulation  of  the  proposal  leaves  something 
to  be  desired.  But  if  alliance  with  Prussia  is  necessary,  and  if  it 
is  necessary  now,  it  is  our  duty  to  express  this  as  the  proposal 
before  us  does,  though  imperfectly.  I  do  not  regard  the 
proposal  as  an  attempt  to  mediatise  Bavaria,  but  as  merely 
expressing  the  desire  of  the  country  to  abandon  to  some  extent 


its  present  isolation.  It  can  thus  only  be  a  basis  for  further 
negotiations.  I  therefore  recommend  its  acceptance  in  the 
interests  of  our  Fatherland,  in  the  interests  of  Bavaria  and  of 
the  preservation  of  Germany." 

The  proposal  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  was  rejected  by  the 
Upper  House.  Besides  Prince  Hohenlohe,  its  only  supporters 
were  Count  von  Fugger-Babenhausen,  Count  von  Pappenheim, 
and  the  Prince  of  Oettingen-Wallerstein. 

At  the  same  session,  the  Upper  House  discussed  the  further 
proposal  sent  up  from  the  Chamber  of  Deputies: 

"That  his  Majesty  the  King  may  be  pleased  to  guarantee  to 
the  Bavarian  people  the  proffered  further  development  of  their 
domestic  institutions,  in  particular  the  reform  of  Army  organisa- 
tion, the  reorganisation  of  the  educational  system  on  the  basis  of 
absence  of  tests,  and  the  assurance  of  full  freedom  of  con- 
science, and  that  his  Majesty  may  be  pleased  to  direct  the 
immediate  proposition  of  draft  measures  of  social  legislation  in 
this  sense." 

The  Upper  House  agreed  to  this  proposal  in  the  sitting  of 
August  31,  1866.  Those  who  voted  against  it  were  Archbishops 
von  Scherr  and  von  Deinlein,  Bishop  von  Dinkel,  Count  von 
Seinsheim,  and  Freiherren,  Karl  and  Karl  Maria  von  Aretin. 


MUNICH,  September  i,  1866. 

The  Landtag  summoned  to  discuss  the  conclusion  of  peace  is 
now  at  an  end.  The  introduction  of  the  peace  proposal  gave  me 
no  opportunity  to  make  a  speech,  and  I  thought  I  should  have 
got  through  without  being  disturbed,  but  during  the  discussion 
of  a  financial  measure,  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  almost  unani- 
mously adopted  a  proposal  requesting  the  Government  to  ask  for 
a  close  union  with  Prussia  and  the  German  Parliament.  This 
question  was  therefore  also  submitted  to  us,  and  it  was  impossible 
for  me  to  keep  silence.  Every  one  knows  my  opinions  and  expected 
that  I  should  make  a  speech  on  this  proposal.  This  I  did  at  yester- 
day's sitting.  There  is  not  the  least  doubt  that  public  opinion 
in  Bavaria  in  all  classes  and  districts  is  in  favour  of  a  union  with 
Prussia.  This,  of  course,  is  not  the  opinion  of  the  Court  and  the 
Ministers.  They  regard  the  proposal  as  an  attempt  to  mediatise 
Bavaria,  and  therefore  oppose  it,  as  also  does  the  Ultramontane 
party,  which,  however,  is  rapidly  losing  ground.  But  the 
opponents  of  Prussia  have  no  counter  proposals  to  make.  No 
one  has  proposed  a  union  with  Austria,  not  even  the  Ultramontane 
party;  no  one  dares  to  propose  union  with  France  or  the  revival 
of  the  Rhine  Confederation.  Not  a  single  voice  is  raised  on 
behalf  of  the  South-Western  Confederation.  And  yet  nobody 
believes  that  Bavaria  can  remain  isolated.  None  the  less  my 
speech  must  have  given  great  offence  to  the  Court  party  and  the 


Ultramontanes  and  my  prospects  of  office  are  greatly  diminished 
in  consequence.  I  have,  however,  a  reputation  as  a  friend  of 
Prussia,  which  is  further  justified  by  my  political  past,  so  that 
the  only  course  open  was  for  me  to  abide  by  this  view  and  to 
urge  it  publicly,  the  more  so  as  I  have  the  whole  Chamber  of 
Deputies  behind  me.  In  the  Upper  House,  the  opposition 
against  me  was  very  weak.  Pfordten  had  received  a  somewhat 
violent  telegram  from  Bismarck  concerning  the  murder  of  a 
Prussian  officer*  by  a  Bavarian  soldier,  *  but  he  begged  the  House 
not  to  oppose  Prussia  too  violently  on  that  account.  Thus,  I 
found  little  real  opposition  in  the  Chamber,  and  the  Prussian 
tendency  of  my  speech  was  quite  agreeable  to  Pfordten.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  I  shall  be  scarified  in  the  Ultramontane  Press, 
that  is,  in  the  Volksbote,  and  in  the  Neue  Bayrische  Kurier. 

In  ultra-Bavarian  circles  there  is  a  hope  that  something 
may  be  secured  by  delay  and  inaction.  They  still  believe  that 
it  will  be  possible  to  retain  the  independence  of  Bavaria;  they 
hope,  like  the  Micawber  family  in  David  Copper  field,  "that 
something  will  turn  up!"  Meanwhile  time  is  passing  and 
Bavaria  is  slowly  tottering  to  its  fall.  If  they  could  resolve  upon 
decisive  negotiations  with  Prussia,  they  would  even  now  be  able 
to  secure  very  tolerable  terms  for  the  King  and  the  country. 
This,  however,  they  will  not  do,  and  will  be  an  easy  prey  for  some 
one  in  the  first  great  European  crisis.  I  have,  at  any  rate,  said 
what  I  think. 

MUNICH,  October  n,  1866. 

My  journey  to  Munich  came  at  a  very  interesting  moment 
and  was  exceedingly  useful,  as  it  allowed  me  to  observe  all  the 
bearings  of  the  situation.  Immediately  upon  my  arrival  I  sent 
for  Dr.  Schanzenbach  f  to  examine  Philipp  Ernst's  knee.  After 
ordering  the  necessary  plasters  he  proceeded  to  talk  politics.  I 
saw  that  he  must  have  some  special  news,  for  there  was  an  atmos- 
phere of  statesmanlike  importance  about  him  which  I  had  not 
previously  observed  in  him.  The  riddle  was  speedily  solved 
when  he  told  me  that  for  the  last  fortnight  he  had  met  the  King 
almost  every  evening  at  the  house  of  Paul  Taxis.  His  judgment 
of  the  King  was  very  favourable,  and  it  becomes  more  and  more 
obvious  that  the  neglect  and  the  mistakes  of  which  the  King 
has  been  accused  are  really  due  to  the  Cabinet.  My  instincts 
were  not  deceived ;  it  is  true  that  Pfistermeister  and  Lutz  t 
purposely  kept  the  King  in  isolation  in  order  that  they  might 
pursue  their  protection  policy  undisturbed  in  conjunction  with 

*  A  Bavarian  soldier  had  shot  a  Prussian  officer  from  a  railway  carriage 

t  A  distinguished  physician  with  a  large  practice  in  the  best  society. 

j  Pfistermeister  was  Ministerial  Councillor  and  head  of  the  Civil 
Cabinet:  Lutz  was  a  Councillor  of  the  Court  of  Appeal  and  afterwards 
Minister;  he  then  held  a  Cabinet  appointment. 


Pfordten  and  Bombard.  In  consequence  the  King  knew  nothing 
of  the  military  memorial  service.  It  was  Pfistermeister  who 
induced  the  King  not  to  attend  the  funeral  of  General  Zoller,  not 
to  visit  the  hospitals,  &c.  It  appears  that  Schanzenbach  has 
helped  to  open  the  King's  eyes.  The  King  then  consulted  the 
ex-Minister  Neumayr,  *  and  resolved  to  make  some  changes  in 
the  Cabinet  and  to  summon  Neumayr,  Tauffkirchen,  and 
Feilitzsch.  Negotiations  are  still  in  progress;  it  is  said  that 
Neumayr  is  to  be  Cabinet  Minister  or  Minister  of  the  Royal 
Household,  while  the  two  others  are  to  have  posts  as  Cabinet 
Councillors.  Pfordten  will  then  have  to  retire.  The  King 
wishes  me  to  take  Pfordten's  place,  and  said  so.  Hence  the 
newspaper  articles.  The  Ultramontane  party,  and  probably  also 
Neumayr,  are  now  working  in  the  opposite  direction,  for  the 
latter  cannot  forget  an  attack  I  made  on  him  in  the  House. 
Public  opinion  is  no  less  favourable  to  me  than  before.  My 
speech  has  greatly  helped  my  case,  as  the  great  majority 
consider  an  understanding  with  Prussia  necessary,  so  long  as  the 
North  German  Federation  is  not  firmly  organised,  and  to  these 
views  I  first  gave  expression  without  reserve.  The  unmeaning 
policy  of  Pfordten  is  generally  condemned.  The  very  day  after 
my  arrival  I  was  again  surprised  by  an  article  in  the  Neueste 
Nachrichten,  in  which  it  was  definitely  asserted  that  I  had  been 
chosen  to  replace  Pfordten.  The  worthy  citizens  of  Munich 
who  all  read  the  Neueste  Nachrichten  over  their  coffee  naturally 
accepted  this  news  as  official.  Some  said  they  had  seen  me 
making  a  State  visit  to  the  King,  others  that  the  King  had 
come  to  me  to  ask  me  to  take  the  Ministry,  others  asserted 
I  had  declined  because  I  had  formerly  been  passed  over,  and 
so  on. 

The  truth  seems  to  be  that  the  King  has  not  abandoned  his 
plan,  but  that  intrigues  are  being  made  against  it  from  all  sides. 
Vecchioni,t  whom  I  saw  this  afternoon,  says  it  is  very  likely  that 
the  former  Cabinet  Councillors  will  be  reinstated,  and  that  all 
will  remain  as  it  was.  The  Augsburger  Postzeitung  prophesies 
misfortune  upon  my  appointment  to  the  Ministry.  The  local 
newspapers  regard  my  appointment  as  the  beginning  of  a  golden 
age,  while  the  Augsburger  Allgemeine  pointedly  ignores  me. 

In  any  case  these  intrigues  will  continue  for  some  months 
longer.  The  Provisional  Cabinet  will  continue  until  December  i, 
so  von  der  Tann  tells  me.  But  if  Pfistermeister  is  definitely 
deposed,  it  will  be  impossible  for  Pfordten  and  Bomhard  to  remain. 

My  appointment  depends  upon  the  alternatives  that  Neumayr 
may  consider  it  to  his  interest  to  increase  his  popularity  by  in- 
cluding me  in  a  new  Ministry,  or  may  be  afraid  that  my  presence 
will  do  him  harm.  In  the  latter  event,  no  doubt,  the  worthy 

*  Max  von  Neumayr,  formerly  Minister  at  Stuttgart  and  Minister  of 
the  Interior. 

t  The  editor  of  the  Munchner  Neueste  Nachrichten. 


Bray,*  or  some  other  nonentity  from  the  Bavarian  Diplomatic 
Service  would  be  appointed  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

MUNICH,  November  3,  1866. 

On  October  25  I  received  a  letter  from  Holnstein|  under 
date  October  18,  inviting  me  to  Munich  to  discuss  my  entry  to 
the  Ministry,  and  the  day  after  a  second  letter  with  a  circular 
from  the  Minister  Pfordten,  and  a  request  from  the  King  to  give 
an  opinion  upon  it.  I  therefore  set  to  work  immediately  and 
was  ready  a  few  days  afterwards.  On  the  3ist  I  came  to  Munich. 
The  first  person  I  saw  was  Tauff kirchen ;  I  showed  him  the  cir- 
cular and  my  opinion,  with  which  he  entirely  agreed,  though 
upon  his  advice  I  made  some  modification  of  the  concluding 

On  November  i,  Holnstein  arrived.  He  began  by  offering 
me,  in  the  name  of  the  King,  the  Ministry  of  Domestic  and 
Foreign  Affairs,  and  the  post  of  Prime  Minister,  and  also 
held  out  to  me  the  prospect  of  the  post  of  Chief  Royal  Chamber- 
lain. Un  honneur  que  je  gotite  fort  mediocrement.  I  expressed 
my  approval,  and  suggested  some  changes  among  the  other 
Ministers.  We  agreed  that  Bomhard  must  retire,  but  that  the 
other  Ministers  could  remain.  The  conclusion  of  the  matter  was, 
however,  deferred  until  Holnstein  should  have  spoken  with 
Neumayr,  and  this  he  was  to  do  on  the  2nd.  In  the  mean- 
while I  proceeded  to  make  inquiries,  and  discovered  that  at  the 
moment  there  was  no  sufficient  reason  for  a  change  of  Ministers, 
and  that  I  could  not  calculate  upon  a  specially  favourable  recep- 
tion by  public  opinion.  My  entry  to  the  Ministry  would  be 
generally  approved,  but  there  is  no  great  anxiety  for  my  appoint- 
ment. Parties  were  not  yet  organised,  and  the  anti-Prussian 
feeling  is  not  yet  sufficiently  pacified.  At  the  same  time  I  cannot 
conceal  from  myself  that  the  King's  desire  to  have  me  as  Minister 
in  accordance  with  the  communications  of  Holnstein  proceeds 
from  his  passion  for  Wagner. f  The  King  remembers  that  I 
formerly  characterised  the  removal  of  Wagner  as  an  unnecessary 
measure,  and  hopes  that  I  will  be  able  to  secure  his  return.  I 
have  no  desire  to  form  a  Wagner  Ministry,  though  I  also  consider 
that  Wagner's  return  later  would  be  by  no  means  a  misfortune. 
This  fact,  and  the  consideration  that  after  the  beginning  of  the 
Landtag,  or  perhaps  immediately  before,  my  position  would  be 
stronger  than  it  now  is,  seeing  that  at  this  moment  the  Ministry 
seems  to  be  due  to  a  Court  intrigue,  confirmed  my  satisfaction 

*  Count  Bray-Steinburg,  then  Minister  in  Vienna,  and  Foreign  Minister 
in  1870. 

t  Count  Holnstein,  Master  of  the  Horse. 

I  In  a  letter  of  January  17,  1867,  published  in  the  Miinchner  Neueste 
Nachrichten  (No.  574)  of  December  8,  1904,  Richard  Wagner  claims  the 
honour  of  having  first  advised  King  Ludwig  to  confide  in  Prince  Hohenlohe 
and  to  ask  for  his  advice. 


when  Holnstein  came  the  next  day  and  said  that  Neumayr  was 
decidedly  against  me.  As,  however,  Neumayr  is  already  distasteful 
to  the  King,  and  will  not  long  maintain  his  position,  he  will  not 
trouble  me  for  long.  Meanwhile  Holnstein  will  attempt  to  retain 
the  King's  favour  and  to  represent  my  interests.  At  the  same 
time  I  hear  from  another  quarter,  namely,  from  Donniges*  and 
Umbscheiden,  that  the  Chamber  would  be  on  my  side  if  I  were  to 
form  a  Ministry  immediately  before  a  meeting  of  the  Landtag, 
but  that  if  the  present  Ministry  continues  until  the  opening  of 
the  Landtag,  a  change  would  be  more  difficult.  I  have  therefore 
written  to  Tauffkirchen  giving  him  a  free  hand  to  act  in  this  direc- 
tion if  he  thinks  it  necessary.  I  have  been  able  to  stop  the  intrigues 
of  Neumayr  through  the  influence  of  Donniges  and  Umbscheiden 
and  have  thus  prepared  the  ground  for  my  own  operations. 
Thus,  if  the  King  should  insist  upon  his  idea  that  I  should  form  a 
Ministry  before  the  meeting  of  the  Landtag,  I  have  made  arrange- 
ments for  my  recall  by  telegraph,  and  in  the  meantime  the  Press 
will  be  worked  in  my  favour. 

I  am  leaving  here  this  evening  and  shall  try  and  get  through 
my  business  as  quickly  as  possible,  that  I  may  return  at  the 
proper  time,  or  may  be  at  least  within  range  of  a  telegram,  which 
could  be  sent  to  me  to  Viktor  at  Rauden. 

The  projects  here  proposed  are  so  stupid  and  so  dangerous 
to  the  country  that  in  all  humility  I  regard  my  entrance  to  the 
Ministry  as  a  necessity.  I  am  on  the  trace  of  a  plot  for  making 
Neumayr  Prime  Minister  and  Bray  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 
Je  Vai  ebruite  and  have,  perhaps,  nipped  the  matter  in  the  bud. 

In  the  above-mentioned  circular  of  the  Minister  von  der 
Pfordten,  issued  on  November  5,  1866,  the  following  passage 
occurred,  regarding  the  future  position  of  Bavaria  with  respect 
to  North  Germany: 

"Entrance  into  the  North  German  Confederation  can  in  no  case 
be  regarded  as  an  object  of  Bavarian  policy.  Since  the  year 
1848  Bavaria  has  consistently  pursued  the  principle  of  agreeing 
with  every  reform  of  the  German  Confederation  by  which  Austria 
and  Prussia  have  been  equally  affected,  but  of  refusing  a  constitu- 
tional union  with  either  of  these  great  Powers  alone.  This  is  both 
in  the  interests  of  Bavaria  and  in  those  of  Germany  as  a  whole,  as 
such  a  measure  would  imply  both  the  mediatisation  of  Bavaria  and 
the  disruption  of  Germany.  In  accordance  with  this  principle,  the 
Bavarian  Government  refused  the  Imperial  Constitution  of  1849, 
and  declined  to  enter  the  so-called  'Three  Kings'  League' 
with  the  Erfurt  Parliament.  Similarly,  after  the  failure  of  the 
Congress  of  Princes  in  the  year  1863,  Bavaria  declined  to  reor- 
ganise the  Confederation  apart  from  Prussia.  Similarly  again, 

*Von  Donniges  (1814-1872)  had  been  recalled  from  his  post  as  Bava- 
rian Agent  in  Switzerland,  and  was  then  living  as  a  private  individual  in 


Bavaria   is   now   forced    to   decline    entry    to   the    North    Ger- 
man Confederation." 

The  opinion  of  the  Prince  which  is  alluded  to  above  deals 
with  this  point  and  observes: 

"  As  the  policy  of  the  Bavarian  Government  upon  the  German 
question  has  been  of  an  essentially  negative  nature  since  1849, 
so  also  his  Excellency's  policy  now  aims  at  maintaining 
Bavarian  independence  by  a  policy  of  negation. 

"In  my  opinion,  however,  recent  events  have  made  the  position 
of  Bavaria  so  dangerous  that  it  is  impossible  to  see  any  adequate 
guarantee  for  the  independence  of  the  Throne  and  country  as 
forthcoming  from  a  waiting  policy.  The  preponderance  of  Prussia 
in  Germany  has  been  an  accomplished  fact  since  the  secession  of 
Austria  from  the  Confederation  and  the  extension  of  Prussia. 
This  extended  Prussia  now  rules  the  German  North,  stands  at  the 
head  of  thirty  millions  of  inhabitants,  and  can  dispose  of  an  Army 
of  nearly  eight  hundred  thousand  men.  An  alliance  of  friendship 
between  Bavaria  and  the  German  North  is  the  alliance  of  a  stronger 
with  a  weaker  power,  and  will  be  respected  by  Prussia  just  so 
long  as  it  is  to  her  interest. 

"  Experience  shows  that  a  constitutional  alliance  can  offer 
permanent  guarantees,  and  such  an  alliance  is,  therefore,  on  a 
different  footing.  The  German  Confederation,  notwithstanding 
its  defects,  lasted  for  fifty  years,  and  this  permanence  was  derived 
from  its  character  as  a  constitutional  alliance.  Though  Prussia 
worked  for  decades  to  secure  its  dissolution,  the  disruption  of 
the  federation  was  only  caused  by  a  conjunction  of  extraordinary 
circumstances.  Hitherto,  Bavaria  has  never  existed  without  the 
protection  of  some  such  constitutional  federation,  for  the  German 
Imperial  Confederation  and  the  Rhine  Confederation  might  both 
be  considered  as  of  this  character. 

"Now,  however,  the  experiment  of  independence  is  to  be 
tried  at  a  moment  at  which  the  existence  of  secondary  States  is 
endangered  apart  from  other  facts,  by  the  general  tendency  to 
the  formation  of  large  States,  and  by  the  precarious  nature  of 
European  peace. 

"If  Bavaria  was  a  State  either  able  or  likely  to  be  self-sufficient 
the  danger  would  be  less.  But  could  Bavaria  be  politically 
self-sufficient  supposing  that  her  frontiers  were  menaced? 
Would  she,  if  thrown  upon  her  own  resources,  be  able  to  defend 
even  the  Palatinate  against  France? 

"Bavaria  is  just  as  unable  to  stand  alone  in  the  organisa- 
tion of  her  economic  resources.  If  the  Zollverein  were  confined 
to  North  Germany,  and  the  South  were  excluded  from  member- 
ship, it  would  still  extend  over  an  area  of  thirty  million  inhabitants. 
The  industries  of  Bavaria  could  never  bear  the  strain  that  would 
arise.  If  the  North  German  Confederation  agreed  to  form 
a  common  organisation  of  means  of  communication,  of  railways, 


posts,  and  telegraphs,  of  coinage,  weights,  and  measures,  if  a 
uniform  civil  and  penal  legislation  were  there  secured,  and  if 
Bavaria  were  excluded  from  all  these  advantages,  a  force  of  attrac- 
tion would  be  exerted  upon  the  South  German  population,  the 
consequences  of  which  would  be  only  too  speedily  obvious. 

"  Reference  has  recently  been  made  with  some  confidence  to 
Belgium  and  Switzerland  in  order  to  prove  the  possibility  that 
Bavaria  could  exist  as  an  isolated  State.  But  it  is  forgotten  that 
Switzerland  and  Belgium  either  have  definite  geographical 
boundaries  or  a  definite  national  character  which  can  flourish 
in  this  isolation,  while  they  are  also  supported  by  many  external 
circumstances  which  are  wanting  in  the  case  of  Bavaria;  of  these 
the  most  important  is  the  fact  that  they  are  not  likely  to  be 
absorbed  into  any  larger  unity  by  the  force  of  national 

"This  leads  me  to  speak  of  the  greatest  danger  which  threatens 
Bavarian  independence.  We  cannot  shut  our  eyes  to  the  fact 
that  the  Bavarian  nation  is  penetrated  by  the  impulse  to  unity 
which  has  seized  all  the  German  races.  This  'impulse  to  unity 
which  has  been  existent  for  decades,'  as  the  circular  describes 
it,  has 'been  fostered  and  cherished  by  constant  expressions  of 
sympathy  from  the  German  Government.  Further  expression 
was  given  to  this  tendency  by  the  motion  proposed  in  the  Chamber 
of  Deputies  on  August  30. 

"  Such  a  catastrophe  as  the  death  of  the  French  Emperor  would 
bring  the  revolutionary  elements  to  the  front,  and  in  such  a  case 
the  tendency  of  the  German  population  to  unification  would 
assume  dimensions  which  cannot  be  foreseen.  Even  now  this  atti- 
tude is  steadily  becoming  more  prevalent  in  Southern  Germany. 
At  the  present  moment  it  is  still  possible  to  rely  upon  the 
particularism  of  the  South  German  population  in  order  to 
secure  a  certain  measure  of  special  independence.  At  the  present 
moment  the  antagonism  of  the  South  Germans  to  Prussia  and 
their  loyalty  to  the  native  dynasties  is  strong  enough,  based 
upon  these  tendencies,  to  secure  favourable  conditions  on  the 
conclusion  of  a  new  Federal  Convention.  This  is,  however,  but  a 
transitory  frame  of  mind  and  should,  therefore,  be  utilised  at 
once,  and  particularly  when  the  question  of  a  new  German 
Constitution  is  under  discussion. 

"If  it  is  generally  recognised  that  the  dissolution  of  the  German 
Confederation  threatens  the  existence  of  the  secondary  States,  and 
if  it  is  the  duty  of  a  Minister  of  his  Majesty  the  King  to  confront 
these  dangers,  and  to  secure  the  rights  and  independence  of  his 
Monarch,  that  course  must  be  followed  which  will  lead  most 
surely  to  this  end  and  will  protect  the  Crown  for  the  longest 
possible  time  against  aggression  at  home  or  abroad.  The  circular 
states,  with  entire  justice,  'that  the  secondary  States  exist  not 
so  much  through  their  own  power  as  in  virtue  of  their  historical 
and  contractual  rights.'  This  is  the  very  reason  why  the  duty 


of  self-preservation  demands  the  earliest  possible  return  to  this 
basis  of  contractual  right." 


MUNICH,  December  12,  1866. 

Yesterday  I  returned  early  from  Vienna  and  immediately 
wrote  to  Tauffkirchen  to  ask  him  to  call  upon  me.  He  appeared 
at  one  o'clock  and  informed  me  that  he  had  not  spoken  to  Holn- 
stein,  but  had  inferred  from  the  assertions  of  Schanzenbach  that 
the  influence  of  Neumayr  was  stronger  than  ever,  and  that  he 
had  succeeded  in  convincing  Holnstein  that  the  Chamber  was 
against  me.  Neumayr  had  probably  told  King  Ludwig  and  Prince 
Karl  he  would  undertake  to  keep  me  out  of  the  Ministry, 
and  had  thus  soothed  the  apprehensions  which  these  dignitaries 
had  entertained  of  his  entrance  into  the  Cabinet.  It  thus  appears 
as  if  my  proposed  entrance  to  the  Ministry  would  not  be  secured. 
But  in  any  case,  says  Tauflkirchen,  the  Chamber  will  decide 
in  favour  of  my  programme  and  my  position  will  thereby  be 
improved.  In  the  evening  I  met  Tauffkirchen,  who  had  been 
summoned  to  Holnstein;  he  promised  to  call  upon  me  at  eight 
o'clock.  This  he  did,  and  it  then  appeared  that  the  situation 
had  materially  changed.  After  the  arrival  of  the  King  in  the 
night  of  the  loth  and  nth,  Pfordten  had  handed  in  his  resigna- 
tion; Neumayr  is  ill  in  bed,  and  the  King  is  asking  for  Holn- 
stein's  advice.  Tauffkirchen  has  therefore  advised  him  to  induce 
the  King  to  accept  Pfordten's  resignation,  to  allow  the  Privy 
Councillor  Daxenberger  to  lead  the  Ministry  until  the  Chamber 
has  assembled  and  expressed  its  opinion,  and  to  postpone  the 
formation  of  the  new  Ministry  until  then.  This  programme 
is  in  entire  agreement  with  my  former  proposals.  In  any  case, 
the  Chamber  will  express  an  opinion  in  accordance  with  my 
views  and  then  my  appointment  is  certain,  and  my  position 

This  morning  Tauffkirchen  called  upon  me,  and  said  that  this 
had  been  done.  The  King  is  going  to  Hohenschwangau  and  is 
taking  Lutz  with  him.  Lutz  is  not  against  me  and  will  be  won 
over  by  the  prospect  of  obtaining  the  Ministry  of  Justice.  Thus 
I  am  certain  that  no  intrigues  will  be  begun  against  me  in  the 
meantime.  Neumayr  will  be  overthrown,  and  assessor  Riedel 
will  come  in  as  a  simple  Cabinet  Secretary  or  Councillor. 

December  17. 

On  the  evening  of  Friday  the  i4th,  Holnstein  came  to  me  and 
informed  me  of  the  King's  desire  that  I  should  confer  with  Schlor,* 
whom  the  King  desires  to  keep  in  the  Ministry.  "I  was  to  come 

*  Schlor,  Director  of  the  East  Railways  and  an  influential  Deputy,  had 
been  made  the  first  Bavarian  Minister  of  Commerce.  He  then  represented 
the  constituency  of  Amberg. 


to  an  understanding  with  him,"  as  Neumayr  had  told  the  King 
that  all  the  Ministers  would  resign  if  I  entered  the  Ministry. 
Tauffkirchen  called  upon  me  the  next  morning  and  brought  the 
letter  from  Lutz,  the  Councillor  of  the  Court  of  Appeal,  containing 
this  commission  for  me ;  he  also  brought  my  criticism  of  Pford ten's 
circular  in  order  that  I  might  have  both  documents  at  hand 
during  my  conversation  with  Schlor.  I  found  Schlor  at  the 
Ministry  and  gave  him  the  papers  with  the  necessary  observa- 
tions. The  result  of  the  conversation  was  that  we  are  agreed 
upon  the  main  points,  though  Schlor  regards  the  attempt  to  secure 
a  Federal  Convention  with  Prussia  as  neither  necessary  nor  desir- 
able at  this  moment.  I  promised  him  to  draw  up  a  programme 
and  to  submit  it  to  his  notice.  I  immediately  hastened  to  com- 
municate this  result  to  the  King  through  Holnstein.  In  the 
evening  I  drew  up  my  programme,  discussed  it  on  Sunday  with 
Donniges,  and  then  gave  it  to  Tauffkirchen,  who  considered  that 
it  was  not  sufficiently  definite  and  drew  up  a  new  programme 
which  he  brought  to  me  on  Monday.  This  I  was  the  more 
easily  able  to  accept,  as  I  had  heard  in  the  meantime  from  Reuss 
that  in  view  of  the  approaching  debates  of  the  North  German 
Parliament,  the  North  was  not  disposed  to  open  negotiations  with 
South  Germany  out  of  consideration  for  France.  At  the  conclu- 
sion of  our  discussion  I  asked  Tauffkirchen  whether  he  would 
allow  me  to  tell  Schlor  that  he  had  drawn  up  the  programme, 
and  also  inquired  whether  he  would  be  eventually  prepared  to 
take  over  the  Ministry  of  the  Interior.  He  replied  in  the  affirma- 
tive to  both  questions,  and  requested  that  if  possible  he  might 
also  be  publicly  announced  as  the  author  of  the  programme, 
supposing  that  my  proposal  to  him  were  to  take  effect.  To  this 
I  agreed,  as  I  have  every  respect  for  his  motive,  which  is  to  gain 
ground  in  public  opinion  by  this  means. 

On  the  evening  of  the  same  day  I  gave  the  programme  to 
Schlor.  On  the  next  day  (Tuesday)  he  brought  it  back  and 
declared  himself  agreed.  Tauffkirchen  was  there.  Some  altera- 
tions were  arranged,  and  then  I  sent  it  to  Holnstein.  In  the 
meanwhile  I  had  heard  that  the  appointment  of  Tauffkirchen 
as  Minister  would  arouse  much  public  misgiving,  and  I  therefore 
composed  my  letter  to  Holnstein  so  as  to  make  it  appear  that  I 
proposed  no  Ministerial  changes  with  the  possible  exception  of 
the  Minister  of  Justice,  for  which  post  I  proposed  President 
Neumayr.  Now  it  is  the  2oth  and  I  am  waiting  for  the  King's 

The  " programme"  mentioned  in  the  above  note  runs  as 
follows : 

*  Ludwig  von  Neumayr,  President  of  the  Court  of  Appeal,  brother  of 
the  former  Minister,  a  lawyer  of  high  reputation,  member  of  the  Landtag  for 
the  constituency  of  Munich. 


(1)  The   object   of   Bavarian   policy,  which,  though   remote, 
must  steadily  be  kept  in  view,  seems  to  us  to  be  the  maintenance 
of  Germany,  the  union  of  all  or  at  least  of  the  greater  number  of 
the  German  nationalities  in  a  Federal  State,  protected  abroad  by 
a  strong  central  Power,  and  at  home  by  a  Parliamentary  Con- 
stitution, preserving  at  the  same  time  the  integrity  of  the  State 
and  Crown  of  Bavaria. 

Direct  and  immediate  attempts  to  realise  this  object  we  regard 
as,  for  the  moment,  premature.  Austria  has  retired  from  the 
Confederation  and  is  turning  for  security  at  this  moment  to  its  non- 
German  elements.  The  formation  of  a  South  German  Federal 
State  under  the  leadership  of  this  united  Austria  we  regard 
neither  as  desirable  nor  as  practicable.  Prussia  is  occupied 
with  the  formation  of  a  Federal  Alliance  having  the  character  of 
a  unified  State  among  the  smaller  States  of  the  German  North, 
and  is  not  at  the  moment  ready  to  admit  the  South  German  States 
to  this  alliance;  nor  do  we  regard  the  unconditional  entry  of 
Bavaria  into  the  North  German  Federation  as  the  best  means  of 
securing  unity.  We  should  consider  such  attempts  to  secure 
incorporation  in  the  Prussian  State  as  absolutely  incompatible 
with  the  duties  of  the  Royal  advisers  of  Bavaria. 

Further,  we  should  regard  an  attempt  to  open  negotiations 
for  a  union  producing  any  other  form  of  Federal  State  with 
Prussia  as  a  hopeless  undertaking  at  this  moment,  when  North 
Germany  herself  does  not  feel  the  necessity  for  such  a  union. 
It  is,  therefore,  for  the  present  abandoned. 

A  South-West  German  Federation,  with  a  Parliamentary  Con- 
stitution might  possibly  be  secured  between  the  States  of  Bavaria, 
Wiirtemberg,  Baden,  and  those  parts  of  Hesse  which  are  not 
united  with  North  Germany,  provided  that  there  was  a  real  desire 
for  such  union  in  the  population  of  the  above-mentioned  States. 
This,  however,  is  not  the  case;  an  attempt  would  only  serve  to 
emphasise  and  increase  existing  disruption  and  is  therefore  to 
be  deprecated. 

Thus  far  it  is  clear  that  on  the  question  of  an  organic  reunion 
of  all  the  German  States,  Bavaria  is  at  present,  unfortunately, 
in  our  opinion,  reduced  to  adopt  a  waiting  policy. 

(2)  These  considerations  do  not,  however,  entirely  define  the 
present  task  of  Bavarian  policy. 

Bavaria  as  a  secondary  State  cannot  exist  without  an  alliance 
with  some  first-class  European  Power.  Some  such  support  is 
especially  necessary  at  a  moment  when  the  Constitution  of  the 
German  Confederation  has  been  shattered  and  the  possibility  of 
serious  conflicts  in  Europe  cannot  be  disputed.  That  first-class 
State  which  Bavaria  should  join,  and  of  which  Bavaria  should 
declare  herself  the  .ally  in  case  of  war,  is,  in  our  firm  opinion, 



It  cannot  be  Austria,  the  organisation  of  which  offers  no 
guarantee  that  we  should  ever  attain  our  object;  it  cannot  be 
France,  for  France  would  only  agree  to  such  an  alliance  in  the 
hope  of  rounding  off  her  frontier  line,  while  the  revival  of  an 
alliance  stigmatised  by  history  would  arouse  great  misgiving. 

An  alliance  with  Prussia  would  enable  us,  not  indeed,  to  secure 
the  maintenance  of  peace  in  Europe,  but  to  turn  the  scale  in 
favour  of  its  preservation. 

It  cannot,  however,  be  a  mere  alliance;  the  relative  position 
of  the  Powers  at  this  moment  will  oblige  Bavaria,  in  return  for  a 
definite  guarantee  of  the  suzerainty  of  her  King,  to  place  herself 
under  the  command  of  Prussia  in  the  event  of  war,  for  which 
reason  the  organisation  of  our  forces  must  be  considered  with 
reference  to  this  possibility.  We  think  that  we  may  at  once 
proceed  to  prepare  the  way  for  such  an  alliance. 

Though  we  feel  bound  to  state  that  Bavaria  would  stand  by 
Prussia,  if  she  were  to  be  attacked,  it  is  none  the  less  self-evident 
that  together  with  this  alliance  friendly  relations  must  as  far 
as  possible  be  maintained  with  the  other  Powers  and  especially 
with  the  Empire  of  Austria. 

(3)  With  reference  to  the  German  secondary  States  of  the 
South-West  Group,  our  policy,  in  accordance  with  what  we  have 
said,  will  aim  at  securing  for  them  a  similar  alliance  with  Prussia 
and  with  ourselves. 


(1)  In  view  of  the  objects  of  Bavarian  policy  on  the  national 
question,  it  is  the  task  of  the  Bavarian  Government  to  aim  at 
securing  a  common  and  uniform  system  of  legislation  and  com- 
munication for  all  the  German  States. 

(2)  The  discussion  and  achievement  of  social  legislation  and  of 
a  common  regulation  of  religious  procedure  is  to  be  conducted 
upon  these  principles  and  to  be  accelerated  as  much  as  possible. 

(3)  Military  organisation  is   to   be  on   the  principle  of  the 
obligation  of  universal  service  while  avoiding  those  abuses  which 
have  given  rise  to  reasonable  complaints  of  the  Prussian  system. 

Legislative  regulation  of  all  exceptional  resolutions  permis- 
sible in  time  of  war  seems  advisable. 

The  investigation  and  punishment  of  ordinary  crimes  and 
misdemeanours  committed  by  soldiers  in  time  of  peace  is  to  be  left 
to  the  civil  courts,  though  infringements  of  the  law  by  officers 
are  to  be  regarded  as  crimes  against  military  honour  and  on  that 
account  to  be  subject  as  previously  to  military  jurisdiction. 

(4)  The  association  of  capital  to  improve  and  to  support  decay- 
ing commercial  or  agricultural  credit  is  imperatively  urged.     In 
the  department  of  the  State  finances  the  strictest  order  is  to  be 
secured  and  the  Customs  system  is  to  be  simplified.     Efforts  are 
to  be  made  gradually  to  remove  the  dangers  affecting  the  credit 


of  the  State,  which  arise  from  the  State's  guarantee  of  bank 
business  and  of  the  issue  of  State  bank-notes. 

(5)  The  strict  subordination  of  all  administrative  classes  to  the 
law  will  gradually  inspire  the  nation  with  respect  for  the  law. 
The    simplification    and    the    consequent    strengthening    of    the 
administrative  organisation  is  desirable,  together  with  a  uniform 
administration  of   the  guardians  of   the  public  peace.      These 
measures    will    meet    the    reasonable    demands    of    the    nation 
respecting   public    order   and    security.    Actual   defects   in    the 
laws   in   this   direction,   if   such   exist,   are   to   be   removed   by 
modifications  duly  proposed. 

(6)  Complete  independence  of  the  judicature  and  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice  is  to  be  preserved,  while  control  of  the  judicial 
officers  is  to  be  maintained  by  a  disciplinary  law.    The  discipline 
of  solicitors  and  attorneys  is  to  be  secured  by  Chambers,  to  be 
elected  by  those  concerned. 

(7)  Peace  between  the  various  religious  bodies  and  in  particular 
peace  with  the  authorities  of  the  Catholic  Church  is  to  be  secured 
so  far  as  compatible  with  conscientious  observance  of  the  existing 
laws.    Any  sacrifices  may  be  made  to  meet  the  demands  of  the 
time  for  public  education. 

(8)  The  right  of  the  Landtag  to  demand  the  submission  of 
legislative  proposals  from  the  Government  is  recognised. 

(9)  A  Bill  will  be  proposed  for  the  extension  of  the  Upper 

(10)  In  conclusion  it  seems  necessary  to  revise  the  competence 
of  the  Ministerial  Council  and  thus  to  facilitate  the  formation  and 
maintenance  of  a  uniform  Ministry  for  the  protection  of  the 
Crown  and  the  Constitution. 

Contemporary  note  by  the  PRINCE. 

There  are  some  further  points  to  be  considered  on  taking 

The  formation  of  a  uniform  Ministry  is  desirable  to  secure  the 
co-operation  of  the  collective  Ministers  guided  by  one  spirit  and 
by  similar  principles.  Proposals  upon  this  head,  the  scheme  of  a 
joint  Ministry  of  this  nature  and  for  the  Ministerial  Presidents,  will 
form  the  material  of  a  subsequent  proposal.  The  President  of 
the  Cabinet  might  be  a  Minister  without  a  portfolio ;  this  would 
secure  the  advantage  that  the  direct  adviser  of  the  Crown  would 
be  responsible  to  the  Chambers.  A  Minister  without  a  portfolio 
is,  however,  unknown  to  the  Constitution,  and  the  creation 
of  this  office  would  require  the  consent  of  the  Chambers  to  an 
alteration  in  the  Constitution;  I  therefore  consider  that  it  would 
be  advisable  to  abandon  this  for  the  moment  and  let  the  matter 
rest  with  the  proposed  appointment  of  Herr  von  Neumayr. 

As  regards  individual  Ministers,  Herr  von  Pechmann  may 
be  left  in  possession  of  his  office.  He  is  a  straightforward  and 


highly  respected  man,  who  has  an  opportunity  of  securing  the 
confidence  of  the  country  by  the  proposal  of  his  social  measures. 
There  is  also  nothing  to  be  said  against  Herr  von  Pfretzschner 
and  Herr  von  Schlb'r. 

The  Minister  Gresser  is  perhaps  lacking  in  energy,  but  this 
defect  may  be  compensated  by  the  co-operation  of  the  whole 
Ministry  upon  important  questions  affecting  ecclesiastical  affairs. 

The  Minister  Bomhard  is  best  replaced  by  Herr  von  Neumayr. 

Count  Tauffkirchen  regards  the  moment  as  inopportune  for  his 
entry  to  the  Ministry  in  view  of  the  bureaucratic  prejudices,  and 
would  prefer  an  appointment  as  Ministerial  adviser  in  the  Ministry 
of  Foreign  Affairs.  The  Imperial  Councillorships  thus  vacant 
would  be  best  filled  by  the  appointment  of  men  who  possess  the 
confidence  of  the  country,  are  inspired  by  sentiments  of  loyalty 
and  have  practical  experience  of  constitutional  work  or  economic 
administration.  I  nominate  Count  Hegnenberg-Dux,  Dingier  for 
the  Palatinate,  Neuffer  or  Fikentscher  for  Regensburg. 

From  the  Journal. 

MUNICH,  December  22,  1866. 

Yesterday  evening  at  eleven  o'clock  Holnstein  came  to  me 
and  said  that  the  King  had  arrived  but  was  still  wavering,  as  there 
was  much  opposition  to  me  on  the  part  of  the  Royal  Family  and 
especially  King  Ludwig.  He  says  I  am  regarded  as  a  traitor  who 
would  deliver  up  Bavaria  to  Prussia,  &c.  The  matter  is  further 
delayed  by  uncertainty  respecting  Neumayr,  whose  resignation  is 
practically  certain.  While  we  were  still  talking  a  messenger  came 
from  the  King,  bringing  Neumayr's  resignation  to  Holnstein.* 
Thus  another  obstacle  is  removed.  Holnstein  then  wrote 
another  note  to  Lutz,  requesting  an  interview  with  him  to-day 
upon  the  matter. 

The  interview  with  Lutz  has  taken  place.  All  the  several 
points  of  the  programme  were  discussed,  and  he  asked  for  further 
information  upon  those  respecting  the  Interior.  He  wished  to 
know  whether  by  the  expression  "  strict  subordination  to  the 
law,  &c."  I  intended  to  make  the  executive  further  dependent 
upon  the  judicature,  to  restrict  the  executive,  and  to  do  this  by 
proposing  Bills.  He  had  no  objection  to  offer  to  the  adminis- 
trative Court  of  Justice.  Upon  the  questions  concerning  the 
independence  of  the  judicature  and  the  administration  of  justice, 
he  asked  whether  any  positive  changes  were  proposed,  which  I 
denied,  and  confined  myself  to  explaining  that  if  a  programme 
were  to  be  published,  it  must  include  every  branch  of  the 
administration  and  that  this  point  could  not  therefore  be 

*  After  his  dismissal  from  the  post  of  Minister  of  the  Interior,  in 
November  1865,  Neumayr  had  been  out  of  office.  The  "offer  of  resigna- 
tion" must  therefore  mean  a  request  not  to  be  called  to  office  on  the  occasion 
of  the  approaching  changes  in  the  Ministry. 


As  regards  the  maintenance  of  peace  between  the  religious 
bodies,  he  asked  whether  I  was  inclined  to  make  concessions  to 
the  Church  and  to  make  changes  or  improvements  in  its  favour, 
to  which  I  gave  a  general  denial.  I  said  that  I  considered  an 
understanding  with  the  Church  highly  desirable,  especially  upon 
the  relationship  of  the  Concordat  to  the  Constitution.  He  con- 
sidered the  legal  regulation  of  the  Ministerial  Council  dangerous, 
and  especially  any  further  proposals  of  a  law  of  responsibility 
to  the  Chambers,  considering  that  our  object  might  be  secured 
without  this  measure. 

Eventually  we  agreed  that  I  should  abandon  any  immediate 
alteration  in  the  Ministry  in  order  that  individual  Ministers 
might  have  an  opportunity  of  justifying  themselves  against  any 
attacks  of  the  Chambers.  He  wished  that  even  the  Minister 
of  Justice  should  remain.  It  was  impossible,  he  considered,  to 
do  business  with  the  King  before  Christmas.  I  might  there- 
fore leave  to-day  but  ought  to  be  back  on  the  evening  of  the  2  7th 
to  be  at  the  King's  disposal  on  the  28th. 

On  the  evening  of  the  27th  I  returned  to  Munich  and  informed 
the  new  Ministerial  Councillor  von  Lutz,  who  is  the  head  of  the 
King's  Privy  Council,  of  my  return.  He  called  upon  me  on  the 
morning  of  the  28th  and  informed  me  that  the  King  proposed  to 
appoint  me  Minister  of  the  Royal  Household  and  of  Foreign 
Affairs  in  place  of  Pfordten.  He  said  that  my  appointment 
as  Premier  had  also  been  discussed,  and  that  he  must  there- 
fore ask  whether  definite  assurances  had  been  given  through 
Count  Holnstein.  I  replied  that  this  had  certainly  been  the 
case,  but  that  I  set  little  store  by  the  title  of  Premier,  as 
this  title  presupposed  a  Ministerial  solidarity  and  a  completely 
representative  character  in  myself  which  was  and  would  remain 
out  of  the  question.  I  should  therefore  prefer  to  content  myself 
with  the  Presidency  of  the  Ministerial  Council.  We  then  had  a 
long  discussion  upon  precedence  and  considered  the  pros  and 
cons  of  the  question,  whether  I  should  reserve  precedence  for 
myself  or  not.  I  eventually  resolved  not  to  make  precedence 
a  condition  of  my  entry. 

We  then  turned  to  consider  the  remaining  points  of  the  pro- 
gramme. As  regards  the  relations  with  the  ecclesiastical  powers, 
he  advised  that  this  point  should  be  omitted ;  it  might  seem  that 
we  were  ready  to  make  concessions  to  the  Ultramontane  party, 
and  this  would  immediately  raise  a  storm.  Upon  other  points  the 
King  requested  me  to  formulate  the  main  features  of  my  political 
views  in  a  special  document,  to  state  whether  I  was  ready  to 
submit  every  despatch  to  a  Minister  or  to  a  foreign  Govern- 
ment to  the  King's  consideration,  as  Pfordten  had  done.  I 
hastened  to  explain  that  I  should  be  quite  ready  to  guarantee 
this,  as  it  could  only  be  agreeable  to  me  to  be  certain  of  the  King's 
concurrence  in  every  measure  proposed.  As  regards  diplomatic 
appointments  he  explained  that  the  King  would  always  be  ready 



to  agree  to  my  proposals,  but  he  pointed  out  to  me  that  the 
Ministers  were  in  close  connection  with  the  nobility,  and  that 
every  Minister  recalled  would  make  a  large  addition  to  the  number 
to  my  enemies  (to  this  I  am  accustomed). 

After  describing  Neumayr's  aims  he  explained  his  views  on 
the  question  of  the  Cabinet  and  its  relation  to  the  Ministry.  He 
considers  it  desirable  that  the  King  should  take  an  active  part 
in  the  business;  he  does  not  wish  the  King  to  be  nothing  more 
than  a  machine  for  signing  his  name,  in  the  hands  of  his  respon- 
sible Ministers,  and  wishes  to  guarantee  this  position  for  the  King. 
In  general  he  promised  to  act  with  me  loyally  and  openly.  He 
strongly  advised  that  Donniges  should  not  be  employed  in  the 
Ministry ;  he  could  only  be  useful  in  Switzerland,  but  not  at  any 
Court.  He  could  not  be  employed  in  Florence  on  account  of  the 
bad  impression  that  would  be  made  in  Rome,  and  his  boorishness, 
&c.,  made  him  impossible  at  other  Courts.  On  this  point  I  could 
convince  myself  by  the  perusal  of  his  despatches. 

The  conversation  turned  upon  the  appointments  to  the  seats 
in  the  Upper  House;  I  suggested  Hegnenberg,  whose  appoint- 
ment I  desired.  To  this  he  could  only  object  that  in  his  opinion 
a  popular  man  or  a  high  legal  authority  should  be  appointed. 
He  said  that  Hegnenberg's  time  was  over.  I  replied  that  though 
a  man  might  be  past  work  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  he  might 
yet  be  very  useful  in  the  Upper  House  and  for  that  reason 
I  should  consider  the  appointment  of  Hegnenberg  as  valuable 
in  itself  and  likely  to  make  a  good  impression.  He  thought 
President  Neumayr  would  be  a  better  choice.  He,  however, 
cannot  be  spared  from  the  Lower  Chamber.  Finally,  I  must 
mention  the  fact  that  I  referred  to  the  quarrel  which  had  broken 
out  a  few  years  before  in  the  two  Chambers  concerning  the  right 
of  making  propositions.  I  pointed  out  that  my  opinion  was  un- 
changed, and  Lutz  agreed  that  this  point  should  be  mentioned 
in  the  memorial  intended  for  the  King.  He  thought  there  was  no 
need  for  me  to  mention  Wagner,  as  he  would  not  return  in  any 
case  before  spring. 

After  the  discussion  I  went  to  Tauffkirchen,  who  saw  a  pitfall 
in  the  request  of  Lutz  for  the  abbreviation  of  the  programme. 
He  said  that  there  was  a  rumour  in  the  town  that  I  was  unfaithful 
to  my  principles,  and  that  it  would  be  therefore  advisable  to 
keep  strictly  to  the  document  I  had  already  issued,  as  otherwise  it 
might  be  said  that  I  had  issued  another  programme. 

This  I  did,  and  then  wrote  the  memorandum  of  December  29  for 
the  King,*  with  a  supplement  in  which  I  declared  my  readiness  to 
submit  the  "decrees"  to  the  King.  Both  documents  were  given 
to  the  Cabinet  Secretary  on  the  morning  of  the  2Qth. 

In  the  afternoon  I  called  upon  the  Minister  of  the  Interior,! 
to  whom  I  explained  the  situation.  He  showed  some  embarrass- 

*  The  abstract  of  this  document  has  not  been  preserved, 
f  Freiherr  von  Pechmann. 

VOL.  i  —  N 


ment  at  first,  and  I  could  see  that  he  had  some  feeling  against  me. 
I  detailed  to  him  the  points  of  my  programme.  He  informed 
me  of  his  measures  with  reference  to  the  Press  and  went  on  to 
observe  that  I  should  undoubtedly  become  President  of  the 
Ministerial  Council,  which  would  cause  a  difficulty,  for  the  Presi- 
dent hitherto  had  always  defended  the  Ministry  as  a  whole 
against  the  attacks  in  the  Chambers,  and  that  this  would  now  be 
impossible  in  the  case  of  the  Bills  proposed.  I  gave  him  no 
answer,  as  I  did  not  wish  to  inform  him  that  I  had  asked  the  King 
for  my  appointment  as  President  of  the  Ministerial  Council. 

The  Minister  Gresser*  received  me  with  a  somewhat  appre- 
hensive and  embarrassed  manner.  He-  listened  attentively  to  my 
communications,  and  explained  to  me  the  principles  upon  which  he 
proposed  to  conduct  the  Ministry  of  Public  Worship ;  these  were 
the  utmost  possible  independence  for  the  Church,  wherever 
ecclesiastical  matters  were  concerned,  the  improvement  of  edu- 
cation, the  removal  of  school  inspections  from  the  exclusive  pos- 
session of  the  clergy,  &c. 

About  seven  o'clock  I  went  to  Pfretzschner,*  whom  I  found 
in  his  office,  and  informed  him  of  the  object  of  my  visit.  He  told 
me  he  had  already  learned  my  programme  from  Schlor.  He 
admitted  that  he  was  especially  anxious  to  know  that  my  pro- 
gramme emphasised  independence  of  Bavaria.  He  was  opposed 
to  entry  into  the  North  German  Confederation  and  was  very  re- 
served upon  the  question  of  the  South  German  Confederation.  He 
agreed  to  the  principles  of  alliance  with  Prussia  and  subordination 
to  Prussian  leadership  in  the  event  of  war  after  the  provision  of 
certain  guarantees.  But  he  wished  to  see  the  freedom  of  Bavaria 
secured  and  also  to  conclude  alliances  elsewhere.  He  then 
referred  to  my  speech  and  admitted  that  it  had  given  occasion  to 
different  interpretations,  and  that  it  had  aroused  a  certain  appre- 
hension. The  Bavarian  party  cannot  believe  that  the  Forward 
party  is  in  earnest  with  its  assertions  that  the  independence  of 
Bavaria  shall  not  be  infringed. 

He  then  turned  to  the  question  of  the  solidarity  of  the  Ministers, 
saying  that  they  had  always  adhered  to  Pfordten  and  had  had 
one  heart  and  one  mind.  If  a  change  of  Ministry  implied  a 
change  of  policy  he  would  be  forced  to  ask  himself  whether  he 
could  remain  in  office.  I  referred  him  to  the  wording  of  my  pro- 
gramme and  told  him  that  Schlor  and  Lutz  were  already  agreed 
upon  it.  He  hinted  that  a  new  programme  might  be  drawn  up,  but 
I  told  him  that  I  had  already  submitted  my  principles  to  the  King, 
so  that  the  composition  of  a  new  document  was  impossible,  and 
people  were  in  any  case  reproaching  me  with  changing  my  pro- 
gramme every  day. 

To-day,  Sunday  the  3oth,  Dr.  Lang  called  upon  me  in  the 
morning  and  gave  me  some  interesting  information  concerning 
the  constitution  of  the  Press  bureau;  I  informed  him  of  my 
*  Minister  of  Public  Worship.  f  Minister  of  Finance. 


programme  in  a  few  words.  He  will  make  use  of  the  information 
for  his  autograph  correspondence.  Marquardsen  then  arrived 
from  Erlangen;  I  also  informed  him  of  my  principles;  he  re- 
plied that  he  was  in  entire  agreement,  and  thought  it  likely  that 
his  friends  would  assent.  Then  came  Schanzenbach,  who  talked 
politics  in  his  somewhat  poetical  fashion  and  spoke  of  Tauffkirchen 
as  the  most  suitable  Minister  of  the  Interior.  Tauffkirchen 
came  to  me  in  the  evening  in  the  hope  of  sending  me  off  with 
several  fleas  in  my  ear.  He  began  by  saying  that  doubts  had 
reappeared  in  the  Cabinet,  that  people  seemed  disinclined  to 
follow  me  and  to  expect  that  I  should  enable  the  King  to 
postpone  the  constitution  of  the  Ministry  until  after  the 
Landtag.  He  then  referred  to  the  dangers  which  threatened 
me  should  I  enter  this  Ministry,  saying  that  I  should  wear 
myself  out  and  that  I  had  better  take  Volderndorff  into  the 
Ministry,  since  his  own  appointment  as  Ministerial  Councillor 
would  be  regarded  as  evidence  of  my  weakness,  seeing  that  his 
share  hi  my  programme  was  already  known.  I  did  not  believe 
in  the  dangers  which  he  thought  would  arise  before  me  hi  conse- 
quence of  my  entry  into  the  existing  Ministry,  as  public  opinion 
of  the  Ministry  is  very  diverse  and  the  agitation  against  it 
is  chiefly  the  work  of  Tauffkirchen;  this  agitation  has  been 
going  on  all  summer,  and  ended  hi  the  fall  of  von  der 
Pfordten.  However,  I  regarded  the  matter  as  sufficiently  im- 
portant for  a  conversation  with  Lutz  and  called  on  him  at  ten 
o'clock  in  the  evening.  He  said  there  was  no  question  of  any 
hesitancy  on  the  part  of  the  King  with  respect  to  myself.  The 
delay  in  drawing  up  the  documents  was  due  merely  to  formal 
reasons ;  he  had  spoken  once  more  to  the  Ministers  and  had  secured 
their  assent  to  the  programme;  only  Pfretzschner  had  proposed 
a  common  discussion,  but  he  had  been  speedily  crushed  and  every- 
thing was  now  in  order.  In  the  morning  I  should  be  asked  to 
wait  upon  the  King,  and  if  I  now  retired  I  should  place  the  King 
in  the  greatest  embarrassment  and  expose  myself  to  the  reproach 
or  suspicion  that  I  had  been  intimidated  by  the  Landtag  at  the 
last  moment.  I  hastened  to  inform  him  that  I  had  no  intention 
of  retiring,  but  that  I  had  merely  thought  it  advisable  to  hold 
myself  ready  in  case  the  King  hesitated  to  begin  the  definite 
formation  of  the  Ministry.  We  therefore  agreed  to  let  the  whole 
matter  rest,  and  he  promised  me  not  to  discuss  it  further  even  with 
the  King. 

On  the  following  day,  December  31,  Lutz  came  to  me  at 
half-past  twelve  and  told  me  that  the  King  wished  to  see  me  at 
one  o'clock.  I  had  barely  time  to  get  into  a  dress-coat  and  white 
tie  and  to  drive  to  the  Palace  hi  a  cab,  as  no  carriage  was  avail- 

The  equerry  conducted  me  to  the  King's  room,  the  ordinary 
living-room.  Here  I  found  the  King  hi  a  black  dress-coat  with  an 
Order.  He  received  me  very  kindly,  sat  down  on  the  sofa  and 


invited  me  to  take  an  arm-chair.  I  thanked  him  for  the  con- 
fidence he  had  placed  in  me.  He  then  said  he  understood  that 
I  had  not  wished  to  be  Premier.  I  replied  that  I  had  declined,  for 
the  reason  that  this  post  did  not  exist  here,  but  that  I  should  be 
very  grateful  if  I  could  secure  the  Presidency  to  the  Ministerial 
Council.  He  discussed  the  Ministers  and  said  it  would  be  better 
if  I  became  Premier,  "as  then  I  could  keep  the  other 
Ministers  in  better  order,"  complained  of  the  Ministers,  spoke 
unfavourably  of  Pfretzschner,  who  was  unstable,  very  favourably 
of  Schlor,  and  fairly  well 

Then  he  chanced  to  remember  a  conversation  we  had  had  on 
April  7,  when  I  had  advised  him  to  adhere  more  closely  to  Prussia. 
After  that  we  went  on  to  speak  of  the  war,  of  Prince  Alexander 
of  Hesse,  of  various  other  topics.  He  asked  me  about  my  cor- 
respondence with  Queen  Victoria,  about  the  Prince  of  Wales, 
about  Prince  Albert,  &c.  There  was  also  some  talk  of  the  Press. 
I  said  that,  since  things  were  discussed  in  the  taverns,  it  made 
little  difference  whether  the  spoken  word  were  also  published  in 
the  petty  newspapers.  This  led  us  to  the  question  of  beer- 
drinking,  to  the  climate  of  Munich,  to  the  life  of  the  people  in 
Munich,  and  much  besides.  I  recommended  to  him  Hegnenberg 
for  the  Upper  House,  spoke  also  of  its  extension  and  then  said 
that  as  yet  I  should  not  come  in  Ministerial  uniform.  He  thought 
it  was  quite  unnecessary.  I  replied  that  I  should  regard  myself 
as  a  functionary  as  soon  as  I  had  taken  over  the  official  duties, 
and  also  that  I  renounced  my  rank.  This  he  would  not  permit, 
assuring  me  that  he  would  cause  the  necessary  orders  to  be 
given  to  the  Chamberlain's  office.  I  accepted  this  with  thanks. 
He  then  said  he  hoped  to  have  a  longer  talk  with  me  later,  and 
allowed  me  to  take  my  leave. 

I  have  since  heard  that  he  was  greatly  pleased  with  our 
interesting  conversation.  I  must  add,  too,  that  another  matter 
he  alluded  to  was  his  grandfather  and  his  uncle  being  opposed 
to  me,  but  he  told  me  that  he  had  not  allowed  himself  to  be 
shaken.  I  expressed  my  admiration  for  his  firmness  of  character. 
I  also  explained  to  him  why  his  father  was  so  distrustful  of  me. 

The  Prince's  appointment  as  Minister  of  the  Royal  House 
and  of  Foreign  Affairs  and  President  of  the  Council  of  Ministers 
took  place  on  December  31,  1866. 






Memorandum  of  January  4,  1867. 

Results  of  the  discussion  in  to-day's  Cabinet. 

After  I  had  explained  the  reasons  which  prompted  me  to  move 
that  the  Bill*  should  not  yet  be  debated,  but  should  first  be 
referred  to  the  Governments  of  Wurtemberg,  Hesse,  and  Baden, 
with  the  request  that  they  would  intimate  whether  they  were  in 
favour  of  arranging  joint  conferences  of  the  Ministers  of  Foreign 
Affairs  and  of  War,  to  discuss  the  question  whether  a  common, 
homogeneous  scheme  of  Army  reorganisation  should  be  intro- 
duced in  these  States,  the  objection  was  made  by  the  Minister 
of  War  that  he  wished  to  bring  the  debate  on  the  Bill  to  an  end  as 
soon  as  possible.  This,  however,  could  not  be  done  during  the 
present  session  unless  the  debate  were  proceeded  with  immediately 
in  the  Council  of  Ministers,  the  Council  of  State  and  the  Chamber. 
He  must  be  ready  by  1868,  and  if  he  could  not  begin  in  the  spring, 
he  could  not  be  ready  by  that  time.  Schlor  said  it  would  be 
no  use,  the  Wiirtembergers  had  another  idea.  Meanwhile,  he 
admitted  that  we  might  try  the  experiment.  Finally,  the  Council 
agreed  in  the  opinion  that  the  discussion  of  the  Bill  should  be 
begun  in  the  Council  of  Ministers.  In  the  meantime  I  could 
address  the  necessary  inquiries  to  the  Governments  concerned. 

The  negotiations  with  the  South  German  Governments  were 
opened  by  a  despatch  to  the  Bavarian  Legations  of  January  9, 
and  led  to  an  agreement  with  Wurtemberg  of  January  18, 
according  to  which  Freiherr  von  Varnbiiler  was  to  invite  the 
four  southern  States  to  a  conference  at  Stuttgart  on  February  3. 
An  agreement  fixed  the  objects,  with  respect  to  which  joint 
action  was  to  be  aimed  at,  and  by  a  " secret  convention"  Bavaria 
and  Wurtemberg  agreed  not  to  let  themselves  be  deterred  by 
any  opposition  from  Baden  or  Hesse  at  the  conference,  but 
mutually  to  introduce  the  regulations  as  to  which  unanimity 
might  not  be  attained.  In  regard  to  the  South  German  fortresses 

*  On  the  reorganisation  of  the  Army. 


this  secret  convention  provided  that  Baden  should  be  induced 
to  keep  up  Rastatt,  while  Bavaria  and  Wurtemberg  would 
maintain  and  govern  Ulm  and  Neu-Ulm  as  a  joint  place  of  arms. 

Conformably  to  the  agreement  the  invitations  to  Stuttgart 
were  issued  by  the  Government  of  Wurtemberg. 

Meanwhile,  the  debates  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  on  the 
Address  to  the  King  gave  the  Prince  his  first  opportunity  of  a 
public  declaration  of  the  aims  of  his  German  policy. 

Speech  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  on  January  19,  1867. 

Gentlemen,  —  The  motion  before  you  furnishes  me  with  the 
opportunity  I  desired  of  defining  the  position  which  the  Govern- 
ment intends  to  take  up  on  the  German  question. 

I  shall  endeavour  to  do  this  as  plainly  as  possible. 

Since  the  dissolution  of  the  German  Confederation  and  with 
the  secession  of  Austria  from  Germany,  the  position  of  the  Central 
German  States  has  been  completely  changed  and  has  become 
undeniably  more  perilous. 

I  shall  forbear  to  throw  a  retrospective  glance  upon  the 
Bavarian  policy  of  the  last  few  years  or  to  inquire  whether 
Bavaria  was  offered  the  means  and  opportunity  of  obviating  this 
dangerous  turn  of  affairs. 

Practical  politics  are  directed  to  the  facts  of  the  present; 
the  past  can  be  left  to  the  judgment  of  history. 

Gentlemen,  I  have,  on  several  occasions,  had  the  opportunity 
of  expressing  myself  upon  the  subject  of  the  relations  of  Bavaria 
with  Germany,  and  I  have  always  done  so  with  the  greatest  frank- 
ness. To-day  I  define  once  more  the  goal  of  Bavarian  policy  to 
be  the  maintenance  of  Germany,  the  union  of  all  the  German 
peoples,  and,  in  so  far  as  this  may  not  be  possible,  of  the 
greater  number  of  them,  in  one  Confederation,  protected  from 
without  by  a  powerful  Central  Government,  and  within  by  a 
Parliamentary  Constitution,  with  concomitant  preservation  of 
the  integrity  of  the  Bavarian  State  and  Crown. 

If  now,  gentlemen,  I  acknowledge  this  Confederation  as  the 
goal  of  Bavarian  politics,  still  I  must  not  shut  my  eyes  to  the 
perception  that  such  a  goal  is  not  to  be  attained  immediately. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  Treaty  of  Prague,  Prussia  was  required 
in  the  formation  of  a  closer  confederation  to  confine  herself  to 
the  north  of  the  line  of  the  Main,  and,  by  signing  the  treaty  of 
peace,  she  has  acknowledged  this  limitation  as  binding.  You  may 
regret  these  facts,  but  you  cannot  contest  the  consequences  that 
are  attached  to  them. 

It  follows  from  this  that  Prussia  is  obliged  to  repel  any 
attempt  on  the  part  of  the  South  German  States  to  enter  into  the 
North  German  Confederation. 

It  further  follows  that   this    Government  cannot  attempt   to 


enter  into  negotiations  for  the  union  of  Bavaria  with  the  North 
German  Confederation. 

I  must,  moreover,  declare  just  as  frankly  that  the  development 
of  North  German  federal  relations,  in  its  present  form,  shows  such 
a  marked  tendency  towards  the  creation  of  a  single  State,  that  I 
should  not  consider  it  consistent  with  the  dignity  of  the  country 
or  the  duties  of  the  Government  to  seek  for  unconditional  in- 
clusion in  this  North  German  Confederation.  I,  at  least,  would 
not  give  my  vote  for  such  unconditional  inclusion,  nor  would  I 
undertake  the  responsibility  for  it. 

I  do  not  believe,  either,  that  the  formation  of  the  North  German 
Confederation  would  be  delayed  by  any  consideration  for  South 
Germany.  Nor  would  its  promoters  be  at  all  likely  at  the  present 
moment  to  modify  the  character  of  the  North  German  Confedera- 
tion in  order  to  favour  the  entry  of  the  South  German  States. 

We  must  not  shut  our  eyes  to  the  fact  that  the  progress  of 
Germany  on  the  road  to  unity  is  but  a  slow  one. 

But  if  I  now  recognise  the  difficulties  that  stand  in  the  way 
of  the  organic  reunion  of  the  German  race,  I  am,  nevertheless, 
firmly  resolved  to  oppose  every  step  that  might  hinder  the 
attainment  of  the  goal  I  have  pointed  out. 

Gentlemen,  the  Government  will  not  form  a  South- West  German 
Confederation  under  the  protection  of  a  non- German  Power. 
Such  an  alliance  in  the  second  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  is 
simply  an  impossibility.  Nor  would  it  suit  the  position  of  Bavaria 
any  better  to  enter  a  constitutional  league  of  South  German  States 
under  the  leadership  of  Austria.  If  I  apprehend  aright  the  course 
of  development  of  internal  affairs  in  Austria,  it  appears  to  me 
that  the  German  element  is  falling  more  and  more  into  the  back- 
ground and  that  the  Government  is  seeking  support  among  the 
non- German  elements  of  the  Monarchy. 

A  constitutional  league  with  an  Austria  so  placed  seems  neither 
desirable  nor  feasible. 

On  the  other  hand,  I  should  rejoice  to  see  the  Austrian 
Monarchy  emerge  strengthened  and  invigorated  from  the  internal 
struggles  in  which  it  is  involved,  so  that  it  might  fulfil  its  civilising 
mission  as  the  Power  of  the  eastern  frontier.  I  shall  strive  to  effect 
the  maintenance  and  promotion  of  friendly  relations  between 
Bavaria  and  Austria. 

Gentlemen,  another  reason  why  the  Government  will  not  lend 
a  hand  in  the  formation  of  a  compact  South-West  German 
Confederate  State  is  that  an  agreement  between  the  Governments 
and  peoples  on  this  matter  is  certainly  unattainable,  and  that 
such  a  Federal  State  would  further  widen  the  breach  between 
South  and  North  Germany. 

But  although  I  have  declared  that  the  Government  contem- 
plated no  step  that  would  remove  us  from  the  aim  of  a  common 
German  policy,  I  must  not  confine  myself  to  this  negative  stand- 
point. This  would  be  to  proclaim  a  policy  of  isolation.  As  a 


state  of  the  second-class  Bavaria  cannot  exist  without  an  alliance 
with  one  of  the  European  Great  Powers.  We  need  such  support 
especially  at  the  present  moment,  when  the  constitution  of  the 
German  Confederation  has  been  torn  up  and  the  possibility  of 
European  conflicts  cannot  be  denied.  But  the  Great  Power  to 
which  Bavaria  must  attach  herself,  and  whose  ally  she  must  openly 
declare  herself  to  be  in  case  of  a  foreign  war,  is  Prussia. 

This  alliance,  to  secure  which  is  one  of  the  tasks  of  the  Bavarian 
Government,  involves  as  a  result  that  Bavaria,  in  return  for  a  defi- 
nite guarantee  of  the  sovereignty  of  her  King,  will  place  herself 
under  the  leadership  of  Prussia  in  the  event  of  a  war  with  a  foreign 
Power.  It  involves  also  the  obligation  that  the  Bavarian  Army 
shall  be  organised  in  such  a  way  as  to  render  possible  its  participa- 
tion in  such  a  war.  This  alliance  will  gain  in  value  if  it  has  for  its 
effect  not  only  to  increase  the  military  power  of  Bavaria,  but  at  the 
same  time  to  determine  the  other  States  of  South- West  Germany  to 
undertake  a  correspondingly  powerful  military  organisation.  The 
Government  is  exerting  itself  to  bring  about  this  agreement  and 
thereby  to  further  the  drawing  together  of  South  and  North 
Germany,  preserving,  however,  at  the  same  time  our  independence, 
as  far  as  in  us  lies,  from  any  desires  of  annexation,  from  whatever 
quarter  they  may  come. 

Permit  me  now,  gentlemen,  to  conclude  by  once  more  summing 
up  in  a  few  words  the  task  of  Bavarian  policy.  It  is  to  prepare  the 
way  for  a  constitutional  league  with  the  other  States  of  Germany, 
so  soon  and  so  far  as  this  is  possible,  while  preserving  the 
sovereign  rights  of  Bavaria  and  the  independence  of  the  country. 
Meanwhile  we  shall  await  the  attainment  of  this  goal,  the  creation 
of  a  Power  that  shall  command  respect,  not  through  the  organisa- 
tion of  the  Army  alone,  but  also  through  the  improvement  of  our 
internal  conditions  on  liberal  lines,  through  the  raising  of  our 
self-respect  and  confidence  in  our  own  national  existence. 

If  we  are  successful  in  this  task,  then  our  alliance  will  be  sought. 
We  shall  not  be  obliged  to  look  anxiously  about  for  shelter,  and 
we  shall  be  able  to  obtain  a  solution  of  the  important  question 
of  the  reorganisation  of  the  Zollverein,  worthy  of  the  dignity  and 
interests  of  the  country. 

Extract  from  a  letter  oj  FREIHERR  VON  ROGGENBACH 
to  the  PRINCE. 

NEUWIED,  January  24,  1867. 

.  .  .  Whoever  has  had  to  deal,  as  I  have,  for  six  long  years 
with  the  political  and  moral  confusion  which  Herren  von  Beust  and 
von  der  Pfordten  have  brought  about  in  the  poor  heads  of  our 
South  German  countrymen  by  their  State  papers,  their  agents,  and 
their  organs  in  the  Press,  and  whoever  is  not  blind  to  the 
dangers  which  this  Babel  of  tongues  is  preparing  for  the  continu- 
ance and  future  of  our  people  and  for  the  development  of  the 


German  State,  must  welcome  your  utterance  with  the  most  sincere 
and  heartfelt  joy.  It  tells  me  that  so  considerable  a  State  as 
Bavaria  and  so  important  an  element  in  the  European  system  as 
South  Germany  has  at  last  returned  to  the  influence  of  an  intelli- 
gent and  honourable,  single-minded  and  cautious  leadership,  and 
that  the  dark  powers  are  now  swept  away,  which  for  years  have 
been  trying  to  fan  a  flame  which  they  hoped  would  consume 
Prussia  and  the  healthy  development  of  German  civilisation,  but 
which  has  now  finally  devoured  themselves  and  their  evil  devices. 


MUNICH,  January  25,  1867. 

Reuss*  read  to  me  a  despatch  from  Bismarck,  which  ex- 
pressed the  satisfaction  of  the  Prussian  Government  with  my 
declaration  in  the  Chamber.  To  this,  Bismarck  appends  some 
remarks  on  Army  organisation  and  finance,  which  Reuss  is  to 
submit  to  me,  in  order  to  have  them  technically  answered. 

In  respect  to  the  German  question,  the  despatch  said  that 
the  South  Germans  were  deceiving  themselves,  if  they  thought 
Prussia  desired  confederation  with  the  South  on  the  same  basis 
as  in  the  North.  There  they  were  forced  into  a  closer  union  from 
regard  for  their  own  safety.  As  far  as  the  South  was  concerned, 
Prussia  would  be  content  if  she  had  a  guarantee  that  the  South 
would  not  lean  upon  foreign  Powers,  and  if  the  mutual  pro- 
tection and  care  of  material  interests  were  assured,  Prussia 
would  go  as  far  as  Bavaria  desired  in  the  fusion  of  the  South 
with  the  North.  If  the  South  was  not  willing  to  limit  its  autonomy 
in  the  same  way  as  the  North,  then  she  was  prepared  to  enter 
into  negotiations  on  a  broader  basis. 

Upon  the  question  of  how  I  conceived  the  constitution,  and,  in 
particular,  the  limitation  of  autonomy,  I  reserved  myself  for 
further  pronouncement.  He  declared  himself  ready  to  ask  his 
Government  whether  I  might  read  its  despatch  to  the  King, 
which  I  considered  to  be  necessary. 

On  February  3  the  Stuttgart  Conferences  were  opened  under 
the  presidentship  of  Freiherr  von  Varnbiiler.  Besides  the  four 
Ministers  for  Foreign  Affairs,  the  Ministers  of  War  and  several 
Commissioners  took  part  in  the  proceedings. 

In  the  opening  discussion  Minister  von  Freydorf  of  Baden, 
said  he  desired  that  clear  expression  should  be  given  to  the  desire 
for  the  unification  of  Germany  which  had  doubtless  been  the  main 
inspiration  of  the  proposed  joint  measures  and  which,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  Government  of  Baden,  urgently  demanded  a  frank 
adherence  to  the  Prussian  military  constitution.  He,  therefore, 
proposed  a  resolution  in  the  following  terms : 

''The  assembled  representatives  of  the  four  South  German 

*  Prince  Reuss,  at  that  time  Prussian  Minister  at  Munich. 


Governments  recognise  it  as  a  national  necessity  to  regulate  the 
military  forces  of  their  countries  according  to  the  principles 
of  the  Prussian  military  constitution,  so  that  in  case  of  war 
they  may  be  available  as  component  parts  of  a  German 

Prince  Hohenlohe  in  reply  said  that  the  motion  of  Baden 
might  easily  lead  to  misconception,  especially  as  the  proposed 
wording  did  not  exactly  correspond  to  the  actual  state  of  Ger- 
many's political  relations.  The  rest  of  the  debates  were 
chiefly  concerned  with  the  question  how  far  adherence  to  the 
Prussian  military  system  should  be  carried.  After  consultations 
between  the  War  Ministers  a  final  protocol  was  agreed  upon,  which 
had  the  approval  of  all  the  members  of  the  conference.  The 
Minister  of  Baden  then  added  the  following  declaration  to  the 
protocol,  with  reference  to  his  repeated  utterances  in  the  course 
of  the  verbal  proceedings  on  the  position  which  his  Government 
considered  itself  obliged  to  take  up  on  the  question  of  the  adjust- 
ment of  German  constitutional  relations,  especially  with  regard 
to  the  North  German  Confederation  about  to  be  formed : 

"The  Government  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Baden  is  of  the 
opinion  that  the  stipulations  here  drawn  up  do  not  stand  in  the 
way  of  possible  military  agreements  on  the  part  of  the  Grand 
Duchy  with  the  Kingdom  of  Prussia,  or  with  the  North 
German  States,  and  reserves  to  itself,  according  to  circumstances, 
the  right  of  making  such  agreements." 

The  Hessian  Minister,  von  Dalwigk,  thereupon  announced 
"  that  he,  too,  considering  the  peculiar  position  which  the  Hessian 
Government  would  have  to  occupy  in  the  presence  of  a  North 
German  Confederation,  would  feel  obliged  to  accompany  the  assent 
of  his  Government  to  the  resolutions  by  a  reservation,  in  the  same 
terms  as  that  made  by  the  Government  of  the  Grand  Duchy 
of  Baden." 

The  final  protocol,*  signed  on  February  5,  begins  with  the 
declaration  that  the  assembled  delegates  recognise  it  as  a  national 
necessity  to  increase  and  organise  the  military  forces  of  their 
countries,  so  that  they  may  be  capable  of  joint  action  that  shall 
command  respect.  They  agree,  therefore,  to  an  increase  of  their 
military  forces  as  far  as  possible,  and  to  a  system  modelled  on 
the  principles  of  that  of  Prussia.  As  such  principles  the  follow- 
ing are  laid  down :  universal  compulsory  service,  the  three  years* 
term,  the  division  of  compulsory  service  into  service  in  the  Stand- 
ing Army,  liability  for  the  Reserve,  and  liability  for  the 
Landwehr.  The  objects  are  a  homogeneous  organisation,  to  fit 
the  army  for  joint  action,  similar  tactical  units,  the  greatest  possi- 
ble agreement  in  regulations,  arms,  and  ammunition,  common 
manoeuvres  and  uniform  training  of  officers.  "With  regard  to 
the  fortresses  of  Ulm  and  Rastatt,"  concludes  the  protocol,  "  a 
decision  will  be  deferred  until  the  conclusion  of  the  negotia- 
*  Printed  in  Aegidi  and  Klauhold,  Das  Staatsarchiv,  vol.  xii.  No.  2733. 


tions  for    liquidation,  which   are    to    be    expedited    as    far    as 
possible."  * 

Immediately  after  the  Stuttgart  Conference,  on  February  6, 
1867,  the  Prince  had  an  interview  at  Miihlacker  with  the  Grand 
Duke  Friedrich  of  Baden.  He  wrote  to  the  Grand  Duke : 

MUNICH,  February  19,  1867. 

Your  Royal  Highness  gave  me  permission  to  address  you 
directly  by  letter,  if  it  seemed  necessary  to  make  any  further 
communication  on  the  political  questions  we  discussed  at 
Muhlacker.  At  the  present  moment,  when  the  North  German 
Reichstag  is  about  to  open,  it  appears  urgently  necessary 
for  the  South  German  Governments  to  come  to  an  understand- 
ing upon  the  position  they  are  to  take  up  with  reference  to  the 
resolutions  of  the  North  German  Parliament.  It  may  be  fore- 
seen that  on  the  conclusion  of  the  deliberations,  if  these  lead  to  a 
satisfactory  result,  the  question  will  be  put  to  us,  in  what 
way  we  wish  to  regulate  our  relations  to  the  North  German  Con- 

In  this  connection  the  following  points  might  be  raised : 

(1)  The  Maintenance  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  individual 


(2)  The  Strengthening  of  Germany  in  order  to  repel  dan- 

ger from  without. 

(3)  The  Satisfaction  of  the  people's  national  aspirations. 

(4)  The  Facilities  of  access  to  German  Austria. 

I  believe  it  would  be  advisable  for  the  South  German  States 
of  Bavaria,  Wiirtemberg,  Baden,  and  (as  far  as  possible)  Hesse 
to  act  in  unison  on  the  following  basis : 

(1)  We  make  an  offer  to  Prussia  and  the  North  German  Con- 
federation to  enter  into  an  indissoluble  league. 

(2)  Prussia  to  have  the  presidency  and  the  chief  command  in 

(3)  The  four  States  to  enter  the  Federal  Council,  Bavaria  with 
six  votes,  Wiirtemberg  with  four,  Baden  with  three,  and  Hesse 
with  two.     The  Federr.J  Council,  thus  extended,  to  conduct  the 
affairs  of  the  league  and  to  settle  disputes  among  its  members. 

*  Article  VII.  of  the  Peace  of  Prague  stipulated  that  a  commission 
should  assemble  at  Frankfort-on-the-Main  to  which  all  claims  against  the 
late  German  Confederation  should  be  presented  for  settlement.  Austria 
and  Prussia  wished  to  be  represented  on  this  commission.  All  the  other 
States  of  the  former  Confederation  had  the  same  privilege.  Article  VIII. 
gave  Austria  the  right  to  remove  from  the  fortresses  of  the  late  Confedera- 
tion the  Imperial  property  and  the  Austrian  share  of  the  movable  federal 
property,  or  otherwise  to  dispose  of  it.  This  "Commission  of  Liquidation" 
met  in  the  autumn  of  1866,  and  by  the  summer  of  1867  had  carried 
its  work  so  far  that  Austria  and  Holland,  the  latter  for  Luxembourg  and 
Limburg,  had  had  their  claims  paid  off  in  money.  The  claims  of  the 
other  States  had  also  been  fixed  by  the  auditors.  It  was  resolved,  how- 
ever, not  to  proceed  to  an  actual  division,  but  rather  to  adjourn  the  final  settle- 
ment of  the  question. 


(4)  To    be    established    by    treaty:      rights    of    citizenship 
and   naturalisation  for  the  whole  of   Germany;      the   German 
Zollverein;    identical  weights,  measures,  and  coinage;    the  laws 
of  banking;    similar  legal  procedure;    similar  arrangements  in 
the  matter  of  railways,  telegraphs,  posts,  and  shipping. 

(5)  The  common  arrangements  provided  for  under  (4)  will  be 
regulated  on  the  initiative  of  the  Federal  Council,  and,  so  far  as 
legislation  may  be  required,  they  shall  be  dealt  with  on  the  lines 
of  the  laws  relating  to  exchange  and  commerce.    The  legislature 
will  be:   in  the  North  the  Reichstag  of  the  North  German  Con- 
federation ;  in  the  South,  the  Chambers  of  the  four  States.     Regard- 
ing the  military  constitution,  Prussia  recognises  the  conclusions 
of  the  Stuttgart  Conference. 

(6)  The  South  contributes  a  share,  to  be  fixed  by  agreement, 
towards  the  Navy  of  the  Confederation,  and  towards  the  repre- 
sentation of  its  commercial  interests  by  the  Consular  Service. 

(7)  The  share  of  the  cost  and  of  the  garrisoning  of  the  for- 
tresses and  harbours  of  the  League  will  likewise  be  regulated  in 
principle  by  agreement  and  fixed  by  the  Bundesrath. 

(8)  A  condition  of  the  compact  is  the  simultaneous  con- 
clusion of  an  alliance  of  the  whole  of  Germany  with  Austria,  by 
which    the    integrity    of    German   territory   shall    be    mutually 
guaranteed,  while,  jby  a  modification  of  the  Peace  of  Prague, 
the  German  Confederation  shall  be  recognised  by  Austria. 

I  lay  the  more  stress  on  the  last  point,  since,  with  the  influence 
of  Austria  making  itself  more  and  more  felt  here,  a  favourable 
disposition  and  assent  to  the  conclusion  of  a  confederate  agree- 
ment with  Prussia  is  only  to  be  gained  if,  at  the  same  time, 
in  the  alliance,  compensation  can  be  offered  to  Austria  for  the 
diminution  of  her  influence  in  South  Germany  through  the  crea- 
tion of  a  confederation  of  the  Southern  States  with  the  North. 
In  permitting  myself  to  lay  this  sketch  before  your  Royal  High- 
ness, I  beg  you  for  an  expression  of  opinion  on  it  and  an  intima- 
tion whether  your  Royal  Highness  desires  a  detailed  exposition. 
I  should  be  particularly  grateful  for  the  favour  of  an  early  answer, 
for  the  reason  that  I  am  expecting  to  receive  overtures  from 
Stuttgart  in  the  next  few  days,  to  which  I  will  not  reply  before 
I  know  the  views  of  your  Royal  Highness. 

In  conclusion,  I  beg  to  observe  that  the  document  ratifying 
the  results  of  the  Stuttgart  Conference  is  now  before  his  Majesty 
the  King,  and  will  be  sent  off  shortly.  I  venture  to  recommend 
that  the  exchange  of  ratifications  may  graciously  be  made  as  soon 
as  possible  after  the  arrival  of  our  document  in  Karlsruhe,  since 
the  publication  of  the  results  of  the  Conference  appears  to  me 
desirable  in  the  interests  of  all. 

On  the  reception  given  in  Berlin  to  the  Prince's  first  public 
declarations,  Prince  Reuss,  hitherto  Prussian  Minister  at  Munich, 
wrote  to  him : 


BERLIN,  February  20,  1867. 

I  arrived  here  yesterday  morning  and  saw  Count  Bismarck 
at  once,  and  had  much  to  tell  him  about  Munich  and  about  you. 
I  need  not  tell  you  that  he  entertains  the  best  wishes  for  the  success 
of  your  Ministry,  and  will  do  everything  in  his  power  to  support 
you.     I  mentioned  to  him  your  wish  with  regard  to  an  eventual 
avowal  of   the  existence  of  the  secret  agreement.*    Count  Bis- 
marck realised  that  it  would  be  agreeable  to  you  and  also  to  the 
Government  of  Wurtemberg,  and  advantageous  to  your  position 
in  the  country,  if  you  could  avow  the  secret  treaty.    He  has  no 
objection   to  this   being   done,    and  would  only  wait  until  the 
uproar    in    the   French    Chamber   has   quieted    down  a   little. 
Perhaps,  therefore,  until  after  the  interpellations  on  the  Emperor's 
foreign  policy.f    Then  he  thinks  it  would  be  well  to  prepare  the 
way  for  it  by  means  of  apparent  indiscretions  in  the  newspapers; 
he  would,  however,  be  glad  to  know  your  views,  in  case  you  should 
wish  the  publication  made  in  another  way.J     He  directed  me 
to  write  to  you  and  to  tell  you  at  the  same  time  that,  whenever 
you  might  find  it  necessary  to  address  him  directly  upon  this  or 
any  other  matter,  he  would  be  quite  ready  to  open  a  direct  private 
correspondence.     He    has    complete    confidence    hi    Werthern,§ 
but  thinks  that,  before  the  latter  should  be  admitted  to  similar 
confidence  where  you  are  concerned,  it  would,  perhaps,  be  more 
agreeable    to   you    to    communicate    through    him   (Bismarck). 
Montgelas  1 1  he  described  as  a  good  man  of  business  and  an  honour- 
able man,  but  thought  that  that  was  the  limit  of  his  qualifications, 
and  that  it  was  not  easy  to  enter  upon  more  intimate  affairs  with 

In  the  same  spirit  the  Duke  of  Ratibor  wrote  to  the  Prince : 

BERLIN,  March  3,  1867. 

This  evening  I  was  at  a  ball  at  Puttbus's,  and  there  had  an 
opportunity  of  speaking  to  Bismarck.  He  began  to  talk  about 
you  of  his  own  accord,  as  he  stood  at  the  buffet,  and  drank 
a  glass  of  champagne  to  your  health,  and  to  the  success  of  your 
endeavours.  I  told  him  you  had  written  to  me,  and  he  under- 
stands perfectly  well  that  you  have  to  go  carefully  to  work  down 
there.  Here,  he  said,  nothing  more  would  be  asked  of  Bavaria 
than  she  was  willing  to  give,  if  one  could  not  get  a  thaler  one 

*The  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  concluded  simultaneously  with 
the  treaty  of  peace. 

f  The  debate  in  the  French  Chamber  on  foreign  policy  took  place  on 
March  14-18. 

%  The  publication  of  the  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  followed 
on  March  19,  1867,  immediately  after  the  first  debate  in  the  North  German 
Reichstag,  which  concerned  Luxembourg.  —  Sybel,  Begrundung  des  Deutschen 
Reichs,  vol.  vi.  p.  58. 

§  Prussian  Minister  at  Munich. 

II  Bavarian  Minister  in  Berlin. 


would  take  a  groschen.  There  would  be  no  compulsion  at  all. 
The  material  interests  of  South  Germany  —  this  for  the  benefit  of 
your  adversaries  down  there  —  rendered  a  treaty  with  the  North 
German  Confederation  necessary;  without  that  even  the  Zoll- 
verein  would  be  endangered,  and  thereby  the  whole  prosperity 
of  those  countries  would  be  at  stake.  This  cannot  be  repeated 
too  often  to  the  people  of  the  South.  He  recommends  prudence 
and  no  precipitation.  He  takes  the  greatest  interest  in  all  that 
happens  at  Munich. 

The  Queen  expressed  herself  yesterday  in  the  same  sense  and 
sends  you  many  greetings.  Field-marshal  Wrangel  also  asked 
me  to  congratulate  you  on  the  results  you  have  achieved  hitherto, 
he  has  the  best  hopes  for  the  future  and  sends  his  kind  regards. 
Herr  von  Vincke,  too,  spoke  to  me  about  you,  and  was  pleased 
with  the  way  things  were  going.  You  see  that  all  parties  here  are 
for  you.  Bismarck  also  considers  the  leadership  of  Bavaria 
among  the  South  German  States  as  a  matter  of  course,  and  has 
rejected  every  proposal  from  Wiirtemberg  and  Baden,  which  was 
not  made  in  conjunction  with  Bavaria. 


KARLSRUHE,  March  4,  1867. 

Accept  my  best  thanks  for  your  two  letters  of  February  19  and 
20,  from  which  I  gathered  with  great  satisfaction  that  our  con- 
versation at  Miihlacker  would  be  the  beginning  of  a  confidential 
intercourse,  the  value  of  which  I  fully  appreciate. 

We  discussed  the  movement  for  a  closer  union  of  the  South 
with  the  North  of  Germany,  and  in  this  connection  we  have 
already  spoken  of  the  different  stages  of  development  through 
which  we  think  the  work  of  union  will  be  accomplished. 

I  have  consequently  welcomed  your  proposals  with  sincere 
thanks,  as  a  highly  valuable  attempt  to  give  effect  to  these  aspira- 
tions, and  I  shall  now  try,  after  a  thorough  examination  of  the 
question,  to  give  you  my  views  on  it  in  brief. 

Speaking  generally,  I  am  quite  ready  to  enter  into  further 
negotiations  upon  your  proposals,  but  should  be  very  glad  to  re- 
ceive from  you  more  detailed  information,  in  order  to  learn  more 
closely  the  extent  and  significance  of  certain  points. 

The  four  fundamental  ideas  of  your  proposals  I  take  to  be 
the  expression  of  the  difficulties  and  prejudices  to  be  overcome 
in  the  South  German  States.  I  recognise  therein  the  points 
which  you  are  obliged  to  treat  with  circumspection,  in  order  to 
bring  about  a  state  of  transition  which  may  prepare  the  way  for 
a  more  intimate  union  with  the  North.  On  the  other  hand,  I  do 
not  fail  to  appreciate  the  difficulty  of  so  combining  these  four 
principles  that  they  may  be  made  acceptable  to  the  steadily  con- 
solidating North  German  Confederation. 


The  first  of  the  eight  points  in  which  you  discern  the  founda- 
tion for  concerted  action  of  the  South  German  States  de- 
fines the  relation  to  North  Germany  as  an  indissoluble 
league,  and,  in  fact,  as  a  broader  league  in  contradistinction  to 
the  closer  league  of  North  Germany.  This  idea  is  sufficient  to 
make  all  the  other  points  appear  more  or  less  subordinate,  in 
so  far  as  they  depend  upon  a  union  with  Prussia.  I  shall,  there- 
fore, not  stop  to-day  to  enter  into  details,  but  will  only  recom- 
mend two  questions  to  your  kind  consideration. 

The  class  of  legisktion  for  which  it  is  indispensable  to  obtain 
complete  uniformity  throughout  Germany  is  to  be  found  chiefly 
in  the  domain  of  material  interests.  Here,  no  doubt,  the  question 
of  the  Zollverein  will  furnish  the  most  convenient  means  of  solv- 
ing the  difficulty  which  at  present  consists  in  the  want  of  an  assem- 
bly of  all  the  German  States  in  a  common  Reichstag.  Con- 
fidential communications  from  Berlin  tell  us  that  the  admission  of 
delegates  from  the  South  German  Governments  to  the  Federal 
Council,  and  of  South  German  Deputies  to  the  North  German 
Reichstag  for  tariff  matters,  and  therewith  the  transformation  of 
the  latter  body  into  a  Tariff  Parliament,  may  be  expected  as  a 
possibly  imminent  first  step  towards  a  closer  union  of  North  and 
South.  Once  a  beginning  were  made  in  this  way,  it  would, 
doubtless,  soon  be  extended  so  as  to  cover  other  spheres.  All  the 
difficult  questions  of  legislation  would  thus  find  their  solution  in  a 
natural  and  practical  way,  and  it  might  indeed  be  good  policy 
to  prepare  the  way  for  these  solutions  by  a  proposal  directed  to 
that  end. 

The  prospect  of  the  participation  of  the  South  German  Gov- 
ernments and  popular  representatives  in  the  corresponding  organs 
of  the  North  German  Confederation,  and  in  particular  the  pros- 
pect of  the  formation  of  a  Tariff  Parliament,  would,  I  presume, 
cause  a  modification  in  the  fourth  clause  of  your  proposals,  since 
what  you  proposed  should  be  settled  by  treaties  could  now  be 
obtained  in  part  by  means  of  legislation. 

Supposing,  however,  that  a  treaty  of  alliance  is  to  be  concluded 
between  the  several  South  German  States  and  the  North  German 
Confederation,  which  shall  follow  the  lines  of  the  former  German 
Act  of  Confederacy,  I  ask  myself  whether  it  were  not  more  advisable 
to  keep  as  closely  as  possible  to  this  old  treaty  of  confederacy,  and 
thereafter,  to  endeavour  to  bring  to  maturity  the  germs  in  it 
which  are  capable  of  development.  Little  as  was  the  good 
this  old  institution  was  able  to  accomplish  in  the  course  of  its 
long  existence,  since  it  provided  no  remedy  for  the  rivalry  of  two 
Great  Powers  in  the  same  league,  yet  the  basis  seems  now  to  be 
furnished  upon  which  the  most  important  constituent  parts  of 
the  old  federal  constitution  may  be  founded.  This  basis  is  the 
Peace  of  Prague,  the  end  of  the  protracted  dualism,  so  injurious 
to  Germany. 

Article  IV.  of  the  Peace  of  Prague  gives  a  prospect  of  a  national 

VOL.   I  —  O 


union  of  the  South  German  States  with  the  North  German  Con- 
federation. Austria  recognises  by  anticipation  this  broader  league 
in  its  new  form. 

This  is  the  second  point  which  I  would  specially  deal  with, 
viz.,  No.  8  of  your  proposals. 

Having  regard  to  the  steadily  growing  Austrian  influence  in 
Munich,  you  consider  it  imperative,  in  order  to  gain  the  assent  of 
Bavaria  to  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  confederacy  with  Prussia, 
that  Austria  should  be  offered  an  alliance  with  Germany  as  com- 
pensation for  the  diminution  of  her  influence  in  South  Germany, 
owing  to  the  formation  of  a  league  between  the  South  and  the 

I  can  easily  imagine  how  difficult  it  must  be  for  you  to  deal 
with  the  Austrian  sympathies  in  certain  high  quarters  and  to  repre- 
sent in  opposition  to  them  the  new  spirit  created  by  the  Peace  of 
Prague.  I  will  also  willingly  admit  that  certain  prejudices  can 
only  be  combated  by  being  treated  with  the  greatest  possible  for- 
bearance. Hence,  I  am  quite  prepared  also  to  discuss  further 
with  you  this  most  important  point  of  your  proposals,  although 
I  could  not  favour  such  a  condition  of  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty 
with  Prussia.  I  should  like,  however,  to  prove  to  you  in  every 
way  that  it  is  my  earnest  desire  to  support  you,  so  far  as  I  can,  in 
your  splendid  but  difficult  task. 

My  reasons  against  the  proposal  for  such  an  alliance  of  the 
whole  of  Germany  with  Austria  under  the  circumstances  specified 
are  of  various  kinds. 

In  the  first  place,  it  seems  to  me  necessary  to  know  whether 
Prussia  is  disposed  to  accept  such  a  condition,  lest  through  her 
refusal  the  desired  understanding  should  be  prevented.  I  cannot 
believe  that  Prussia  would  be  disposed  to  modify  the  Peace  of 
Prague  in  one  of  its  most  important  points,  and  thereby  to  bring 
about  a  European  question  which  this  very  treaty  is  intended  to 
obviate,  since  it  recognises  a  national  union  of  South  and  North 
Germany  as  a  matter  of  internal  politics. 

I  do  not  consider  a  guarantee  of  Austria's  German  territory 
to  be  advisable,  so  long  as  the  development  of  that  Empire  is 
hindered  by  a  struggle  of  the  most  pernicious  kind,  which  is 
always  accompanied  by  the  danger  of  disturbing  Germany 
in  her  own  internal  development  or  involving  her  in  external 

It  might  therefore  be  preferable  to  await  the  consolidation  of 
the  Austrian  Empire  before  Germany  undertakes  an  obligation 
the  fulfilment  of  which  might  be  perhaps  scarcely  practicable. 

Finally,  I  venture  to  express  a  doubt  whether  it  can  be  in  the 
interests  of  Bavaria  to  appear  in  the  face  of  Prussia  as  the 
champion  of  Austrian  interests,  before  Austria  herself  has  intimated 
such  a  wish. 

In  these  circumstances  might  it  not  be  more  proper  to  offer 
a  prospect  of  the  regulation  of  the  relations  of  United  Germany 


to  Austria  in  the  Treaty  of  Confederacy,  as  is  done  in 
the  draft  Constitution  of  the  North  German  Confederation  with 
respect  to  the  South  German  States? 

This  form  is  far  more  acceptable  for  all  parties,  and  it  should 
answer  sufficiently  the  interests  which  you  seek  to  consider. 

I  certainly  consider  the  elaboration  of  all  such  proposals  to  be 
desirable,  so  as  to  be  prepared  for  the  time  when  the  constitutional 
labours  of  the  North  German  Confederation  shall  have  reached 
their  conclusion.  Inasmuch,  however,  as  the  position  of  affairs 
has  considerably  altered  since  our  conversation  at  Miihlacker, 
owing  to  decisive  utterances  in  Paris  and  Berlin  which  have  shed 
quite  a  new  light  on  many  questions,  it  appears  to  me  desirable 
that  in  view  of  this  position  of  affairs  we  should  for  the  present 
adopt  a  waiting  attitude. 

The  proceedings  of  the  Reichstag  in  Berlin  and  the  whole  de- 
velopment of  the  North  German  Confederation  must  before  long 
afford  us  a  definite  basis  for  the  form  and  substance  of  the  union 
we  desire.  It  will  then  be  easy  for  us  to  secure  this  basis  and 
make  it  more  effective. 

Meanwhile  I  believe  you  will  agree  with  me  when  I  describe 
the  federal  relation  with  Prussia,  which  is  at  present  aimed  at,  as 
a  state  of  transition,  which  will  eventually  lead  to  the  whole  Ger- 
man territory  being  covered  by  one  constitution.  I  shall  receive 
your  further  communications  with  the  greatest  interest  and  with 
sincere  gratitude. 

On  receipt  of  this  letter  the  Prince  sent  the  Ministerial  Councillor 
Count  Tauffkirchen  to  Karlsruhe,  to  explain  further  the  views  of 
the  Bavarian  Government  to  the  Grand  Duke.  After  the  return 
of  Count  Tauffkirchen  he  wrote  to  the  Grand  Duke: 

MUNICH,  March  14,  1867. 

I  beg  to  express  to  your  Royal  Highness  my  most  dutiful 
thanks  for  your  gracious  letter  of  the  4th  inst.  as  well  as  for  the 
gracious  reception  which  your  Royal  Highness  was  pleased  to 
grant  Count  Tauffkirchen. 

Your  Royal  Highness's  letter  and  the  report  of  Count  Tauff- 
kirchen have  given  me  a  new  proof  of  the  kind  favour  with  which 
your  Royal  Highness  honours  me,  and  they  afford  me  at  the  same 
time  evidence  of  such  a  general  agreement  of  views  that  my  hope 
of  a  profitable  co-operation  of  the  South- West  German  States  in 
the  German  question  has  received  new  life. 

Before,  however,  I  touch  more  nearly  upon  the  questions  dis- 
cussed, I  beg  your  Royal  Highness  to  permit  me  to  preface 
my  remarks  by  the  assurance  that  the  observations  made  in  my 
letter  of  February  19,  about  paving  the  way  for  friendly  relations 
with  Austria,  were  in  no  way  due  to  influence  of  the  Court  of 
Vienna  or  of  the  Austrian  party  existing  here,  but  were  the 
expression  of  my  own  firm  conviction,  according  to  which  an 


alliance  between  Germany  and  Austria  appears  to  be  the  fittest 
means  of  obviating  European  complications  and  preserving  peace, 
which  is  no  less  urgently  needed  by  the  South- West  German  States 
than  by  Austria. 

If  I  now  sum  up  the  result  up  to  the  present  of  our  exchange 
of  ideas,  then  I  think  I  may  define  my  standpoint,  which  indeed 
till  now  has  been  only  a  strictly  personal  view,  in  the  following 

The  time  is  close  at  hand  when,  hastening  the  conclusion  of 
the  North  German  Confederation,  the  Prussian  Government,  in 
accordance  with  Article  LXXL*  of  the  draft  Constitution,  will  de- 
mand the  regulation  by  treaty  of  its  relations  to  South  Germany. 
It  is  urgently  to  be  desired  that  at  such  a  juncture  an  agreement 
of  the  South- West  German  States  upon  the  attitude  they  shall 
take  up  in  this  question  may  have  been  attained  as  far  as  pos- 

This  agreement  can  be  prepared  without  delay,  if  the  basis 
on  which  it  rests  is  independent  of  the  modifications,  which  the 
deliberations  of  Parliament  may  introduce  into  the  draft  of  the 
North  German  Constitution. 

The  basis  of  constitutional  law  upon  which  alone  we  can  move 
freely  and  correctly  and  be  exempt  from  all  limitations,  is  Article 
IV.  of  the  Peace  of  Prague.  This  permits  the  formation  of  a 
League  of  German  States  (Staatenbund)  with  the  exclusion  of 
Austria,  on  the  plan  of  the  German  Act  of  Confederacy  of  June 
8,  1815,  with  the  modifications  rendered  necessary  by  the  altered 
conditions  of  the  time,  while  at  present  the  admissibility  of  a  closer 
union  with  the  North,  taking  the  form  of  a  Federal  State,  and 
especially  of  a  joint  legislative  body,  seems  doubtful  according 
to  the  final  words  of  the  Article  in  question. 

With  the  double  purpose  (i)  of  removing  these  doubts  and 
thereby  being  in  a  position  to  give  voice  to  the  legitimate  aspira- 
tions of  the  nation,  and  (2)  of  obviating  the  danger  of  a  disturb- 
ance of  the  peace  of  central  Europe,  it  would  be  well  to  prepare 
the  way  at  the  same  time  for  an  alliance  with  Austria,  and  to  do 
this  in  a  manner  sinfilar  to  that  adopted  in  Article  LXXI.  of  the 
draft  Constitution  of  the  North  German  Confederation  with  refer- 
ence to  the  regulation  of  relations  with  South  Germany. 

Not  until  after  the  conclusion  of  such  an  alliance  shall  we 
be  able  to  proceed  to  the  consolidation  of  the  German  Constitution 
with  a  central  Government  and  Parliament. 

*  Article  LXXI.  of  the  draft  read  as  follows:  "The  relations  of  the 
Confederation  to  the  South  German  States  shall  be  regulated  immediately 
after  the  establishment  of  the  Constitution  of  the  North  German  Confederation 
by  means  of  special  agreements,  such  agreements  to  be  laid  before  the 
Reichstag  for  approval."  On  the  motion  of  Lasker  and  Miquel  the  following 
clause  was  added  to  the  Article  by  resolution  of  the  Reichstag  of  April  10: 
"The  admission  of  the  South  German  States,  or  of  one  of  them,  into  the 
Confederation  shall  be  effected  by  means  of  Federal  legislation  on  the  pro- 
posal of  the  Presidency  of  the  Confederation." 


In  this  connection  I  think  I  may  formulate  my  ideas  in  the  fol- 
lowing four  propositions : 

(1)  Bavaria,  Wurtemberg,  Baden,  and  South  Hesse  associate 
themselves  in  a  joint  proposal  to  the  North  German  Confedera- 
tion for  the  establishment  of  a  League  of  States  on  the  pattern  of 
the  former  German  Confederation,  with  the  exclusion  of  Austria. 

(2)  The  Act  of  Confederacy  of  June  8,  1815,  is  to  form  the 
basis  of  the  deliberations  upon  this  joint  proposal,  and  is  only  to 
be  so  far  modified  as  may  be  rendered  necessary  by  the  altered 
situation  due  to  the  secession  of  Austria,  the  transference  of  the 
Presidency  to  Prussia  and  the  preservation  of  the  Zollverein. 

(3)  To  this  new  Treaty  of  Confederacy  there  is  to  be  added  an 
Article  preparing  the  way  for  an  alliance  with  Austria,  in  terms 
similar  to  those  of  Article  LXXI.  of  the  Constitution  of  the  North 
German  Confederation. 

(4)  The    development    of    this    constitutional    fabric    into 
a  Federal  State  with  a  Parliamentary  constitution  is  to  be  re- 

I  shall  not  undertake  to-day  to  formulate  the  modifications 
which  appear  to  me  necessary  in  the  Act  of  Confederacy,  as  I  am 
awaiting  the  proposals  which  the  Minister  of  State,  Herr  Mathy, 
was  kind  enough  to  promise  Count  Tauffkirchen,  and  which  I  look 
forward  to  with  lively  interest. 

With  reference  to  the  way  in  which  the  four  States  are  to  com- 
bine for  this  joint  application  to  the  North  German  Confederation, 
I  will  to-day  only  say  this,  that  the  calling  together  of  a  South 
German  Parliament  to  this  end  does  not  seem  to  me  desirable, 
on  the  contrary,  the  more  privately  the  work  of  combination  can 
be  carried  on,  the  better  prospect  there  will  be  of  its  being  ex- 
empt from  disturbing  influences. 

Your  Royal  Highness  touched  upon  the  question  with  Count 
Tauffkirchen  whether  an  attempt  should  not  be  made  to  ascertain 
the  views  of  Count  Bismarck  on  the  subject  of  an  Alliance  with 
Austria.  The  present  condition  of  the  Eastern  question  obviously 
imposes  upon  him  the  greatest  reserve  in  this  connection,  and  per- 
haps on  this  account  it  would  be  preferable  to  keep  the  whole  of 
the  plan  which  I  have  just  formulated  a  complete  secret  for  the 
present,  and  at  least  until  Bavaria,  Wurtemberg,  and  Baden  have 
arrived  at  an  agreement  on  its  main  points. 

The  Grand  Duke  thanked  the  Prince  for  this  letter  by  return, 
on  March  16.  As  he  was  on  the  point  of  leaving  for  Berlin,  he  post- 
poned the  continuation  of  the  essential  negotiations  until  his  return 
from  this  journey.  While  in  Berlin  he  wished,  without  com- 
municating the  Prince's  project  to  Count  Bismarck,  to  endeavour 
to  ascertain  the  latter's  views  on  the  development  of  rela- 
tions with  South  Germany.  "As  however,"  the  Grand  Duke 
continued,  "I  do  not  wish  too  long  a  time  to  elapse  without 
informing  you  of  my  opinion  of  your  last  letter,  I  shall  afford  you 


a  verbal  opportunity  of  learning  my  views.  Dr.  Gelzer,  Coun- 
cillor of  State,  has  undertaken  to  visit  Munich,  where  he  will  prob- 
ably arrive  on  Tuesday  the  igth.  He  is  an  old,  intimate,  and 
well-tried  friend  of  mine.  The  implicit  confidence  which  I  have 
in  him  on  this  account  allows  me  to  extend  the  same  confidence  to 
the  most  various  affairs  of  life,  and  hence  he  has  been  exactly 
informed  of  your  proposals  and  letters  as  well  as  of  my  views. 
It  would  give  me  much  pleasure  if  you  would  have  the  kindness 
to  put  the  same  confidence  in  Herr  Gelzer,  and  to  give  him  an 
opportunity  to  state  my  views  as  well  as  his  own.  I  therefore 
recommend  him  most  particularly  to  your  kindness."  Gel- 
zer's  name  had  been  known  to  the  Prince  from  his  youth 
when  his  religious  writings  were  especially  esteemed  by  the  Prince's 
mother.*  The  choice  of  this  man  for  verbal  negotiations 
on  the  German  question  was  therefore  peculiarly  welcome  to 
the  Prince,  and  on  Gelzer' s  arrival  at  Munich  on  March  2 1  con- 
versations took  place  between  him  and  the  Prince  which  led  to 
a  complete  understanding.  At  the  same  time  the  Wiirtemberg 
Minister,  Freiherr  von  Varnbuler,  was  also  present  in  Munich  for 
a  similar  purpose. 


March  12,  1867. 

Wagner  having  called  on  me  the  day  before  yesterday,  but 
having  subsequently  excused  himself  on  account  of  illness,  I  wrote 
to  him  to-day,  asking  him  to  come  to  me  this  evening.  He  came 
at  half-past  six.  At  first  he  was  somewhat  embarrassed,  spoke  of 
indifferent  things  and  excused  himself,  saying  that  he  really  had 
no  right  to  come  to  me  at  all.  I  put  him  in  a  more  comfortable 
frame  of  mind  by  saying  that  we  had  two  points  in  common,  we 
were  both  hated  by  the  same  party  and  we  were  united  in  equal 
veneration  for  the  King.  Thereupon  he  became  more  communi- 
cative, spoke  about  the  way  in  which  the  King  had  been  treated  and 
so  tormented  that  he  had  twice  written  to  him  that  he  would 
abdicate ;  and  told  me,  amid  protestations  of  not  wishing  to  take 
credit  to  himself,  that  it  was  he  who  had  recommended  me  to  the 
King  as  Minister.  Then  he  came  to  the  task  of  Bavaria  as  a  Ger- 
man State,  whose  population  united  the  versatility  of  Franconia  with 
the  imagination  of  Swabia  and  the  native  strength  of  Bavaria ;  said 
that  the  King  was  just  the  man  to  rule  this  German  State  and  to 
realise  the  ideal  of  the  German  spirit  (Deutschtum) ;  went  on  to 
speak  of  his  artistic  aims,  of  his  experiences  in  this  country,  of 
his  plans  for  the  establishment  of  a  school  of  art,  of  the  obstacles 
that  had  been  put  in  his  way,  and  came  finally  to  the  Cabinet. 
Among  other  things  he  spoke  of  the  necessity  of  my  remaining  in 
the  Ministry.  To  which  I  replied  that  this  did  not  depend  upon 
myself ;  that  I  could  not  guarantee  that  attempts  would  not  be 

*See  p.  33. 


made  to  undermine  the  King's  confidence  in  me,  and  that  I  was  the 
less  sure  of  retaining  this,  since  the  King,  following  the  tradition 
of  the  Royal  House,  did  not  treat  with  me  direct,  but  only  through 
the  Cabinet.  He  then  said  that  this  could  not  continue  so ;  where- 
upon I  drew  his  attention  to  the  danger  of  engaging  in  a  conflict 
with  the  Cabinet,  a  danger  of  which  he  must  be  well  aware. 
He  mentioned  my  political  programme,  into  a  few  details  of 
which  I  entered. 

Finally  he  expressed  the  hope  that  the  King  would  never  lose 
confidence  in  me. 

At  the  sitting  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  of  March  16,  1867, 
the  motion  of  the  Deputies  Dr.  Edel  and  Dr.  Volk  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  supreme  administrative  tribunal  (Verwaltungs- 
gerichtshoj)  had  been  under  discussion.  The  motion  corresponded 
to  a  resolution  of  the  Chamber  of  June  27,  1865,  for  which  reason, 
after  a  lengthy  speech  in  its  support  by  Dr.  Edel,  no  one  else  rose 
to  speak.  The  President  therefore  closed  the  discussion  while 
reserving  to  the  Reporter  and  the  representative  of  the  Govern- 
ment the  right  of  making  final  remarks  by  the  Reporter  and 
the  Government  Advocate.  Thereupon  Minister  von  Bomhard 
rose  and  declared  the  question  to  be  not  yet  so  mature  that  the 
Government  ought  not  to  demand  time  to  take  it  into  further 
consideration.  The  President  observed,  after  this  speech, 
that  he  regarded  the  utterance  of  the  Minister  of  Justice  as  a 
reopening  of  the  discussion,  and  assumed  that  Herr  von  Bomhard 
had  spoken  as  a  Deputy,  since  his  remarks  were  scarcely  recon- 
cilable with  the  former  attitude  of  the  Ministry.  In  the 
now  reopened  discussion  Dr.  Volk  proceeded  to  deliver  a  sharp 
attack,  reminding  the  Chamber  of  the  fact  that  as  long  ago  as 
June  27,  1865,  the  Minister  of  the  Interior  had  declared  that  the 
question  of  an  administrative  tribunal  had  been  carefully  gone  into, 
and  that  he  was  firmly  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  its  estab- 
lishment. "It  is  no  light  matter,"  he  said,  "for  the  political  life 
of  a  State  at  the  present  time,  if  it  can  be  said  of  it  with  a  shadow  of 
justification  that  it  is  without  a  helm ;  and  that  is  what  is  now  said 
of  the  Bavarian  State." 


March  17,  1867. 

On  Sunday,  March  17,  1867,  I  returned  at  half- past  eleven 
at  night  from  Ansbach.  I  found  a  letter  from  Senior,  in  which 
he  informed  me  that  the  day  before  there  had  been  a  scene  in 
the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  which  decided  him  to  ask  me  to  fix  a 
Ministerial  Council  for  Monday  the  i8th.  Bomhard,  it  appeared, 
had  risen  quite  unnecessarily  at  the  sitting  of  Saturday  and  spoken 
in  a  way  that  made  public  property  of  the  fact  that  a  difference 
of  opinion  existed  among  the  Ministry  on  the  question  of  the 


administrative  tribunal.  After  I  had  been  present  at  a  committee 
of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  the  Ministers  assembled  at  my  house  at 
one  o'clock.  Here  Bomhard  the  Minister  of  Justice  was  re- 
proached for  his  error,  and  given  clearly  to  understand  that  he 
must  resign.  He  granted  that  he  had  gone  rather  too  far  in  his 
speech,  but  would  not  admit  that  this  should  involve  his  dismissal. 
He  would  not  retire,  but  would  lay  the  matter  before  the  King 
and  leave  the  decision  to  the  King.  Whereupon  he  went  away. 
The  rest  of  us,  with  the  exception  of  Pranckh,  remained  to- 
gether and  discussed  what  we  should  do,  and  then  agreed  that 
Schlor  should  draw  up  a  memorial  to  the  King  by  the  next  day. 

On  Monday  evening  Varnbiiler,  Schlor,  and  Tauffkirchen 
dined  with  me,  and  after  dinner  we  had  a  long  talk  about  the 
relations  of  South  Germany  to  the  North  German  Confederation. 

The  next  morning  Varnbiiler  and  I  discussed  the  German 
question,  and  at  noon  the  Ministers,  with  the  exception  of  Bom- 
hard,  met  again  at  my  house.  We  all  thought  Senior's  memorial 
too  abrupt,  and  Gresser  was  commissioned  to  draw  up 
a  more  polite  one.  In  order  that  the  King  should  not 
hear  Bomhard 's  version  only,  and  perhaps  be  talked  over  to  his 
side,  I  proposed  that  they  should  authorise  me  to  go  on  the  fol- 
lowing day  to  the  King  and  give  him  a  provisional  verbal  account 
of  the  state  of  affairs.  I  also  wrote  to  Lutz,  to  get  him  to  ask 
the  King  to  receive  me  instead  of  Pfretzschner,  who  was 
obliged  to  be  at  the  sitting  of  the  Upper  House,  as  I  had  a  very 
urgent  matter  to  lay  before  him  in  the  name  of  the  Council  of 
Ministers.  At  half -past  eleven  at  night  I  received  an  answer 
that  the  King,  before  granting  me  an  audience,  wished  to  know 
the  object  of  my  visit.  The  next  morning  I  replied  that  I  had 
been  commissioned  to  inform  the  King  verbally  of  the  views  of 
the  Cabinet,  and  that,  if  the  King  desired  me  to  present  a  memorial 
in  writing,  I  must  first  call  the  Council  together  in  order  to  draw 
up  a  collective  note. 

To  this  missive  an  immediate  reply  was  sent,  that  the  King 
would  receive  the  Prince  the  same  day  at  half-past  twelve. 

On  April  30  the  resignation  of  the  Minister  of  Justice,  von 
Bomhard,  took  place.  A  Bill  providing  for  the  establishment  of 
an  administrative  tribunal  was  laid  before  the  Chamber  of  Depu- 
ties on  November  27,  1867. 

Report  to  the  KING  respecting  the  relations  of  Bavaria 
with  the  other  German  Confederate  States. 

MUNICH,  March  20,  1867. 

In  order  to  proceed  with  any  prospect  of  success  with  the 
negotiations  respecting  the  position  occupied  by  Bavaria  with 
regard  to  the  other  German  States,  such  as  were  announced  by 
Prussia,  as  being  in  preparation  with  Wiirtemberg,  Baden,  and 


Hesse,  and  as  undoubtedly  to  be  extended  to  Austria,  as  well 
as  to  enable  him  in  all  things  to  perform  his  duty  in  the  present 
exceedingly  difficult  situation,  Your  Majesty's  obedient  servant 
requires  above  all  to  be  thoroughly  assured  that  his  opinions 
regarding  the  means  of  accomplishing  the  end  in  view  fully 
coincide  with  those  of  his  Royal  master.  He  needs  your 
Majesty's  confidence,  and  that  in  such  a  degree  that  not 
only  this  country  but  the  Governments  before  mentioned  shall 
not  doubt  for  a  moment  the  existence  of  this  unanimity  and  of 
this  confidence.  Your  Majesty  will  not  fail  to  appre- 
ciate that,  unless  this  conviction  is  firmly  established  and 
general,  any  attempt  at  a  salutary  solution  of  the  question  before 
us  would  be  doomed  to  failure  from  the  outset.  In  justification 
of  this  view,  the  undersigned  ventures  to  remind  your 
Majesty  that  during  the  last  few  weeks  rumours  which 
have  been  current  have  been  sufficient  to  bring  to  a  standstill 
the  negotiations  opened  with  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden  and 
with  the  Minister  von  Varnbliler  of  Wiirtemberg,  and  to 
strengthen  the  party  in  Karlsruhe  which  is  working  for  admis- 
sion into  the  North  German  Confederation. 

The  undersigned  feels  that  these  considerations  impose  upon 
him  the  duty  of  submitting  to  your  Majesty  with  all  frankness, 
and  as  precisely  as  possible,  the  position  he  feels  bound  to  take 
up  with  regard  to  the  impending  negotiations. 

Only  in  the  event  of  your  Majesty  being  pleased  to  sanction 
this  position  in  its  main  lines,  will  the  undersigned  be  able  to 
accomplish  the  task  graciously  imposed  upon  him,  and  the  more 
clearly  and  unquestionably  your  Majesty  may  be  pleased  to  ac- 
knowledge this  unanimity,  the  more  hopefully  will  he  be  able  to 
proceed  with  the  work. 

The  danger  which  threatens  the  Kingdom  through  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  present  state  of  affairs  is  a  double  one : 

(1)  Any    European    complication,    however    favourably    it 
might  result  for  one  or  other  of  the  Great  Powers,  might  prove 
the  greatest  danger  to  the  existence  and  independence  of  Bavaria, 
should  Germany  be  involved  in  it. 

(2)  The  aspiration  of  the   German  people  to  realise  their 
national  ideal,  even  against  the  will  of  their  Governments,  may 
lead  to  internal  struggles  which  would  threaten  the  dynasty. 

It  must  therefore  be  the  task  of  the  Government : 

(1)  To  conclude  alliances,  by  which  the  danger  of  European 
complications  would  be  averted. 

(2)  To  strive  for  the  formation  of  a  national  union  of  Germany, 
which  would  satisfy  the  legitimate  demands  of  the  nation,  without 
infringing  the  sovereign  rights  of  your  Majesty  or  the  integrity 
of  Bavaria. 

The  less  it  can  be  disputed  that  at  the  present  moment  Bavaria 
is  still  in  a  position  to  hinder  the  accomplishment  of  any 
of  these  designs,  the  more  certain  does  it  appear  that 


the  word  of  Bavaria  may  have  a  great  influence  on  their  attain- 

This  possibility,  however,  depends  upon  circumstances  of  a 
transient  nature,  and  the  opportunity  now  offered  may  be  a  brief 

On  the  occurrence  of  a  European  complication,  or  the  outbreak 
of  a  powerful  national  movement  in  South  Germany,  this  oppor- 
tunity would  be  irretrievably  lost.  From  these  considerations 
your  Majesty's  obedient  servant,  the  undersigned,  believes 
it  his  duty  to  oppose  the  idea  that  it  would  be  in  the 
interests  of  the  Kingdom  to  wait  until  Austria  is  able  to  resume 
her  former  position  in  Germany.  I  neither  consider  such  a  change 
in  the  relations  of  Austria  to  be  probable  in  the  present  form 
of  the  Austrian  Monarchy,  nor  do  I  believe  the  re-entry  of  Aus- 
tria into  the  German  League  to  be  possible,  in  view  of 
the  uncompromising  opposition  of  Prussia,  nor  indeed,  according 
to  information  I  have  received  from  Vienna,  is  it  within  the  inten- 
tions of  the  Austrian  Government. 

In  any  case  the  attempt  would  lead  to  a  European  war,  which 
would  undoubtedly  jeopardise  the  existence  of  Bavaria. 

But,  apart  from  such  danger  of  war,  should  Bavaria  continue 
to  occupy  an  expectant  and  completely  isolated  position,  Prussia 
would  not  fail  to  take  advantage  of  this  isolation  in  the  treatment 
of  pending  material  questions,  which  would  greatly  endanger 
the  welfare  of  the  country  and  indirectly  the  maintenance  of 
internal  law  and  order. 

The  undersigned  therefore  believes  it  his  duty  to  advise  most 
strongly  the  entry  into  the  negotiations  proposed  by  Prussia  re- 
specting the  relations  of  the  South  German  States  to  the  North 
German  Confederation,  and  the  arrival  at  a  previous  under- 
standing, as  far  as  possible,  upon  joint  or,  at  any  rate,  similar 
action  on  the  part  of  the  South- West  German  States  in  this  ques- 
tion. It  is  becoming  daily  more  obvious  that  Prussia  is  not 
disposed  to  wait  long  before  taking  the  question  in  hand,  and 
in  this  connection  the  undersigned  would  draw  attention  to 
the  speech  of  the  King  of  Prussia  of  February  24,  and  the  speech 
of  Count  Bismarck  of  March  u,  1867,*  which  make  it  appear 

*  King  Wilhelm,  in  his  Speech  from  the  Throne  on  February  24  (at  the 
opening  of  the  first  Reichstag  of  the  North  German  Confederation),  said, 
with  regard  to  South  Germany:  "The  regulation  of  the  national  relations  of 
the  North  German  Confederation  to  our  fellow  countrymen  south  of 
the  Main  has  been  left  open  by  the  treaty  of  peace  of  last  year  as  a  matter 
for  agreement.  For  the  attainment  of  this  mutual  understanding  our  hand 
will  be  held  out  frankly  and  willingly  to  the  countries  of  South 
Germany,  as  soon  as  the  North  German  Confederation  shall  have  made 
sufficient  progress  in  the  establishment  of  its  Constitution  to  be  in  a  position 
to  conclude  treaties.  The  maintenance  of  the  Zollverein,  the  joint  adminis- 
tration of  domestic  affairs,  and  the  measures  to  be  taken  in  common  for  the 
security  of  German  territory,  will  furnish  the  fundamental  conditions  of 
the  understanding  which,  it  may  be  anticipated,  will  be  the  object  of  the 
endeavours  of  both  parties."  Count  Bismarck,  speaking  on  March  n, 


the  more  impossible  to  postpone  the  opening  of  negotiations 
with  the  South-West  German  States  for  a  concurrent  treatment 
of  the  question. 

As  to  the  course  to  be  pursued  in  this  work  of  coming  to  an 
argument,  the  undersigned  deems  it  unquestionably  right  to  pro- 
pose to  your  Majesty  that  which  is  in  accordance  with  current 
treaties,  and  is  therefore  the  correct  course  and  will  not  endanger 
peace,  which  seeks  its  points  of  departure  in  the  most  recent  events, 
is  therefore  wisely  conservative,  and  which  is  more  calculated 
than  any  other  to  preserve  the  position  of  Bavaria  and  the  rights 
of  your  Majesty. 

The  basis  is  afforded  by  the  Treaty  of  Prague  of  August  23, 
1866,  which  provides  by  Article  IV. : 

(1)  That   Germany  is  to  be  newly  constituted  without  the 
participation  and  with  the  exclusion  of  Austria. 

(2)  That  the  South-West  German  States  shall  be  free  to  ar- 
range a  national  union  with  the  North  of  Germany;    but  that, 

(3)  In  contradistinction  to  the  States  of  the  North  German 
Confederation,   an  international  independent  existence  shall  be 
preserved  to  the  South-West  German  States. 

This  last  requirement  is  fulfilled  by  the  formation  of  a  League 
of  States,  while  a  Federal  State,  which  is  distinguished  from  the 
former  especially  by  possessing  a  joint  legislative  body  (a  federal 
parliament),  would  overstep  the  limits  laid  down. 

The  most  recent  precedent  with  which  a  connection  is  to  be 
made  is  the  German  Confederation,  from  which  Austria  has  se- 
ceded, but  which,  even  if  formally  dissolved,  can  nevertheless  not 
be  considered  as  completely  abolished  so  far  as  concerns  the  actual 
connection  of  the  German  States  among  themselves.  The  German 
Act  of  Confederacy  of  June  8,  1815,  would  therefore  afford  a 
fitting  foundation. 

A  reconstitution  of  the  German  Confederation,  with  the  exclu- 
sion of  the  Austrian  States,  upon  the  foundation  of  the  Act  of 
Confederacy,  and  with  only  those  modifications  therein  which  are 
obviously  brought  about  by  the  altered  circumstances,  that  is 
the  basis,  according  to  the  conviction  of  your  obedient  servant, 
upon  which  an  agreement  of  the  South-West  German  States  is  to 
be  attained  and  negotiations  opened  with  the  North. 

Under  the  name  of  the  German  Confederation  a  league  of 
States  would  hereby  be  created,  which  might  undoubtedly  serve 
as  a  transition  to  a  closer  federal  union,  but  which  could  not  for 
the  time  being  be  described  as  a  constitutional  confederation  in 
the  proper  sense  of  the  words. 

said  of  South  Germany:  "As  regards  the  important  question  of  power, 
I  consider  the  union  of  North  Germany  and  South  Germany,  in  the  face 
of  all  questions  where  the  North  German  Confederation  is  attacked,  to  be 
in  all  points  assured.  It  is  assured  by  the  needs  of  the  South  and  by  the  duty 
of  the  North  to  stand  by  her." 


The  members  of  this  Confederation  of  States  would  be :  The 
North-German  Confederation,  Bavaria,  Wiirtemberg,  Baden,  and 
Southern  Hesse. 

Prussia,  as  chief  Power  of  the  North  German  Confederation, 
would  have  the  Presidency. 

An  equitable  division  of  the  voting  powers  would  have  to  be 
considered  as  far  as  possible. 

For  the  regulation  of  military  relations,  the  separate  treaty 
of  August  22,  1866,  and  the  Stuttgart  resolutions  would  furnish  the 

Article  XIX.  of  the  Act  of  Confederacy  would  have  to  be  modi- 
fied in  such  a  way  as  to  secure  the  existence  of  the  Zollverein. 

The  centre  of  legislation  would  lie  in  the  Chambers  of  the 
separate  States,  and  for  the  North  German  Confederation  in  its 
Federal  Council  and  Parliament. 

The  admission  of  South  German  Deputies  into  this  Parliament 
should  be  declined. 

In  all  other  points  the  independence  of  the  separate  States 
would  remain  undisturbed. 

As  surely  as  a  unification  of  Germany  can  be  prepared  on  these 
lines,  which  in  the  given  case  also  allows  the  possibility  of  the 
German  provinces  of  Austria  being  included  later,  so  surely  will 
such  a  form  not  permanently  satisfy  the  legitimate  desires  of  the 
German  nation  as  to  its  share  in  collective  legislation  and  the 
powerful  protection  of  German  interests  abroad. 

In  the  opinion  of  the  undersigned,  the  means  of  avoiding  Euro- 
pean complications  during  the  natural  and  irresistible  progress 
of  this  work  for  the  unification  of  Germany,  and  of  preserving 
the  integrity  of  the  separate  States,  and  especially  of  Bavaria, 
is  to  be  sought  by  preparing  the  way  for  an  alliance  of  this  German 
League  with  Austria,  which  would  secure  to  both  the  possibility 
of  peaceful  reconstruction  and  development. 

It  should  therefore  be  provided  in  the  new  Act  of  the  German 
Confederation,  in  complete  analogy  with  Article  LXXI.  of  the  draft 
Constitution  of  the  North  German  Confederation,  that  an  alliance 
of  this  confederation  with  Austria  is  to  be  prepared  as  soon  as 

Your  obedient  servant  has  hitherto  only  been  able  with  the 
utmost  caution  to  make  indirect  inquiries  as  to  the  reception  of  this 
idea  of  his.  Nevertheless,  even  these  inquiries  give  the  prospect 
that  neither  in  Vienna  nor  in  Berlin  would  such  proposals  be  un- 
favourably received. 

At  Karlsruhe  they  seem  inclined  to  consent  to  the  plan,  nor  does 
your  obedient  servant  doubt  that  the  Government  of  Wiirtemberg 
will  agree  to  it. 

The  undersigned  now  most  respectfully  begs  your  Majesty 
to  authorise  him  to  open  negotiations  on  this  basis  at  Stuttgart, 
Karlsruhe,  and  Darmstadt,  and  to  look  for  opportunities  at  Ber- 
lin and  Vienna. 


Whatever  may  be  the  outcome  of  the  negotiations,  this  much  is 
certain  and  should  be  well  considered,  that  by  the  mere  fact  of  their 
being  opened  the  position  of  Bavaria  in  regard  to  Prussia  will  be 
materially  improved,  in  connection  with  the  following  rather 
burning  questions,  which  are  pending,  viz.  : 

(a)  The  liquidation  of  the  property  of  the  Confederation. 

(b)  The  abolition  of  the  salt  monopoly. 

(c)  The  renewal  of  the  Zollverein.* 

After  the  reading  of  the  present  report,  your  Majesty's  Council 
of  Ministers,  with  the  exception  of  the  Minister  von  Bomhard 
who  was  not  present,  have  declared  themselves  to  be  in  agreement 
with  its  details  and  proposals. 

Marginal  Minute  of  the  KING  on  the  preceding  Report: 
The  authorisation  herein  requested  is  granted. 


MUNICH,  March  30,  1867. 

Memorandum  of  the  PRINCE. 

March  29,  1867. 

Lutz  was  quite  pale  with  inward  excitement  when  I  called  on 
him.  He  knew  that  it  was  a  question  of  his  whole  future.  I 
began  by  telling  him  that  as  yet  I  had  had  no  opportunity 
of  conferring  with  a  candidate  for  the  Ministry  of  Justice.  That 
I  had  other  plans,  as  he  had  already  heard  from  Tauffkirchen. 
These  plans  could  not,  however,  be  carried  out  without  a  complete 
retirement  of  the  Ministry.  It  was  a  question  of  himself.  But 
it  was  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  for  me  at  present  to  propose 
any  change  in  the  Ministry,  since  I  was  not  at  variance  with  the 
other  Ministers,  and  entertained  real  esteem  for  Gresser  and 
Pechmann  in  particular.  It  might,  however,  appear  desirable 
and  necessary  for  the  next  few  months  to  have  a  Ministry  to  which 
the  world,  and  especially  our  neighbours,  would  look  with  respect, 
in  that  case  it  was  needful  to  have  sensible  men  in  the  Ministry,  so 
I  had  thought  of  him.  I  then  explained  to  him  how  it  was  im- 
possible that  he  alone  should  enter  the  Ministry  in  place  of  Bom- 
hard,  and  said  that  the  difficulty  lay  simply  in  the  fact  that, 

*By  Article  VII.  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  of  August  22,  1866,  Prussia 
had  agreed  to  the  provisional  continuance  of  the  Zollverein,  but  had  reserved 
to  herself  the  power  of  giving  six  months'  notice,  and,  after  indirect  taxes 
as  well  as  Customs  Duties  had  been  declared  a  federal  matter  by  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  North  German  Confederation,  had  immediately  demanded 
a  corresponding  amendment  of  the  Zollverein  legislation.  Accordingly 
the  Bavarian  salt  monopoly  had  to  come  to  an  end,  and  on  May  9,  1867, 
an  agreement  was  concluded  respecting  it. 


if  the  Ministry  of  Justice  were  now  filled,  there  would  be  no  place 
for  him  later  on. 

He  replied,  saying  how  thankfully  he  recognised  the  confidence 
which  I  placed  in  him,  but  he  believed  he  would  meet  with  oppo- 
sition on  the  part  of  the  King.  He  told  me  that  once  before  he 
had  been  proposed  for  the  Ministry  of  Public  Worship  in  Koch's 
time,  and  that  this  had  fallen  through  owing  to  the  King's  oppo- 
sition. Nor  could  he  come  forward  of  his  own  accord. 

I  replied  that  at  present  I  could  not  commence  any  intrigue 
against  my  colleagues,  as  there  was  no  pretext  for  it,  but  that 
such  pretexts  might  occur  later.  Even  without  a  pretext  it  might 
appear  urgent  to  introduce  new  blood  into  the  Ministry. 
In  view  of  this  it  was  desirable  that  he  should  hold  himself  avail- 
able, and  postpone  taking  the  Ministry  of  Justice  for  a  few 

In  reply  to  his  question  whether  .it  were  possible  to  drag 
along  with  Bomhard,  I  assured  him  that  it  would  make  us  too 

Finally  we  agreed  that  he  should  tell  the  King  I  had  thought 
of  Steyrer,*  but  had  not  yet  spoken  to  him,  and  considered  it  desir- 
able that  the  matter  should  remain  in  suspense  and  the  Minis- 
try be  carried  on  as  it  was,  after  Bomhard  had  received  his 

For  the  rest,  he  wished  to  tell  me  frankly  that  influences  were 
at  work  which  inclined  the  King  more  favourably  to  Bomhard. 
Consequently,  he  no  longer  had  the  King  in  hand  in  this  matter 
and  could  not  answer  for  anything. 

Report  to  the  KING  respecting  negotiations  with  the 
North  German  Confederation. 

MUNICH,  March  31,  1867. 

Your  Majesty  has  been  pleased  by  Royal  sign-manual  of  the 
3oth  inst.  to  authorise  your  most  obedient  servant  to  open  ne- 
gotiations in  Stuttgart,  Karlsruhe,  and  Darmstadt,  in  order  to 
bring  about  an  understanding  between  the  South-West 
German  States  with  a  view  to  joint,  or  at  least  concurrent,  action 
in  the  coming  negotiations  with  Prussia  and  the  North-German 

Meanwhile  the  endeavours  of  Wiirtemberg  and  Baden  to  range 
themselves  in  harmony  with  your  Majesty's  Government  on  this 
question  have  found  actual  expression. 

Freiherr  von  Varnbiiler,  Minister  of  State  in  Wiirtemberg, 
and  Dr.  Gelzer,  Councillor  of  State  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Baden, 
the  latter  at  the  special  request  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden, 
were  lately  in  Munich  for  a  preliminary  discussion  with  your 
most  obedient  servant  of  the  bases  of  an  agreement. 

The  results  of  the  discussion  with  Freiherr  von  Varnbiiler 
*  Then  Ministerial  Councillor  in  the  Ministry  of  Justice. 


are  stated  in  the  accompanying  sketch,*  which  fully  agrees  with 
the  proposals  of  the  20th  inst.,  approved  by  your  Majesty,  which 
are  again  attached  in  original,  and  on  that  account,  although 
it  has  no  official  character,  it  affords  a  firm  hope  that  Wiirtemberg 
will  entirely  accede  to  the  plan  draw  up  by  the  undersigned. 

Councillor  Gelzer  also  declared  himself,  on  behalf  of  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Baden,  in  complete  agreement  with  the  main  features 
laid  before  him  of  the  attitude  to  be  observed  in  the  negotiations 
with  North  Germany. 

The  prospects  of  Bavaria,  Wiirtemberg,  and  Baden  coming  to 
an  agreement  on  the  proposed  lines  are  therefore  good.  On  the 
other  hand,  events  are  proceeding  with  a  rapidity  that  exceeds  all 
anticipation.  The  North  German  Parliament  —  of  this  there 
can  hardly  be  any  doubt  —  will  by  next  month  have  brought  its 
task  to  an  end. 

The  idea  of  an  alliance  between  the  contemplated  Confederation 
of  German  States  and  Austria  seems,  from  official  declarations 
in  Berlin  and  Vienna,  to  offer  every  prospect  of  success,  and  perhaps 
it  is  only  a  question  of  the  first  step.  At  the  same  time,  the  ques- 
tion of  Luxembourg  is  becoming  more  and  more  serious  for  Ger- 
many, and  urgently  calls  for  union. 

The  undersigned  considers  it  his  imperative  duty  most 
respectfully  to  draw  your  Majesty's  attention  to  these  circum- 
stances and  to  the  dangers  which  delay  must  threaten  to  the  position 
of  Bavaria  in  this  question,  at  the  same  time  most  humbly  praying 
that  your  Majesty  may  be  pleased  to  sanction  the  conclusion  of 
the  agreement  discussed  with  Freiherr  von  Varnbiiler,  and  the 
opening  of  corresponding  negotiations  with  the  other  South- West 
German  States. 

Minute  by  the  KING  in  the  margin  of  the  preceding  report. 

I  approve  the  request  here  made,  with  the  addition  that,  when 
the  agreement  is  concluded,  the  refusal,  formulated  under 
Clause  II. ,  of  the  South  German  States  to  enter  the  North 
German  Confederation,  is  to  be  expressed  in  a  still  more 
decisive  manner,  and  most  strictly  adhered  to  in  the  sequel,  and 
that  the  recognition,  comprised  under  Clause  IV.  (6),  of  the 
necessity  of  a  parliament  f  seems  to  me  to  be  not  unobjectionable, 
and  even  superfluous,  and  that  I  should,  therefore,  prefer  to  see  it 

*This  "sketch"  has  not  been  preserved.  Its  contents  may  be  inferred 
from  the  report  of  March  20  and  from  the  resulting  agreement  of  May  6, 

t  According  to  this  provision,  "with  respect  to  the  further  growth  of 
federal  legislation,  the  right  of  national  representation  in  the  league 
is  to  be  recognised.  For  the  time  being  the  legislation  of  the  league  was 
to  be  dependent  on  the  approval  of  the  Chambers  of  Estates  in  the  South 
and  of  the  North  German  Parliament  in  the  North. 


Clause  IV.  (8)  I  interpret,  and  therefore  approve,  in  the  sense 
that  the  regulation  by  treaty  *  will  take  place  immediately  upon 
the  regulation  of  general  relations,  and  before  the  new  Treaties 
of  Confederacy  come  into  force. 

MUNICH,  April  u,  1867. 

At  this  juncture  the  progress  of  negotiations  was  interrupted 
by  the  international  complication  brought  about  by  the  French 
designs  for  the  acquisition  of  Luxembourg. 

On  the  afternoon  of  April  i,  1867,  Herr  von  Werthern  received 
the  following  telegram  from  Count  Bismarck: 

"Information  is  urgently  desired  from  your  Excellency  as  to 
what  impression  the  alleged  sale  of  Luxembourg  to  France  makes 
upon  the  Bavarian  Cabinet,  and  what  disposition  we  might  count 
upon  in  Bavaria  in  case  we  came  to  a  complication  with  France 
about  it." 


An  undated  memorandum  of  the  Prince  records  the  contents 
of  this  telegram,  and  continues  : 

"Werthern  replied:  'Public  opinion  expects  that  Prussia  will 
protect  the  rights  of  Germany  in  Luxembourg.  Cabinet  (i.e., 
Ministry)  takes  this  feeling  into  account,  while  it  judges  at  the 
same  time  the  circumstances  impartially.'  To-day  I  have  given 
Werthern  a  hint  not  to  lay  too  much  stress  on  the  constancy  of 
public  opinion  in  Bavaria  in  his  written  reports  to  Bismarck,  and 
to  tell  him  there  was  much  party  spirit  in  it,  and  the  mood  might 
change  at  any  moment." 

On  April  2  the  following  despatch  was  sent  to  the  Bavarian 
Minister  in  Berlin,  Count  von  Montgelas : 

"  Yesterday  evening  Baron  Werthern  expressed  to  me  Count 
Bismarck's  desire  to  know  the  views  of  the  King's  Government  on 
the  Luxembourg  affair.  I  hastened  to  obtain  the  decision  of  his 
Majesty  the  King,  my  most  gracious  master,  and  now  in  what  fol- 
lows accede  to  that  desire : 

"Count  Bismarck  will  recognise  the  difficulty  of  making  a 
binding  pronouncement  upon  a  matter,  of  which  I  have  at  present 
no  official  cognisance,  and  in  which  I  have  to  rely  upon  newspaper 
reports  and  the  telegraphic  account  received  here  last  night  of  Count 
Bismarck's  declaration  in  the  Reichstag,  f 

"As  far  as  it  is  possible  in  the  circumstances  to  form  an  opinion, 
the  King's  Government  entirely  shares  the  point  of  view  indicated 
by  Count  Bismarck,  to  which  it  would  only  add  that,  in  view  of 
the  treaties  of  April  19,  1839,  and  July  27,  1839,  it  considers  any 
alienation  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Luxembourg,  without  the 

*  Of  relations  with  Austria. 

f  April  i,  on  Bennigsen's  interpellation. 


free  consent  of  the  Wallram  line  of  the  House  of  Nassau, 
as  legitimate  successors,  to  be  inadmissible.  In  any  case,  the 
Bavarian  Government  is  confident  that  Count  Bismarck  has 
neglected,  and  will  neglect,  nothing  which  may  serve  to 
protect  by  peaceful  means  the  rights  of  Germany  in  this 

"  Should  events  take  a  more  serious  turn,  which  God  forbid, 
then  the  King's  Government  will  expect  to  receive  confidential 
information  from  Count  Bismarck  without  delay. 

"  You  will  be  good  enough  to  communicate  the  contents  of  this 
despatch  to  his  Excellency  Count  von  Bismarck." 

In  a  telegram  to  Werthern  of  April  2,  Count  Bismarck  expressed 
a  wish  to  learn,  through  the  mediation  of  Bavaria,  what  attitude  he 
might  expect  Austria  to  take  up  in  the  event  of  a  war  with  France. 
After  an  inquiry  had  been  sent  by  telegram  in  cipher  to  the  Ba- 
varian Minister  in  Vienna,  the  Prince  addressed  the  following 
letter  to  the  Minister  on  the  same  day : 

"  By  cipher  telegram  of  to-day's  date  I  have  requested  your  Ex- 
cellency to  endeavour  to  obtain  reliable  information  regarding  the 
disposition  of  the  Imperial  Government  in  the  event  of  the  Lux- 
embourg question  leading  to  war. 

"  It  is  true  that  the  latest  utterances  of  the  Prussian  Government 
give  rise  to  no  direct  or  definite  apprehension,  but  they  are,  never- 
theless, calculated  to  challenge  a  serious  examination  of  the  ques- 
tion, what  position  the  King's  Government  is  to  take  up.  The 
King's  Government  has  to  keep  in  view,  besides  the  urgent 
necessity  and  desire  for  the  preservation  of  peace,  the  obliga- 
tions incumbent  on  it  towards  the  whole  of  Germany  and  Prus- 
sia in  particular,  and,  taking  this  into  consideration,  it  has 
replied  to  an  inquiry  of  Count  Bismarck  by  the  despatch  of  which 
a  copy  is  enclosed. 

"If  the  value  of  friendly  relations  between  Bavaria  and  the  rest 
of  Germany  and  Austria  was  already  insisted  upon  in  my 
circular  of  February  24,  1867,  the  importance  of  a  declaration  on 
the  part  of  the  Imperial  Government  which  would  give  expres- 
sion to  such  friendly  relations  becomes  so  prominent  in  view  of 
the  recent  complications  that  the  question  of  the  maintenance  of 
peace  may  be  said  to  depend  chiefly  upon  the  position  which  the 
Imperial  Government  decides  to  take  up  in  the  matter. 

"How  valuable  the  maintenance  of  peace  is  for  Austria  at  the 
present  moment,  how  dangerous  even  an  armed  neutrality  would 
be  to  the  development  of  the  contemplated  changes  in  the  con- 
stitutional life  of  Austria,  will  certainly  be  admitted  by  Herr 
von  Beust.  By  an  attitude  favourable  to  German  interests  it  is 
scarcely  to  be  doubted  that  the  Austrian  Government  would  not 
only  avoid  this  danger,  but  would  form  a  connection  with 
Germany  corresponding  to  the  interests  and  desires  of  all 
parties.  In  any  case,  it  is  of  the  highest  importance  to 

VOL.  I  —  P 


the  Bavarian  Government  to  be  informed  of  the  decision  of  Austria 
in  this  respect. 

"  By  command  of  his  Majesty  the  King,  my  most  gracious  mas- 
ter, I  commission  you  to  address,  as  soon  as  possible,  confidential 
inquiries  in  this  sense  to  Herr  von  Beust,  and  authorise  you  to 
make  known  to  him  the  contents  of  this  despatch.  Your  Excellency 
will  inform  me  with  all  possible  haste  of  his  answer,  and  of  all 
matters  affecting  this  question." 

On  April  3  a  Ministerial  Council  was  held,  at  which  the  Prince 
assured  himself  of  the  unanimous  approval  of  his  colleagues  of  the 
steps  hitherto  taken  by  him.  On  the  same  day  Count  Bismarck 
telegraphed  to  Herr  von  Werthern : 

"Tell  Prince  Hohenlohe  the  following  quite  confidentially. 
Diplomatic  communications  from  France  assert  that  the  Luxem- 
bourg transaction  is  concluded.  The  Emperor  can  no  longer  with- 
draw, although  I  have  told  Benedetti  that  in  the  present  state  of 
public  opinion  we  could  not  and  would  not  give  way.  On  the 
other  hand,  Count  Perponcher  reports  from  The  Hague  that  a  con- 
clusion has  not  been  reached,  and  that  he  hopes  to  hinder  it.  In 
the  present  position  of  things  in  Germany  we  must,  in  my  judg- 
ment, be  prepared  to  risk  a  war,  however  poor  an  object  Luxem- 
bourg may  be  in  itself.  The  attitude  of  the  nation  in  the  matter, 
its  honour  being  at  stake,  must  decide.  In  any  case,  we  should  both, 
to  the  best  of  our  power,  make  the  most  of  the  favourable  influence 
which  this  incident  will  have  upon  the  consolidation  of  the 
national  cause,  and  at  the  same  time  not  allow  ourselves 
to  be  taken  by  surprise  should  war  occur  at  any  moment. 
The  British  Government  seems  secretly  disposed  to  view  the  pros- 
pect of  a  war  not  quite  without  pleasure,  hoping  that  France  will 
be  worsted,  ready,  perhaps,  to  lend  its  aid,  as  soon  as  fortune 
favours  us." 

Herr  von  Werthern  sent  this  telegram  to  the  Prince,  who  was 
at  the  moment  dining  at  the  Royal  table. 

Memorandum  by  the  PRINCE  "on  the  statement  to  his 
Majesty  the  KING,  April  4,  at  n  a.m." 

At  to-day's  audience  I  made  a  statement  to  the  King  on  the 
position  of  the  Luxembourg  affair.  I  asked  what  answer  should 
be  given  to  Count  Bismarck's  despatch  of  yesterday,  and  was 
authorised  to  declare  that  in  case  of  war  Bavaria  would  stand  by 
the  side  of  Prussia  in  conformity  with  the  secret  treaty,  but  that 
South  German  conditions  made  it  appear  urgently  desirable  that 
Bismarck  should  await  the  result  of  the  inquiries  in  Vienna  before 
proceeding  to  extreme  measures. 

On  April  5  it  was  laid  down,  in  a  note  to  Herr  von  Werthern, 
"that?  in  case  the  Luxembourg  affair  should  lead  to  an  armed 


conflict  with  France,  the  Bavarian  Government  regards  it  as 
established  by  the  treaties  already  concluded  that  it  shall 
stand  by  the  side  of  Prussia  and  the  other  German  States." 

Julius  Frobel*  was  next  sent  to  Vienna  on  April  3,  to  hasten 
the  negotiations  opened  with  Austria  on  April  2.  He  returned 
to  Munich  on  the  morning  of  April  7,  and  reported  — 
according  to  a  memoir  of  Count  Tauffkirchen  —  he  had  spoken 
with  Beust  on  the  evening  of  April  4.  Beust  had  said  that  he 
was  in  no  way  involved  with  France.  The  nature  of  the  situation 
pointed  to  benevolent  neutrality.  Austria  could  at  that  time  have 
no  motive  for  intervening  in  the  affair  even  though  Prussia  were 
prepared  to  reciprocate,  for  instance,  in  regard  to  the  Eastern 
question,  by  a  guarantee  against  the  occupation  of  Bulgaria  by 
Russia.  There  was  proof,  however,  that  Prussia  was  opposing 
the  endeavours  of  the  Government  in  the  country.  This  must 
in  any  case  cease.  Above  all,  Prussia  must  herself  come  for- 
ward. Bavaria  had  lost  through  her  treaties  the  independence 
necessary  for  the  rdle  of  mediator.  Besides  this,  Frobel  had 
brought  the  following  advices:  Beust  had  to  be  extremely  cir- 
cumspect. The  party  of  the  higher  aristocracy  were  inimical  to 
him.  If  victorious  they  would  bring  in  a  Metternich  Ministry 
with  an  absolute  regime  and  a  French  alliance.  Beust's  success 
at  the  Landtag  in  Prague  t  might  have  a  decisive  effect  upon 
his  position.  Heinrich  von  Gagern  was  now  committed  to  the 
Bavarian  programme.  Frobel  supposed  that  Napoleon  would 
prefer  a  congress  to  a  war 4 

Count  Tauffkirchen  observed  that  so  far  from  the  indepen- 
dence of  Bavaria  being  impaired  by  the  treaty,  it  assured  to  the 
King  of  Bavaria  the  right  of  declaring  war,  and  in  that 
event  pledged  Prussia  to  assist.  If  Austria  had  an  interest  in 
preserving  the  independence  of  Bavaria  and  South  Germany, 
and  in  the  non-extension  of  the  North  German  Confederation,  this 
could  in  no  way  be  better  secured  than  by  accepting  mediation. 

Memorandum  by  the  PRINCE,  April  8,  1867. 

Audience  of  the  King  to-day.  I  read  to  him  Bismarck's 
despatch  informing  us  of  the  peaceful  turn  taken  by  the  Luxem- 

*  Frobel,  who  had  been  in  the  service  of  the  Austrian  Government 
from  1862  to  1866,  and  was  at  this  time  working  at  Stuttgart  for  the 
Government  of  Wiirtemberg,  had  already  been  sent  by  the  Prince  to  Vienna 
on  February  26  to  find  out  what  position  Freiherr  von  Beust  would 
adopt  towards  the  Prince's  German  programme.  —  Frobel,  Ein  Lebenslauf, 
vol.  ii.  p.  469. 

t  After  the  dissolution  of  the  Bohemian  Landtag,  the  elections,  which 
had  taken  place  between  March  22  and  29,  had  given  a  large  majority  to 
the  German  Constitutional  party.  Beust  himself  had  been  elected  by  the 
Chamber  of  Commerce  of  Reichenberg.  —  Beust,  Aus  drei  Viertd- 
jahrhunderten,  vol.  ii.  p.  in. 

t  Count  Tauffkirchen's  notes  agree  entirely  with  FrobeFs  own  report. 
—  Ein  Lebenslauf,  vol.  ii.  p.  77. 


bourg  affair.  He  then  touched  on  various  other  subjects.  Later 
spoke  of  the  Ministry.  He  asked  which  of  the  Ministers  I  re- 
garded as  specially  able.  I  mentioned  Schlor.  He  then  spoke 
of  Pranckh  and  Orff;  I  recommended  the  latter,  he  spoke  for 
Pranckh.  Finally  he  seemed  to  give  in.  Then  he  turned  to 
Gresser,  said  he  was  not  equal  to  his  post,  and  wished  that  the 
Ministers  would  fall  foul  of  him  as  well  as  of  Bomhard,  so  as  to 
get  rid  of  him.  I  said  this  was  impossible,  but  that  he  could  easily 
be  accommodated  with  a  Government  presidency  somewhere,  which 
was  what  he  was  fitted  for. 

Despatch  to  the  Bavarian  Legation  in  Berlin. 

MUNICH,  April  9,  1867. 

In  the  report  of  the  6th,  received  here  the  8th  inst.,  stress  is 
laid  on  the  fact  that  Count  Bismarck  would  like  a  definite  state- 
ment by  the  Bavarian  Government  as  to  the  attitude  it 
would  adopt  in  the  event  of  war  with  France.  I  considered  this 
question  already  settled  by  my  cipher  telegram  of  the  6th  inst., 
and  by  similar  explanations  to  Herr  von  Werthern;  I 
have  not,  however,  omitted  to  obtain  from  H.M.  the  King  further 
commands,  by  which  I  am  now  empowered  to  state  that,  if  war 
should  break  out  between  the  King  of  Prussia  and  the  Emperor 
of  the  French  over  the  Luxembourg  question,  the  Bava- 
rian Government  would  deem  that  the  case  provided  in 
the  treaty  signed  at  Berlin,  August  22,  1866,  had  arisen,  and 
accordingly  would  be  prepared  to  act  in  the  sense  of  that  treaty. 
I  must  add,  however,  a  reiterated  assurance  that  his  Majesty's 
Government,  far  from  pressing  for  war,  is  prepared  to 
co-operate  in  every  suitable  way  towards  the  maintenance 
of  an  honourable  peace,  and,  indeed,  to  exhaust  all  suitable 
means  to  that  end. 

This  despatch  is  marked  with  the  King's  concurrence,  dated 
April  9. 


KARLSRUHE,  April  9,  1867. 

On  the  day  of  my  return  from  Berlin  I  received  a  visit  from 
State  Councillor  Gelzer,  who  came  to  give  me  a  verbal  account  of 
his  journey  to  Munich.  All  that  he  told  me  as  to  the  reception 
which  you  accorded  him,  and  about  the  exchange  of  ideas  which 
he  had  with  you  in  regard  to  the  weightier  questions  of  the  moment, 
could  not  but  confirm  in  a  high  degree  the  impressions  I  brought 
back  at  the  time  from  the  conference  at  Miihlacker. 

Councillor  Gelzer  assured  you  in  my  name  that  the  chief  object 
of  his  visit  was  to  establish  confidential  relations  between 
you  and  me  in  addition  to  the  ordinary  business  channels  of 



communication,  which  seems  to  me  highly  desirable  for  the  happy 
solution  of  national  problems.  Councillor  Gelzer  told  me  repeat- 
edly with  grateful  satisfaction  with  what  good  will  the  confidence 
with  which  he  approached  you  was  reciprocated,  and  I  look  upon 
this  basis  of  confidence  as  of  the  highest  value  in  all  our  present 
and  future  intercourse. 

As  to  the  agreement  which  was  drawn  up  at  your  desire  during 
Councillor  Gelzer's  stay  at  Munich,  and  communicated  to  me 
as  a  foundation  for  future  negotiations  with  Berlin,  you  know, 
both  from  my  verbal  and  written  statements,  and  from  the  recent 
communications  of  Councillor  Gelzer,  how  from  the  bottom  of  my 
heart  I  regard  the  present  questions  and  aims.  It  was  with  my 
fullest  concurrence  that  Gelzer,  in  his  conversations  both  with  you 
and  with  Count  von  Tauffkirchen,  laid  stress  upon  these  three 
points : 

(1)  That  the  union  of  North  and  South  Germany  in  one 
single  federated  State  —  whether  by  the  inclusion  of  the  Southern 
States  in  the  North  German  Confederation,  or  by  the  further 
development   of   the   Zollverein  —  has   always   appeared   to   me 
the  most  desirable  of  ends,  for  the  attainment  of  which  I  would 
shrink  from  no  personal  sacrifice.    That  so  long  as  this  end  remains 
unattainable,  however,  I  consider  myself  bound  not  to  hold  aloof 
from  any  attempt  that  might  bring  us  at  least  some  steps  nearer 
to  it. 

(2)  That  for  this  reason  I  have  already  declared  myself  pre- 
pared, and  I  now  renew  that  declaration,  to  meet  with  full  con- 
fidence proposals  emanating  from  yourself  for  an  understanding 
regarding   our   common   negotiations   with   the   North   German 
Confederation,  because  I  attach  the  greatest  value  to  a  straight- 
forward co-operation  with  you,  so  long  as  I  am  able  to  remain 
faithful  to  my  own  convictions ;  in  short,  I  consider  it  a  patriotic 
duty  to  support  your  position  and  your  influence  in  Bavaria  as 
far  as  in  me  lies. 

(3)  That  I  can  fully  appreciate  your  ruling  desire  to  work 
in  the  best  possible  way  for  the  preservation  of  European  peace, 
and  to  prevent  Germany  from  being  split  into  two  hostile  camps, 
and  that  in  this  connection  I  understand  your  proposals  regard- 
ing Austria  as  formulated  in  No.  VI.  of  the  agreement  drawn 
up  by  you. 

I  thought  it  necessary  once  more  to  emphasise  these  three  points 
in  order  to  set  before  you  the  animating  motives  of  my  position 
and  opinion  with  regard  to  your  endeavours.  I  am  anxious  that 
you  should  be  perfectly  clear  as  to  my  intentions  and  con- 

Another  question,  however,  is  this :  how  would  the  agreement 
be  regarded  at  present  in  Berlin?  During  my  stay  there  two 
points  seemed  to  me  very  significant  in  this  connection. 

First,  I  do  not  believe  that  an  open  ear  or  a  complete  under- 
standing can  be  expected  there  for  any  other  interest  whatsoever, 


until  the  Constitution  of  the  North  German  Confederation  is 

Next,  I  was  able  while  there  to  satisfy  myself  that  immediately 
after  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  North  German 
Confederation,  the  discussion  of  a  revision  of  the  Zollverein  (which 
is  only  to  be  expected)  would  take  precedence  of  all  other  nego- 
tiations. I  think  myself  the  more  obliged  to  draw  your 
attention  to  this,  because  in  Berlin  Count  Bismarck  did  not 
disguise  from  me  what  an  unfavourable  impression  had  been 
made  there  by  a  memorandum  on  the  Zollverein  question  which 
had  just  been  received  from  Munich.* 

I  am  very  grateful  to  you  for  your  latest  kind  communication 
regarding  the  sanction  which  you  obtained  from  the  King  to  take 
the  first  steps  in  the  matters  herein  mentioned. 

With  you  I  wish  from  my  heart  that  the  Luxembourg  affair 
may  not  further  disturb  the  development  of  German  relations. 
But  at  all  events  this  question  may  become  a  touchstone  for  the 
true  worth  of  the  German  nation,  and  in  this  case  unity  and  strength 
may  grow  out  of  it. 

Report  to  the  KING. 

MUNICH,  April  10,  1867. 

The  question  of  the  cession  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Luxem- 
bourg to  France  has  in  a  few  days  brought  the  peril  of  war  between 
France  and  Prussia  alarmingly  near.  It  is  beyond  doubt  that 
Bavaria  would  not  be  able  to  avoid  participation  in  such  a  war, 
considering  the  wording  of  the  treaty  of  alliance  of  August  22, 
1866,  and  the  feeling  in  the  country.  It  is  the  more  imperative 
to  seize  every  available  opportunity  to  avert  the  danger  of  war, 
or  at  any  rate  to  diminish  it,  by  an  alliance  calculated  to  strengthen 

From  this  point  of  view,  Count  Bismarck's  invitation  to 
join  in  obtaining  information  as  to  Austria's  inclinations  towards 
concluding  an  alliance  with  Prussia  and  Bavaria  is  also  accept- 

The  preliminary  official  steps  in  this  direction  undertaken 
by  Count  Bray  have  led  to  the  somewhat  cold  reply  which  your 
Majesty  will  find  in  the  enclosed  despatch  of  the  yth  inst.  Mean- 
while, Baron  Beust  has  spoken  on  the  subject  to  a  private  per- 
son, who,  commissioned  by  your  most  obedient  servant,  the 
undersigned,  has  been  to  Vienna  to  discover  the  Minister's  views. 
It  appears  from  this  that  Austria  would  not  be  absolutely  disin- 
clined to  adopt  an  actively  friendly  attitude  towards  Prussia. 
Negotiations  would  rather  deal  with  the  strengthening  of  the 
promises  and  guarantees,  particularly  on  the  Eastern  question, 
which  Prussia  and  Germany  in  general  would  offer  the  Austrian 

*  Memorial  from  the  Bavarian  Ministerial  Councillor  Weber. 


Government.  If  the  undersigned  could  succeed  in  effecting  a 
reconciliation  of  the  interests  of  Prussia  and  Austria  in  this  matter, 
the  position  of  Bavaria  in  her  negotiations  with  Prussia  would 
be  substantially  strengthened  thereby.  For  this  reason  the 
undersigned  considers  it  important  not  to  neglect  any  expedient 
which  might  conduce  to  this  end.  I  have  already  personally 
represented  to  your  Majesty  that  one  such  expedient  (which 
even  if  unproductive  of  a  definite  result,  might  yet  indirectly 
serve  to  smooth  down  many  obstacles)  would  be  afforded  by  the 
sending  of  a  confidential  agent  to  Berlin  and  Vienna.  The  duties 
to  be  associated  with  this  mission  are  given  in  the  enclosed  draft 
instructions  which  are  humbly  submitted  for  your  gracious  ap- 

I  have  respectfully  suggested  that  the  person  entrusted  with 
this  important  and  difficult  mission  should  be  Count  Tauffkirchen, 
Ministerial  Councillor  in  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs.  .  .  . 
It  would  relieve  the  mind  of  your  most  obedient  servant,  if  before 
coming  to  any  definite  decision  your  Majesty  would  receive  Count 
Tauffkirchen,  and  be  pleased  to  determine  whether  the  under- 
taking of  the  proposed  mission  by  the  Count  would  correspond 
with  your  Majesty's  intentions. 

The  draft  of  an  instruction  enclosed  with  the  report  indicates 
as  the  business  of  Count  Tauffkirchen' s  mission  to  the  Courts  of 
Berlin  and  Vienna: 

(1)  To    mitigate    and,    as    far    as    possible,   to  remove,  all 
obstacles  standing  in  the  way  of  an  alliance  between  Prussia  and 

(2)  To  bring  to  a  conclusion  such  an  alliance  either  in  general, 
or  in  particular  with  regard  to  the  Luxembourg  question,  and  to 
enter  into  the  same  on  the  part  of  Bavaria,  subject  to  the  assent 
of  his  Majesty  the  King. 

(3)  To  aim  at  obtaining- thereby  from  Prussia  favourable  con- 
ditions for  the  opening  of  the  proposed  negotiations  concerning 
the  position  of  Bavaria  and  of  the  other  South- West  German 
States  towards  the  North  German  Confederation,  and  to  conclude 
an   agreement  thereupon  subject  to  the  approval  of  his  Majesty 
the  King. 

With  the  King's  consent  Count  Tauffkirchen  departed  on  his 
journey.  From  Berlin  he  wrote  to  the  Prince  on  April  14 : 

"Bismarck  has  overwhelmed  me  with  attentions  in  a  quite 
remarkable  manner.  He  seems  to  need  Austria  very  particularly. 
So  much  the  better,  if  we  succeed  in  finding  access  there.  .  .  . 
The  King  of  Prussia  spoke  of  your  Highness  with  the  fullest  con- 
fidence and  appreciation,  and  charged  me  with  many  greetings  for 
you.  .  .  ." 

The  Count's  mission  to  Vienna  was  unsuccessful.  After  a 
conversation  with  Count  von  Beust  on  the  morning  of  April  18, 
he  wrote  to  the  Prince  on  April  19:  "I  consider  it  quite  beyond 


doubt    that    the    only    advice    to    give    the    King    is    to    recall 
me."  * 


MUNICH,  April  23,  1867. 

Some  days  ago  Baron  Werthern  read  to  me  a  despatch  from 
Count  Bismarck,  in  which  the  Royal  Prussian  Government  wishes 
to  know  whether  the  Royal  Bavarian  Government  is  prepared 
of  its  own  free  resolve  to  share  with  Prussia  the  responsibility 
which  protection  of  Luxembourg's  independence  may  have  either 
directly  or  indirectly.  The  despatch  further  insists  that  the 
German  Governments  must  make  it  clear  to  themselves  which  is 
to  their  interest :  whether  to  bear  the  consequences  that  may  arise 
from  the  refusal  of  the  concession  to  France  —  and  in  this  event 
it  is  questionable  whether  Bavaria  be  suitably  equipped  —  or 
whether  to  decline  these  consequences,  in  which  case  the  Gov- 
ernments concerned  must  make  clear  whether  they  are  resolved 
publicly  to  defend  their  declining  of  war  and  their  consequent  assent 
to  a  policy  of  peace. 

Since  the  Royal  Government  has  already  declared,  in  the  de- 
spatch of  April  9,  1867,  its  readiness  to  stand  side  by  side  with  the 
Prussian  Government  throughout  the  development  of  the  Luxem- 
bourg question,  in  honourable  fulfilment  of  the  special  treaty  of 
August  22,  1866,  it  follows  that  her  resolution  holds  good,  even 
independently  of  the  phases,  as  yet  unknown  to  her  at  that  time, 
of  the  policy  regarding  this  question  pursued  by  the  Royal  Prussian 
Government.  In  this  case,  however,  responsibility  for  the 
possible  outbreak  of  war  should  all  the  less  be  laid  to  her 
charge,  as  co-operation  in  the  decisions  in  question  was  not  pos- 
sible to  her. 

On  the  other  hand,  of  their  own  free  determination  —  therefore 
apart  from  the  Treaty  of  Alliance  —  the  Bavarian  Government 
consider  it  right  not  to  shrink  from  a  war  necessary  for  the  preser- 
vation of  Germany's  honour  and  of  her  position  in  Europe,  but 
otherwise  to  leave  no  means  untried  which  may  conduce  to  the 
maintenance  of  a  peace  that  is  consistent  with  this  honour  and 
dignified  position.  They  must  desire  the  maintenance  of  such  peace 
the  more  earnestly  in  proportion  to  the  greatness  and  imminence 
of  the  injury  that  war  with  France  would  bring  to  South  Ger- 
many, and  the  difficulty  which  the  military  powers  of  South- West 
Germany  would  find  in  offering  an  effective  resistance  to  an  attack 
by  the  French  Army. 

The  Royal  Government  find  a  further  reason  for  their  earnest 
desire  to  preserve  peace  in  the  attitude  of  the  Imperial  and  Royal 
Austrian  Cabinet,  which,  according  to  the  latest  news  received 

*This  conversation  is  repeated  in  Beust's  despatch  of  April  19  to 
Count  Wimpffen  in  Berlin,  printed  by  Beust,  Aus  drei  Vierteljahrhundertent 
vol.  ii.  p.  119. 


from  Vienna,  is  resolved  to  confine  itself  to  a  watchful  neutrality. 
Accordingly,  though  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  such  a  peaceful 
policy  corresponds  most  nearly  to  the  interests  of  Bavaria,  yet 
the  Royal  Government  has  no  hesitation  in  declaring  that  it  is 
prepared  even  publicly  to  defend  this  policy  and  its  consequences. 
This  they  can  only  do,  however,  if  they  are  made  acquainted  with 
the  measure  of  the  concessions  which  are  to  be  made  to  France, 
for  the  purpose  of  preserving  peace.  The  Royal  Government 
must,  therefore,  reserve  its  answer  to  this  portion  of  the  question 
asked  until  such  time  as  it  shall  have  received  fuller  explanations 
regarding  the  state  of  the  negotiations  between  the  Powers  con- 
cerned, and  regarding  the  conditions  of  the  settlement  of  the  differ- 
ence arising  between  Prussia  and  France. 

So  far  as  the  Royal  Government,  through  the  communications 
of  Baron  Beust,  is  acquainted  with  the  content  of  the  Austrian 
proposals  for  mediation,*  it  does  not  hesitate  to  declare  now 
that  these  form  an  acceptable  basis  for  negotiation,  and  only 
wish  to  add  that  France  should,  at  the  same  time,  recognise  the 
new  relations  prevailing  in  Germany. 

The  question  as  to  the  condition  of  the  Bavarian  Army  will 
be  answered  in  the  most  unreserved  manner  by  Major-General 
and  Quartermaster-General  Count  von  Bothmer,  who  has  gone 
to  Berlin  to-day  for  that  purpose. 

I  beg  your  Highness  to  read  this  despatch  to  Count  von  Bis- 
marck, and  to  be  good  enough  to  ask  him  for  information  as  to 
the  present  state  of  negotiations. 

The  negotiations  meanwhile  set  on  foot  with  Wiirtemberg 
concerning  the  adjustment  of  relations  with  North  Germany, 
led  to  an  understanding  which  was  expressed  in  the  following 
"  Ministerial  declaration"  of  May  6-16,  1867: 

"The  undersigned,  impressed  by  the  high  value  of  common 
action  on  the  part  of  the  States  of  South- West  Germany,  par- 
ticularly Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg,  in  the  pending  negotiations 
with  the  North  German  Confederation,  agreeably  to  Article  LXXI. 
of  the  draft  Constitution,  have,  with  the  gracious  consent  of  their 
Sovereigns,  come  to  an  agreement  upon  the  following  points: 

"I.  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg  are  prepared,  at  the  instance  of 
Prussia,  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  North  Germany,  as  to  the 
conclusion  of  the  National  Confederation  contemplated  for  in 
Article  IV.  of  the  Peace  of  Prague. 

"II.  Entrance  into  a  common  confederation  by  the  extension 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  North- German  Confederation  to  the 
Southern  States  cannot  be  accepted  as  a  basis  for  these  negotiations ; 
rather  is  the  conclusion  of  a  more  comprehensive  confederation 
with  the  North  German  Confederation  to  be  aimed  at. 

"III.  For  the  constitution  of  this  more  comprehensive  Con- 
federation, the  principles  of  the  Act  of  Confederation  of  June  8, 
*  As  to  Austria's  proposals,  see  Sybel,  vol.  vi.  p.  92. 


1815,  with  the  alterations  necessitated  by  the  secession  of 
Austria,  and  by  the  demands  of  the  time,  are  to  be  taken  as  the 
point  of  departure. 

"IV.  The  Bavarian  Government  stipulates  for  the  preparation 
of  a  draft,  the  outlines  of  which  shall  be  laid  down  as  follows : 

"(i)  The  Confederation  consists  of  the  North  German  Con- 
federation, Bavaria,  Wlirtemberg,  Baden,  and  South  Hesse. 

"(2)  The  purpose  of  the  Confederation  is  to  safeguard  the 
national  solidarity,  to  preserve  the  integrity  of  the  Confedera- 
tion's dominions,  and  to  further  the  well-being  of  their  inhabitants. 
All  members  of  the  Confederation  have,  as  such,  equal  rights; 
they  are  mutually  pledged  to  hold  the  Act  of  Confederation  in- 

"  (3)  The  business  of  the  Confederation  shall  be  conducted  by 
a  Federal  Council  under  the  presidency  of  Prussia,  on  which  votes 
shall  count  in  the  following  proportion: 

Prussia  17 
Bavaria  6 

and  the  other  Sovereign  Princes  and  free  towns  of  the  Confedera- 
tion as  provided  in  Article  VI.  of  the  Act  of  Confederation  of  June  8, 

"(4)  Articles  III.  and  IV.  of  the  draft  Constitution  of  the 
North- German  Confederation  will  be  recognised  as  a  basis  for 
negotiations  relative  to  the  settlement  of  the  common  concerns 
of  the  Confederation. 

"(5)  In  order  to  obviate  later  difficulties  in  framing  the  laws 
of  the  Confederation,  and  having  regard  to  experience  gained  under 
the  ruling  of  the  earlier  Act  of  Confederation,  the  regulation  of 
each  single  one  of  these  common  concerns  shall,  as  a  funda- 
mental law  of  the  Confederation,  follow  the  lines  of  the  agreement 
as  far  as  possible. 

"  (6)  In  considering  the  framing  of  these  laws,  the  qualification 
for  national  representation  in  the  Confederation  is  to  be  acknow- 
ledged ;  while,  however,  and  for  so  long  as  the  relations  of  the 
Parliament  of  a  more  comprehensive  confederation  to  the  Parlia- 
ment of  the  North  German  Confederation  present  insuperable 
difficulties,  the  framing  of  laws  for  the  more  comprehensive  con- 
federation shall  be  dependent  on  the  consent  of  the  Diets  in  the 
South,  and  in  the  North  on  that  of  the  North  German  Parliament. 
The  Federal  Council  prepares  the  Federal  law. 

"  (7)  In  the  North,  executive  power  is  vested  in  the  presidency 
of  the  North  German  Confederation,  in  the  South  in  the  individual 

"  (8)  With  the  double  purpose  of  removing  the  difficulties 
which  may  arise  in  the  national  development  of  the  extended 
Confederation  from  the  concluding  words  of  Article  IV.  of  the 
Peace  of  Prague,  and  to  provide  a  guarantee  for  the  maintenance 
of  European  peace,  the  provision  laid  down  in  Article  LXXI.  of  the 


draft  Constitution  of  the  North  German  Confederation  should  be 
added,  viz.  that  a  way  should  be  paved  for  an  alliance  of  the  Con- 
federation with  Austria,  if  that  is  not  attained  simultaneously 
with  the  conclusion  of  the  Treaty  of  Confederation.* 

"V.  With  regard  to  the  military  relations  of  the  Southern 
States,  particularly  of  Bavaria  and  Wurtemberg  to  the  North, 
arrangements  have  been  made  by  the  treaty  of  alliance  that  has 
been  concluded,  and  by  the  South  German  States  among  them- 
selves, in  accordance  with  the  Stuttgart  resolutions  of  February  5, 

"VI.  The  actual  negotiations  shall,  according  to  the  Prussian 
Government's  previous  suggestion,  be  undertaken  in  the  form  of 
conferences  of  the  several  Ministers  in  Berlin. 

"VII.  Preliminary  declarations  on  this  question  by  Bavaria 
and  Wurtemberg  shall,  so  far  as  practicable,  be  sent  to  Prussia 
only  after  previous  agreement,  but  in  any  case  shall  immediately 
be  communicated  to  each  other,  and  a  direct  correspondence 
between  the  undersigned  shall  be  established  as  the  form  for  these 

"VIII.  Bavaria  undertakes  to  obtain,  if  possible,  the  adhesion 
of  Baden  and  Hesse  to  this  draft  agreement,  and  offers  Wurtem- 
berg her  good  offices  in  this  particular." 

By  a  communication  dated  May  6,  from  the  Bavarian  Ministry 
of  State,  Baden  and  Hesse  were  invited  to  join  this  union. 

Simultaneously  the  project  was  confidentially  communicated  to 
the  Austrian  Government. 

The  union  of  Bavaria  and  Wurtemberg  was  thoroughly  exam- 
ined by  the  Ministry  of  Baden.  The  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs 
von  Freydorf  made  the  following  remarks  upon  it : 

"  (i)  From  Nos.  L,  II.,  and  IV.,  everything  must  be  eliminated 
that  hinders  the  entry  of  the  South  German  States  into  the  North 
German  Confederation. 

"  (2)  No.  V.  is  to  be  understood  as  not  excluding  a  further 
union  in  military  matters  of  the  South  German  States  with  Prussia, 
or  with  the  North  German  Confederation.  (Baden  was  at  that 
time  carrying  on  negotiations  with  Prussia  regarding  a  military 

"(3)  No.  IV.  (5)  is  'quite  impossible,'  if  the  Confederation 
is  to  be  realised  within  measurable  time. 

"  (4)  No.  IV.  (3)  and  (6)  are  equally  impossible,  hence  a  legis- 
lative enactment,  by  means  of  the  addition  to  the  North  German 
Confederation  of  a  number  of  South  German  delegates,  is  requisite." 

Count  Bismarck,  to  whom  these  proposals  of  reform  were 
communicated  with  the  consent  of  Bavaria  and  Wurtemberg 
on  May  14,  1867,  observed  concerning  them  to  von  Tiirkheim, 
the  Minister  of  Baden  at  Berlin,  that  he  would  not  agree  to  a 
confederation  on  the  lines  of  the  protocol  of  May  6,  but  did  not 
*  For  the  after-wording  of  this  clause,  see  note  p.  228. 


wish  to  say  this  definitely  and  publicly.  As  to  the  modifications 
proposed  by  Baden,  he  reserved  his  declaration  until  Bavaria 
and  Wurtemberg  should  have  agreed  to  them.  For  the  present, 
he  would  only  say  this  much  with  certainty,  that  Prussia,  in  the 
first  place,  desired  a  further  confederation  with  the  South,  and 
indeed,  looked  upon  this  as  the  basis  of  the  renewal  of  the  Zoll- 
verein;  but  that  for  this  confederation,  as  also  for  the  Zollver- 
ein,  there  must  be  found  a  form  of  simple  agreement  upon 
ordinary  business,  not  merely  upon  such  as  was  to  be  foreseen 
far  ahead.  Without  this  indispensable  premise,  he  would  rather 
renounce  both  confederation  and  Zollverein  with  the  South  or 
with  the  States  who  were  fundamentally  in  opposition.  According 
to  Count  Bismarck's  desire,  it  would  be  in  this  sense  that  Baden 
should  prosecute  the  negotiations.  In  a  like  sense  Bismarck 
wrote  to  the  Prussian  Minister  at  Karlsruhe  on  May  1 7 : 

"  The  basis  of  the  Ministerial  declaration  of  May  6  cannot  be 
accepted  by  us.  Common  legislation  (No.  IV.  (4))  we  look  upon 
as  a  benefit,  not  so  much  for  us,  the  North  German  Confederation, 
as  for  the  South  German  States.  With  regard  to  the  Customs 
especially,  it  is  impossible  for  us  to  bind  ourselves  to  a  condition 
which  as  a  general  ruling  demands,  in  addition  to  a  decision  of 
the  Reichstag,  the  consent  of  eight  South  German  Chambers, 
and  would  practically  give  a  veto  to  any  single  one  of  the  latter. 
The  only  mode  of  common  Customs  legislation  which  we  can  accept 
is  by  means  of  an  enlargement  of  the  Federal  Diet  and  the  Reichs- 
tag for  that  purpose,  through  the  participation  of  delegates  from 
South  Germany." 

Meanwhile  the  Government  of  Baden  had  forwarded  to  Munich 
their  proposed  alterations  in  the  protocol  of  May  6,  and,  since 
these  were  partially  accepted  by  Prince  Hohenlohe,  the 
agreement  so  modified  seemed  to  afford  a  possible  foundation  for 
common  negotiations  between  the  South  German  States  and  the 
North  German  Confederation.  By  a  decision  of  the  Grand 
Duke,  May  27,  1867,  the  Ministry  was,  therefore,  empowered 
"to  enter  into  negotiations  hi  common  with  the  three  other  Gov- 
ernments regarding  the  foundation  of  a  more  comprehensive 
Confederation  of  the  South  German  States  with  the  North  German 
Confederation,  on  the  basis  of  the  Ministerial  declaration  of 
May  6- 1 6,  with  the  modifications  proposed  in  Prince  Hohenlohe's 
note  of  the  22nd  hist." 

But  the  course  of  these  negotiations  was  interrupted  by  the 
Prussian  Government's  own  initiative  in  the  question  of  the  Zoll- 
verein. At  the  end  of  May  the  Prussian  Ambassador,  Baron 
Werthern,  informed  Prince  Hohenlohe  that  Count  Bismarck  was 
thinking  of  arranging  a  conference  of  Ministers  in  Berlin,  in  order 
to  deliberate  about  the  reconstruction  of  the  Zollverein,  and  the 
questions  relative  thereto.  The  Prince  supposed  that  the  adhe- 
sion of  the  South  German  States  to  the  North  German  Confedera- 
tion might  also  come  under  discussion,  and  hence  he  wished  to 


conclude  the  understanding  with  the  rest  of  the  South  German 
States  before  the  Berlin  Conference.  He  therefore  informed 
Baron  Werthern  that  the  postponement  of  the  conference  until 
the  end  of  June  would  be  desirable.  At  the  same  time  the  Bava- 
rian Minister  in  Stuttgart  reported  that  Varnbuler  wished  to 
meet  the  Prince  for  a  consultation  as  to  the  impending  confer- 
ence. In  consequence  the  Prince  went  to  Nordlingen  on  May  30, 
1867,  for  a  conversation  with  Barnbiiler.  He  was  accompanied 
by  the  Ministerial  Count  Tauffkirchen. 


MUNICH,  May  30,  1867. 

Upon  the  invitation  which  will  be  found  among  the  official 
papers,  the  Minister  of  State,  Prince  Hohenlohe,  went  to-day 
with  the  Ministerial  Councillor,  Count  Tauffkirchen  by  an  early 
train  to  Nordlingen,  where  Freiherr  von  Varnbuler  was  already 

The  following  conversation  then  took  place  between  the  three 
persons  named  in  the  station-master's  sitting-room. 

Baron  Varnbuler  read  aloud  his  despatch  to  Count  Degenfeld 
of  the  2 gth,  and  handed  it  to  the  Prince  for  further  reference. 

He  added  the  comment  that  the  mission  of  Count  Tauffkirchen 
had  called  forth  a  very  profound  feeling  of  dissent  in  Paris.  The 
French  Minister  in  Stuttgart,  to  whom  he  had  truthfully 
declared  that  he  had  neither  any  share  in  this  mission,  nor  any 
knowledge  of  it,  had  made  use  of  the  words:  "If  it  comes  to 
war  and  France  is  victorious,  Bavaria  will  have  to  pay  dearly, 
very  dearly,  for  this  step."  Baron  Wachter's  reports  from  Paris 
entirely  agree  with  this.  Baron  Beust,  also,  had  expressed  him- 
self in  an  unfavourable  and  unfriendly  manner  concerning  the 
plan  of  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg  to  Baron  Thumb,  who,  according 
to  instructions,  had  maintained  the  greatest  reserve  as  to  the 
question  of  the  reconstitution  of  Germany.  Varnbuler  read 
aloud  a  portion  of  one  of  Thumb's  recent  despatches,  according 
to  which  —  so  at  least  Varnbuler  read  —  Beust  had  said  to  him 
that  he  did  not  intend  to  throw  a  sop  to  the  Ultramontanes  in 
Bavaria.  The  word  "alliance"  will  be  now  imported  into  the 
conflict  between  Prussia  and  France,  and  will  give  the  greatest 
offence  in  Paris.  It  would,  therefore,  be  very  advisable  to  sub- 
stitute another  mode  of  expression,  and  he  must,  on  Wiirtemberg's 
behalf,  the  more  strongly  insist  upon  this  change,  as  even  during 
the  consultations  such  an  aggressive  underlying  meaning  to  the 
expression  had  not  in  reality  been  very  remote. 

Varnbuler  continued:  According  to  the  latest  reports  from 
Berlin,  there  did  not  at  present  exist  there  any  intention  of 
entering  into  a  National  Union  with  the  South,  even  in  order 
to  avoid  an  exceptionally  threatening  war  with  France.  Varn- 
buler read  aloud  portions  of  a  report  from  the  Minister 


Baron  Spitzemberg,  dated  May  24,  1867,  according  to  which 
Count  Bismarck  had  declared  to  him  that  he  proposed  confining 
himself  for  the  present  to  a  regulation  of  tariff  affairs,  and  would 
not  go  further  unless  one  of  the  Southern  States  expressly 
desired  it.  He  did  not  desire  even  a  special  military  convention. 
An  energetic  and  consistent  carrying  out  of  the  Stuttgart  resolu- 
tions would  suffice  for  him.  Spitzemberg  thereupon  put  it 
to  him  whether  it  would  not  be  advisable,  for  the  abridgment 
of  the  conferences  on  the  tariff  arranged  for  after  Easter,  to 
allow  a  preliminary  settlement  of  the  main  lines  by  a  con- 
ference of  Ministers.  Bismarck  took  up  this  idea  very  willingly. 
He  thought  the  invitation  to  the  conferences  should  be  conveyed 
to  the  Ministers  for  Foreign  Affairs  without  a  previously  fixed 
programme,  and  that  in  the  invitation  the  agenda  should  only 
include  the  Zollverein  and  subjects  in  direct  connection  with 
that,  such  as  the  patent  laws  and  the  condition  of  trade.  The 
Ministers  of  the  larger  States  of  the  North  German  Confederation 
were  to  be  invited.  He  feared  that  people  in  Munich  would  be 
distrustful,  and  would  want  Varnbiiler  to  sound  Prince  Hohenlohe. 
He,  Varnbiiler,  had  gladly  accepted  the  idea  —  though  with  express 
limitation  of  the  conference  to  tariff  affairs  —  because  he  deemed 
that  a  favourable  occasion  for  such  negotiations  was  afforded  by 
the  present  endeavour  to  spare  the  susceptibilities  of  France 
and  to  draw  in  Austria.  He  had,  however,  left  to  Bismarck 
the  sending  of  the  invitation  to  Munich.  He  had  deemed  this 
verbal  explanation  necessary,  since  he  had  learned  from  Munich 
that  Prince  Hohenlohe  had  been  dilatory  in  answering,  and 
that  there  was  an  intention  to  repeat  the  invitation  —  indeed, 
such  a  second  invitation  had  reached  him  at  eleven  o'clock  last 
night,  the  29th,  through  Baron  Rosenberg,  and  presumably 
the  same  message  had  been  received  simultaneously  by  Baron 

In  respect  to  the  attitude  which  the  Wiirtemberg  Govern- 
ment would  take  up  towards  the  question  itself,  he  added  that 
they  would  abide  by  the  draft  of  May  6,  1867,,  and  settle  the 
matter  as  far  as  possible  by  a  treaty. 

The  Tariff  Convention  would  have  to  decide: 

(1)  The  sphere  of  the  tariff's  application. 

(2)  The  sources  of  revenue. 

(3)  The  mode  of  distribution. 

The  Customs,  the  rape  tax,  the  salt  tax,  and,  in  any  case,  the 
tobacco  duty,  were  to  be  recognised  as  the  sources  of  revenue; 
taxes  on  drinks,  on  the  other  hand,  were  to  be  excepted.  New 
taxes  should  only  be  introduced  by  common  consent. 

Equality  of  distribution  must  be  insisted  upon.  Whether 
the  treaty  should  be  for  a  fixed  time,  and  whether  terminable 
with  or  without  notice,  he  left  undecided  as  yet. 

As  for  the  rest,  the  final  decision  is  to  be  left  to  an  assembly 
chosen  by  popular  election. 


The  views  contained  in  Weber's  memorial  had  made  a  bad 
impression  in  Berlin,  and  if  they  were  upheld  by  Bavaria,  would 
have  as  a  consequence  her  exclusion  from  the  Zollverein.  He 
himself,  moreover,  could  not  concur  in  them.  As  Bismarck 
had  given  notice  of  his  intention  to  hold  these  conferences  of 
Ministers  before  his  departure  for  Paris  (on  June  5),  a  speedy 
decision  was  necessary.  Varnbiiler  gave  up  the  idea  of  grouping 
together  the  corresponding  propositions  of  the  Zollverein  treaty, 
and  of  the  Constitution  of  the  North  German  Confederation. 

He  finally  remarked,  in  regard  to  the  military  conditions, 
that  the  Wiirtemberg  Government  would  be  prepared  for  a 
perpetually  operative  system  of  military  service,  was  ready  to 
enter  into  the  contemplated  union  with  Bavaria,  and  would 
attach  great  importance  to  this,  as  making  it  possible  to  oppose 
a  fait  accompli  to  any  later  pretensions  of  Prussia. 

Prince  Hohenlohe  expressed  his  thanks  to  Baron  Varnbiiler 
for  these  communications,  and  considered  them  so  urgent  that 
he  resolved  to  take  the  mail  train  just  going  back  to  Munich, 
in  order  to  be  able  to  report  the  same  day  to  his  Majesty 
concerning  both  the  subjects  touched  upon  in  his  conversation. 

In  conclusion  Baron  Varnbiiler  emphasised  his  wish  for 
concurrent  action  by  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg,  and  suggested 
how  important  it  would  be  for  Bavaria  at  the  present  moment 
to  be  represented  in  Berlin  by  some  person  who  might  be  in  a 
position  to  give  certain  information  as  to  the  frequent  fluctua- 
tions of  opinion  there. 

By  3.35  P.M.  Prince  Hohenlohe  and  Count  Tauffkirchen 
were  back  in  Munich,  and  after  the  former  had  learned  from 
Baron  Werthern  that  a  further  invitation  to  the  conference  of 
Ministers  had  not  yet  reached  him,  he  sent  the  attached 
minute  to  Berg  that  same  evening.* 

Report  to  the  KING. 

MUNICH,  May  30,  1867. 

Upon  a  telegraphic  invitation  from  Freiherr  von  Varnbuler, 
your  most  obedient  servant,  the  undersigned,  betook  himself 
to  Nordlingen  early  this  morning  for  a  confidential  interview. 

The  occasion  of  this  was  a  telegraphic  invitation  from  the 
Prussian  Government,  already  received  by  Herr  von  Varnbuler 
(but  already  announced  to  and  hourly  expected  by  your 
most  obedient  servant),  to  participate  in  the  conference  of 
Ministers  for  Foreign  Affairs  which  is  to  be  opened  in  Berlin 
during  the  next  few  days.  This  conference  of  Ministers  is  to  be 
the  introduction  to  the  tariff  conference,  and  is  to  limit  itself  to 
the  question  of  the  reconstitution  of  the  Zollverein.  Accord- 
ing to  Varnbiiler's  statements,  not  only  does  the  Wiirtemberg 
Government  attach  the  greatest  value  to  a  general  acceptance 

*  The  following  report. 


of  this  invitation,  but  Freiherr  von  Beust  also  has  declared  himself 
in  unconditional  agreement  with  the  aims  of  this  conference. 

Your  most  obedient  servant  considers  he  should  the  more 
strongly  advise  an  acceptance  of  the  invitation,  because  accord- 
ing to  Article  VII.  of  the  Peace  of  Berlin,  August  22,  1866, 
there  is  no  justification  for  declining;  moreover,  the  announce- 
ment of  the  Zollverein  is  to  be  apprehended;  and  finally, 
because  the  present  moment,  at  which  moderation  is  imposed 
upon  Prussia  owing  to  her  strained  relations  with  France,  seems 
highly  favourable  for  such  negotiations. 

As  to  the  instructions  of  your  obedient  servant  on  this  occa- 
sion, further  proposals  shall  follow. 

Freiherr  von  Varnbliler  also  delivered  to  your  most  obedient 
servant,  the  undersigned,  the  enclosed  note,  in  which  the  inter- 
change Ministerial  declarations  in  the  sense  of  that  of  the  6th 
inst.,  approved  by  your  Majesty,  is  made  dependent  on  an 
alteration  in  the  framing  of  Article  IV.  (8),  which,  as  calcu- 
lated to  remove  the  objection  raised  by  Austria  against  the 
word  " alliance"  in  your  Majesty's  previous  note  of  the  i5th 
of  last  month,  is  therefore  to  be  regarded  as  a  decided  and  most 
welcome  improvement. 

The  undersigned  sets  the  greatest  looks  upon  a  speedy  in- 
terchange of  these  Ministerial  declarations  as  of  the  greatest 
importance,  and  therefore  humbly  submits  this  proposal: 

That  your  Majesty  should  consent  to  the  immediate  despatch 
of  telegrams : 

(1)  Consenting    to    a    participation    in    the    conferences    of 
Ministers,  on  condition  that  these  be  confined  to  the  business 
of  the  Zollverein. 

(2)  Agreeing  to  the  modification  of  the  Ministerial  declaration 
of  May  6,  proposed  by  Freiherr  von  Varnbiiler. 

Marginal  Rescript  by  the  KING. 

Both  these  proposals  approved. 

SCHLOSS  BERG,  May  30,  1867. 

Declaration  under  the  KING'S  sign  manual,  May  30,  1867. 

In  assenting  to  the  negotiations  undertaken  between  Bavaria 
and  Wiirtemberg,  as  well  as  to  the  documents  addressed  to 
Karlsruhe  and  Darmstadt,  I  have  started  from  the  supposition 
repeatedly  put  forward  by  you,  that  the  introduction  of  negotia- 
tions between  South  Germany  and  Prussia  as  to  a  reconstitu- 
tion  of  the  Confederation  is  not  to  be  urged,  and  will  in  no  case 
be  urged  by  Bavaria;  that,  however,  it  seems  to  me  that  caution 
is  now  doubly  necessary,  as  it  concerns  not  merely  the  preserva- 


tion  of  Bavaria's  independence,  but  also  the  safeguarding  of 
European  peace  in  view  of  the  excited  feeling  in  France  and  in 
Austria  against  Prussia,  on  account  of  the  former's  existing 
and  determined  interpretation,  no  matter  whether  justified  or 
not  justified,  of  the  Peace  of  Prague. 


Letter  from  the  PRINCE  to  the  BAVARIAN  LEGATION  in  Vienna. 

MUNICH,  May  30,  1867. 

The  following  strictly  confidential  communication  as  to  the 
grounds  upon  which  his  Majesty's  Government  seeks  to  effect  a 
union  of  the  South  German  States  in  regard  to  their  national 
relations  with  the  rest  of  Germany,  has  been  called  forth  by 
a  verbal  declaration  of  Freiherr  von  Beust  which  his  Majesty's 
Legation  reported  on  May  12,  1867,  and  by  a  more  explicit 
note  from  the  Imperial  Cabinet  of  the  i5th  of  last  month,  read 
aloud  to  me  by  Count  Trauttmansdorf.  The  frank  expression 
of  the  latter  makes  an  equally  frank  reply  the  duty  of  his 
Majesty's  Government. 

Neither  the  Bavarian  nor  any  other  of  the  South  German 
Governments  has  entered  into  a  compact  which  in  any  way 
limits  their  right  to  settle  their  national  relations  to  the  rest  of 
Germany  according  to  their  own  free  judgment.  The  Nikolsburg 
preliminary  treaty  of  July  26,  1866,  to  the  second  Article  of  which 
the  Treaty  of  Peace  concluded  between  Prussia  and  Bavaria 
on  August  22,  1866,  refers  in  Article  V.,  does  not  contain  such 
a  limitation,  see  in  particular  the  clause*  subjoined  to  Article 
IV.  of  the  Peace  of  Prague  of  August  23,  1866.  It  contains  no 
obligation,  but  only  the  expression  of  the  right  of  the  South- 
West  German  States  to*  form  a  union  among  themselves.  Though 
the  Royal  Bavarian  Government  found  themselves  isolated 
during  the  peace  negotiations,  owing  to  circumstances  not 
unknown  to  the  Imperial  Government,  and  were  by  this  led 

*  Article  III.  of  the  Peace  of  Berlin  (between  Prussia  and  Bavaria) 
dated  August  22,  1866:  "His  Majesty  the  King  of  Bavaria  recognises 
the  terms  of  the  preliminary  treaty  concluded  between  Prussia  and 
Austria  at  Nikolsburg  on  July  26,  1866,  and  for  his  part  concurs  in  the 
same,  so  far  as  the  future  of  Germany  is  concerned."  Article  IV.  of  the 
Peace  of  Prague,  dated  August  23,  1866:  "His  Majesty  the  Emperor 
of  Austria  recognises  the  dissolution  of  the  German  Confederation 
hitherto  existing,  and  gives  his  assent  to  a  new  constitution  of  Germany 
without  the  participation  of  the  Austrian  Imperial  State.  His  Majesty 
likewise  promises  to  recognise  the  lesser  confederation  which  his  Majesty 
the  King  of  Prussia  is  about  to  establish  north  of  •  the  line  of  the 
Main,  and  declares  himself  agreeable  that  the  German  States  south  of 
this  line  shall  mutually  enter  upon  a  union,  whose  national  relation  with  the 
North  German  Confederation  shall  not  prejudice  a  closer  agreement  between 
the  two,  and  which  shall  have  an  international  independent  existence"  The 
addition  of  the  last  eight  words  distinguishes  the  Peace  of  Prague  from  the 
otherwise  similarly  worded  Article  II.  of  the  Nikoisburg  preliminary 

VOL.  I  — Q 


to  conclude  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  Prussia  on  August  22, 
yet  they  certainly  did  not  violate  the  treaties  by  this,  nor,  in  par- 
ticular, the  Peace  of  Prague  of  August  23,  in  which  they 
had  no  share. 

As  to  the  question  whether  these  treaties  are  incompatible 
with  the  pledges  undertaken  by  Prussia  at  Prague,  the  Royal 
Government  do  not  at  the  moment  consider  themselves  obliged  to 
express  an  opinion,  but  must,  however,  take  measures  to  prevent 
this  silence  being  understood  as  consent.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Bavarian  Government  fully  recognise  their  moral  obligation 
to  hold  fast  themselves,  in  their  future  treaties  with  Prussia,  to 
the  standpoint  taken  up  by  this  Power  in  consequence  of  the 
Peace  of  Prague,  and  the  full  responsibility  they  would  incur 
if  European  complications  were  to  ensue  in  consequence  of 
their  participation  in  any  deviation  from  this  treaty.  They 
are  convinced  that  they  have  pursued  this  course  consistently 
and  not  unsuccessfully  in  their  relations  with  the  other  German 
States;  they  believe  that  these  states  also  have  remained  true 
to  the  proposals  of  May  6,  and  they  must  oppose  with  decision 
the  supposition  that  in  this  proposal  any  deviation  from  the  Peace 
of  Prague  is  to  be  found. 

There  cannot  be  any  doubt  that  by  the  previous  formation 
of  a  federation  of  South  German  States,  the  reconstitution  of 
Germany  according  to  the  terms  of  the  Peace  of  Prague  — 
therefore  without  Austria  —  has  been  facilitated.  The  reason 
why  such  a  federation  has  not  been  consummated  has  hitherto 
lain  in  the  purely  negative  attitude  taken  up  by  the  Governments 
of  Wiirtemberg,  Baden,  and  Hesse,  and  in  the  lack  of  any 
sympathy  with  this  idea  among  the  people  —  circumstances 
which  would  have  made  any  such  attempt  hopeless  from  the 
beginning.  The  Bavarian  Government  have,  therefore,  been 
obliged  to  confine  themselves  hitherto  to  the  partial  union 
which  found  expression  in  the  resolutions  of  the  Stuttgart 

As  to  the  point  soon  to  be  considered,  that  though  the 
North  German  Confederation  has  been  concluded,  no  union 
of  the  South  German  States  exists,  I  meet  with  two  extreme 

According  to  the  one,  the  presupposed  case  under  which 
Prussia  would  have  assumed  a  qualified  obligation  has  not 
occurred;  therefore  Prussia  has  now  an  unlimited  discretion 
to  enter  into  treaties  with  the  South  German  States  as  she 

According  to  the  other,  the  formation  of  a  union  of  South 
German  States  is  the  preliminary  condition,  without  which 
any  national  rapprochement  of  the  South  German  States,  or 
of  any  one  of  their  number,  with  the  North  German  Confedera- 
tion, would  constitute  a  breach  of  the  Peace  of  Prague. 

I  cannot  acknowledge  either  of  these  conceptions  to  be  just. 


Article  IV.  of  the  Peace  of  Prague  contains  two  main  points : 

(1)  The  recognition  of  the  right  of  the   German   States  to 
form  a  National  Confederation  in  place  of  the  former  German 
Confederation,  with  Austria  excluded. 

(2)  The  limitation  of  this  right  by  the  obligation  of  Prussia 
to  allow  an  independent  international  existence  to  the  States  south 
of  the  Main  included  in  the  Confederation. 

The  objection  attaching  to  the  international  independent 
existence  of  single  States  within  a  National  Confederation  is 
dissipated  by  a  consideration  of  the  earlier  law  of  Confederation, 
especially  Article  II.  of  the  Act  of  Confederation  of  July  8,  1815,* 
which  recognises  the  independence  of  the  separate  States 
which  are  subject  to  the  decisions  of  the  Federal  Assembly. 
A  union  of  the  South  German  States  with  North  Germany,  on 
the  basis  upon  which  the  earlier  Act  of  Confederation  rested, 
is  therefore  not  contrary  to  the  Peace  of  Prague.  The  Bavarian 
Government  believe  they  might  strive  for  such  a  union,  even 
without  the  previous  formation  of  a  Federation  of  South- West 
German  States,  without  thereby  incurring  the  responsibility 
involved  in  a  deviation  from  the  principles  of  the  Peace  of 

Though  the  Royal  Government,  therefore,  would  deem 
themselves  perfectly  justified,  even  without  the  previous  consent 
of  the  other  Governments,  in  pursuing  the  path  they  have 
taken,  yet  the  advice  of  the  Imperial  Government  to  adopt  a 
merely  waiting  attitude  lays  them  under  the  obligation  of 
once  more  deliberately  examining  the  question  of  opportunity, 
of  actually  existing  national  political  considerations.  Bavaria, 
which  has  certainly  not  been  separated  from  Germany  by  the 
events  of  the  past  year,  has  the  national  task  and  duty  of 
knitting  anew  the  severed  national  ties  as  speedily  as  possible. 
In  this  feeling  of  duty  the  Government  is  in  accord  with  by  far 
the  greater  majority  of  the  people. 

Bavaria  has  no  intention  of  taking  the  initiative  in  this 
direction,  as  is  clear  from  the  wording  of  Article  I.  in  the  draft 
of  May  6,  1867,  but  thinks  she  should  leave  this  to  the  North 
German  Confederation. 

If,  however,  the  tender  of  such  negotiations  were  made  by 
Prussia,  the  Royal  Government  would  not  be  in  a  position  to 
defend  in  their  own  country  a  refusal  to  enter  into  these  negotia- 
tions. But,  granted  they  could  succeed  in  forcibly  repressing 
this  national  impulse,  they  would  certainly  lack  power  to  in- 
duce the  other  South-West  German  States  to  maintain  a  like 
passivity.  Wiirtemberg,  Baden,  and  Hesse  will  negotiate  with 
the  North  German  Confederation.  Bavaria  has  the  choice  of 
taking  up  an  influential  position  with  regard  to  these  negotia- 
tions, and  of  hindering,  as  far  as  possible,  any  overstepping  of 

*  Vvlkerrechtlicher  Verein  der  deutschen  souverdnen  Fiirsten  und  freien 
Stadte,  B.  A.  i,  2. 


the  limit  set  by  the  treaties,  or  of  renouncing  all  influence  upon 
this  reorganisation,  without  thereby  escaping  the  dangers  that 
may  possibly  arise  from  it. 

The  material  interests  of  Bavaria  and  of  the  rest  of  Germany 
are  so  closely  intermingled  that  Bavaria  could  only  allow  this 
bond  to  be  severed  in  case  of  utmost  necessity,  and  always 
with  danger  to  her  own  existence  as  a  State.  The  Royal  Govern- 
ment, therefore,  will  not,  and  cannot  exclude  themselves  from 
negotiations  with  the  North  German  Confederation  as  to  the 
reconstitution  of  Germany. 

The  Royal  Government,  which  has  manifested  plainly  enough 
the  wish  and  the  effort  for  a  nearer  approach  of  Austria  to 
Germany,  will  during  these  negotiations  endeavour  to  ward 
off  all  stipulations  which,  according  to  their  views  explained 
above,  are  contrary  to  the  Peace  of  Prague,  and  all  proposals 
likely  to  hinder  any  later  peaceful  rapprochement  with  Austria. 
I  think  that  the  Imperial  Government  will  scarcely  be  able 
to  ignore  the  weight  of  these  arguments,  or  the  danger  which 
would  lie  in  the  exclusion  of  Bavaria  from  Germany  in  any 
peaceful  adjustment  of  German  relations,  and  in  particular  in 
the  adjustment  of  relations  with  Austria,  reinvigorated  by  her 
constitutional  development.  I  therefore  hope  that  the  Imperial 
Government,  if  not  consenting,  will  not  obstruct  or  hinder  the 
action  of  the  Bavarian  Government  in  this  matter,  and  will  refrain 
from  stepping  in  the  way  to  prevent  the  Bavarian  Government 
from  attaining  their  end. 

In  order,  moreover,  to  remove  any  misconstruction  of  the 
word  "alliance"  in  Article  IV.  (8)  of  the  draft,  the  Governments 
of  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg  have  agreed  to  a  different  mode 
of  expression  in  this  place,  so  as  to  avoid  the  word. 

His  Majesty's  Envoy  is  commissioned  to  acquaint  Baron 
von  Beust  confidentially  with  the  contents  of  this  despatch, 
and  expressly  to  request  him  to  consider  the  same  as  exclusively 
intended  for  the  Imperial  Government,  and  not  designed  for 
further  communication. 

In  accordance  with  the  preceding  transactions  the  form 
of  Article  IV.  (8)  of  the  Ministerial  declaration  of  May  6  was 
thus  altered: 

"There  should  be  added  to  the  Treaty  of  Confederation 
a  provision  copied  from  Article  LXXI.  of  the  draft  of  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  North-German  Confederation,  that  an  understanding 
with  Austria  answering  to  the  community  of  nationality  is  to 
be  aimed  at,  in  so  far  as  this  is  not  attainable  simultaneously 
with  the  conclusion  of  the  Treaty  of  Confederation." 

In  this  form  the  treaty  of  May  31,  1867,  was  consummated, 
and  simultaneously  with  it  the  following  "Special  Conven- 
tion" as  to  Wiirtemberg's  and  Bavaria's  common  action  in  the 
negotiations  with  the  North  German  Confederation : 

"I.  In  the  event  of  the  unanimity  requisite  for  the  alteration 


of  the  law  of  confederation  not  being  attainable,  it  shall  be 
insisted  upon  that  for  a  change  in  a  provision  of  the  Treaty  of 
Confederation  a  majority  of  three-fourths  shall  be  necessary, 
assuming  that  the  proportion  of  votes  provided  for  in  Article 
IV.  (3)  of  the  Ministerial  declaration  is  adopted. 

"II.  It  shall  be  insisted  upon  that  the  share  of  each  mem- 
ber of  the  Confederation  in  the  Federal  right  to  declare  war,  the 
representation  of  the  interests  of  the  Zollverein  by  a  Consulate- 
General,  and  the  contributions  (proportionate  to  their  standing) 
to  the  German  Navy  by  the  individual  States  belonging  to  the 
Confederation,  shall  be  settled  by  treaty. 

"III.  The  Bavarian  Government  will  also  confer  with  Prince 
Lichtenstein  as  to  the  attitude  which  he  thinks  of  adopting  on 
this  question." 

Note  by  the  PRINCE  regarding  the  Conference  oj  Ministers 
in  Berlin  June  3,  1867. 

Having  left  Munich  yesterday  at  twenty  minutes  past  five, 
I  arrived  in  Berlin  at  twelve  o'clock  to-day.  Count  Montgelas 
received  me  at  the  station,  and  accompanied  me  to  the  Hotel 
de  Rome,  where  I  found  awaiting  me  an  invitation  to  a  Ministerial 
Conference  to  be  held  at  two  o'clock.  Baron  Varnbiiler  came 
beforehand  and  gave  me  a  general  sketch  of  the  position  of  the 
affair,  and  of  the  proposals  of  the  Prussian  Government.  At 
two  o'clock  I  drove  with  Ministerial  Councillor  Weber  to  Count 
Bismarck's.  There  we  found  the  Ministers  von  Varnbuler, 
Dalwigk,  and  Freydorf,  as  well  as  the  Privy  Councillors 
Delbruck  and  Philippsborn,  and  von  Nordeck,  Councillor  of 
the  Legation,  who  had  come  with  Freydorf. 

Bismarck  opened  the  proceedings  with  a  short  speech,  setting- 
forth  the  Government's  standpoint.  I  then  began  the  dis- 
cussion, remarked  that  I  had  come  in  order  to  announce  the 
willingness  of  the  Bavarian  Government  to  take  part  in 
negotiations  concerning  the  reconstruction  of  the  Zollverein, 
although  I  had  had  no  knowledge  whatever  of  the  programme 
and  plan  of  the  subject  of  negotiations.  I  must,  however, 
observe  that  the  standpoint  of  the  Prussian  Government,  as 
expressed  in  the  protocol,  did  not  at  all  coincide  with  the  views 
of  the  Bavarian  Government.  The  entry  of  our  deputies  into 
the  North  German  Parliament  was  an  arrangement  which  could 
not  count  on  any  support  from  us.  Hereupon  Baron  Varnbuler 
asked,  How  then  did  the  Prussian  Government  think  the 
legislative  organ  should  be  composed?  To  which  Bismarck 
answered  that  the  distribution  of  votes  on  the  Council  of  the 
Federal  Council  for  tariff  purposes  would  be  analogous  to  that 
on  the  old  Diet.  The  legislative  organ  would  be  a  body 
analogous  to  the  North  German  Reichstag,  elected  by  direct 
suffrage,  one  Deputy  to  each  100,000  inhabitants.  Its  com- 


petence  would  be  decided  by  the  treaties.  He  said  that  if 
we  entertained  the  idea  of  giving  our  adhesion  to  the  Tariff 
Parliament,  Prussia  proposed  that  we  and  South  Germany  should 
form  our  own  tariff  area,  which  would  place  us  on  as  good  a 
footing  as  possible  with  the  North  German  Confederation  and 
the  North  German  Zollverein.  Prussia,  however,  will  not 
relinquish  the  project.  The  dissolution  of  the  Zollverein  will 
be  the  consequence  of  non-acceptance.  So  far  as  the  election 
of  Deputies  was  concerned,  Bismarck  would  advise  direct 
suffrage;  but  he  left  that  to  us,  and  recommended  the  con- 
vening of  the  Diets. 

I  then  proceeded  to  say  that  we  had  had  quite  a  different 
conception  of  a  Tariff  Parliament.  We  had  had  in  mind  an 
assembly  to  which  the  North  German  Parliament  and  the  South 
German  Chambers  would  make  over  certain  rights,  which  should 
concern  itself  with  matters  relating  to  the  tariff  and  to  trade, 
but  which  should  not  be  admitted  into  the  North  German  Par- 
liament. After  Varnbuler  and  Freydorf  had  declared  themselves 
in  favour  of  the  Prussian  proposals,  and  Dalwigk  had  observed 
that  for  him,  too,  nothing  remained  but  to  consent,  Bismarck 
put  forward  once  more  the  advantages  which  a  Zollverein  Parlia- 
ment would  have  over  the  present  arrangement. 

I  admitted  that  merely  with  regard  to  tariff  affairs  such  advan- 
tages were  not  to  be  ignored,  yet  that  I  must  draw  attention  to 
the  political  side  of  the  question.  The  sending  of  delegates  to 
the  North  German  Parliament  for  Zollverein  business  would 
lead  us  by  degrees  into  the  North  German  Confederation.  But 
it  was  against  our  wish  to  allow  ourselves  to  be  drawn  into  this 
indirectly  and  by  degrees.  If  we  were  to  enter  it,  we  should 
prefer  to  do  so  of  our  own  accord.  I  therefore  once  more 
proposed  to  call  together  a  special  assembly,  to  which  the  North 
German  Parliament  should  make  over  certain  functions  connected 
with  the  Zollverein,  just  as  in  this  respect  also  the  South  German 
States  would  resign  certain  functions  in  its  favour. 

Bismarck  declared  himself  to  be  decidedly  against  this.  It 
might  mean  a  dissolution  of  the  North  German  Confederation. 
Dear  to  him  as  was  the  Zollverein,  he  could  not  sacrifice  the 
North  German  Confederation  to  it.  Von  der  Heydt  concurred 
in  this.  Bismarck  then  proceeded  to  say  that  those  who 
wished  to  make  mutual  arrangements  must  partially  renounce 
their  independence.  He  acknowledged  my  frankness  and  would 
declare  here  what  he  would  not  say  publicly,  that  Prussia  will 
not  incommode  the  South  German  States.  The  Prussian  Govern- 
ment did  not  particularly  desire  our  entrance  into  the  North 
German  Confederation;  they  would  even  be  greatly  embarrassed 
by  the  entry  of  eighty  South  German  Deputies  into  the  Reichstag. 
Varnbiiler  suggested  that  the  assembly  might  perhaps  be  called 
"The  Assembly  of  Tariff  Delegates,"  and  Dalwigk  referred  to  the 
English  Constitution.  The  Reichstag  might  resolve  itself  into 


committee,  after  the  English  fashion,  &c.  Since  no  further  reso- 
lution was  taken  on  this  point,  Bismarck  now  produced  the  draft 
of  a  convention  and  read  it  aloud  to  us. 

Discussion  upon  this  continued  till  8.30  P.M.,  and  the  protocol 
was  drafted  which  on  the  following  day  was  agreed  to  by  Wiirtem- 
berg  and  Baden,  while  I  made  a  separate  declaration. 

There  is  no  room  for  doubt  that  Prussia  would  rather  abandon 
the  Zollverein  than  allow  the  idea  of  a  Parliament  to  fall  to  the 
ground.  What  his  Majesty  should  decide  it  is  difficult  to 
advise.  On  the  side  of  acceptance  there  is  the  circumstance 
that  if  we  have  the  Zollverein  it  would  put  an  end  to  further 
discussions  over  the  constitution  of  a  federation,  and  conse- 
quently also  to  the  dangers  arising  out  of  the  dissolution  of  the 
Zollverein.  If  the  King  wishes  to  attempt  the  dissolution  of 
the  Zollverein  with  another  Ministry,  I  am  ready  and  willing  to 

While  the  preliminary  treaty  of  June  4  was  at  once  signed  by 
Baden  and  Wurtemberg,  and  by  Hesse  on  June  7,  Prince  Hohen- 
lohe  declared  that  for  the  present  he  could  only  look  upon  this 
draft  as  a  Prussian  proposal,  and  must  reserve  the  declaration  of 
the  Bavarian  Government  concerning  it.  In  Munich,  Article 
VII.  of  the  treaty  appeared  incompatible  with  the  preservation  of 
the  independence  of  Bavaria  as  a  State.  According  to  this  Article, 
powers  of  general  legislation  as  to  Customs  and  indirect  taxes 
should  be  exercised  by  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Zollverein  as 
the  general  organ  of  the  Governments,  and  by  a  Parliament 
as  the  general  representative  of  the  people.  "The  agreement  of 
the  resolutions  passed  by  a  majority  in  both  Assemblies,"  said  the 
treaty,  "is  necessary  and  adequate  for  the  establishment  of  federal 
law."  Bavaria  opposed  the  arrangement  of  common  legislation 
in  tariff  affairs  binding  the  several  States,  which  seemed  to  indi- 
cate a  mediatisation  of  the  separate  States,  and  wished  the 
development  of  the  ordinary  business  affairs  of  the  Zollverein 
to  proceed  upon  the  lines  of  the  treaty. 

In  order  to  press  this  point  of  view,  Count  Tauffkirchen, 
already  appointed  Minister  at  St.  Petersburg,  was  sent  once 
more  to  Berlin  on  June  14.  On  the  main  issue  he  had  no 
success,  but  he  gained  two  points:  that  Bavaria  should  count 
for  six  instead  of  four  votes  in  the  Federal  Tariff  Council  and 
that  representatives  of  the  frontier  States  should  be  admitted 
to  the  negotiations  with  Austria  and  Switzerland.  The  name  of 
"Tariff  Parliament"  was  also  agreed  upon  for  the  Legislative 
Assembly.  With  a  protocol  containing  these  provisions,  the 
treaty  of  July  4  was  completed.  The  signing  of  the  definitive 
Zollverein  treaty  by  the  representatives  of  all  the  Powers  took 
place  in  Berlin  on  July  8. 



MUNICH,  July  18,  1867. 

After  the  Council  of  Ministers  to-day  I  went  to  Lutz,  in  order 
to  tell  him  that  there  was  no  getting  on  any  longer  with  the 
vacancy  in  the  Ministry  of  Justice,  and  that  I  had  decided  to 
propose  him.  He  was  pleased  at  this,  but  advised  the  postpone- 
ment of  the  matter  till  the  King's  return  from  Paris.* 

I  think  he  was  afraid  he  might  have  to  make  the  journey  to 
Paris.  He  then  complained  about  the  Minister  of  the  Interior, 
and  assured  me  there  was  no  getting  on  with  him  any  longer. 
The  Deputies  made  fun  of  him,  and  the  affair  with  the  Burgo- 
master of  Nuremberg  would  bring  the  King  down  upon  him.  A 
Herr  von  Wachter  was  Burgomaster  there.  Pechmann  had  pro- 
posed him  to  the  King  as  Regierungsdirektor.  The  King 
said  he  did  not  wish  this,  for  then  a  Radical  would  be  elected 
in  Nuremberg  and  difficulties  would  arise  regarding  the  ratifi- 
cation. Pechmann  insisted  and  asserted  that  a  Conservative 
would  in  any  case  be  elected,  and  then  the  King  gave  in.  Now 
it  appears  that  the  people  of  Nuremberg  want  to  elect  a  very 
progressively  minded  Herr  von  Stromer  and  that  Pechmann's 
assertions  were  made  in  the  air.  We  both  agreed  in  an  unfavour- 
able criticism  of  Pechmann,  and  Lutz  declared  that  Pfeufer  looked 
forward  to  being  made  Minister  of  the  Interior.  In  this  way  I 
shall  attain  my  end.  In  conclusion  I  asked  him  how  things  stood 
with  my  proposal  regarding  Hegnenberg-Dux,  and  received  the 
welcome  intelligence  that  the  King  had  nothing  to  urge  against 
it;  so  I  hope  to  get  Count  Hegnenberg  as  Minister  in  Berlin. 
I  will  also  make  a  fair  copy  of  the  proposal  as  to  the  transfer  of 
the  Ministry  of  Justice  to  Lutz,  and  give  it  to  the  King  as  soon  as 
he  comes  back  from  Paris. 

The  Prince's  " programme"  which  had  obtained  the  assent 
of  the  King  and  of  the  Ministers  remaining  in  office,  also  included 
as  an  object  to  be  aimed  at  "a  single  authority  for  the  combined 
services  which  ensure  the  maintenance  of  public  safety." 

To  a  query  of  the  Prime  Minister  concerning  the  position 
of  the  work  of  preparation  for  this  reform,  the  Minister  of  the 
Interior,  Freiherr  von  Pechmann,  replied  on  July  n,  1867,  that 
"very  cogent  considerations  and  difficulties  stood  in  the  way  of 
the  much-discussed  transformation  of  the  Corps  of  Gendarmerie 
into  a  civil  institution  at  present  or  in  the  immediate  future," 
and  that  in  particular  the  certainty  had  arisen  "that  in  the 
event  of  this  transformation  being  effected  the  total  expenses  for 
the  Gendarmerie  (at  present  1,500,000  gulden)  would  be  not 
inconsiderably  increased,  and  the  periodical  recruiting  of  men 
to  the  ranks  would  be  very  greatly  endangered."  The  Minister 

*  King  Ludwig  left  for  Paris  on  July  20,  and  returned  on  the  2pth. 


had  thereupon  decided  in  favour  of  a  system  according  to  which 
the  Gendarmerie  should  remain  a  military  institution,  officers  and 
men  belonging  to  the  military  class  and  subject  to  military  dis- 
cipline and  justice.  With  respect,  however,  to  the  civil  duties 
assigned  to  them  they  should  be  brought  into  "immediate  rela- 
tions with  the  police  authorities."  Administrative  control  of  the 
Gendarmerie  should  be  transferred  from  the  Ministry  of  War  to 
the  Ministry  of  the  Interior,  in  whose  budget  the  total  expense 
for  the  Gendarmerie  should  be  included.  In  this  regulation  of 
the  Gendarmerie  the  Minister  appealed  to  the  example  of  Prussia 
and  to  experience  obtained  there  and  in  other  States. 

Prince  Hohenlohe  formulated  his  objections  to  this  plan  in  the 
following  letter  written  with  his  own  hand  to  the  Minister  of 
the  Interior: 

MUNICH,  July  21,  1867. 

The  undersigned  has  received  his  Excellency's  esteemed  note 
of  the  nth  hist.,  and  has  the  honour  to  express  his  most  grateful 
thanks  for  it.  He  regrets,  however,  not  to  be  able  to  express 
agreement  with  the  proposed  measure.  The  entire  re-organisa- 
tion of  the  Gendarmerie  is  an  absolute  necessity,  if  the  work  of 
thorough  internal  reform  which  has  been  taken  in  hand  is  to  be 
carried  out  with  success;  it  is  therefore  an  essential  feature  of 
the  general  policy  of  the  Government,  and  for  this  reason  the 
undersigned  also  considers  (whilst  he  leaves  untouched  the  settle- 
ment of  details  and  the  form  of  the  arrangement,  as  being  of  course 
the  proper  province  of  the  Minister  of  the  Interior)  that  he  is 
specially  interested  in  the  decision  of  the  fundamental  principle 
to  be  followed  in  this  reform,  and  therefore  ventures  to  examine 
the  question  more  closely. 

The  esteemed  note  of  the  nth  inst.  makes  plain  that  his 
Excellency  the  Minister  of  the  Interior,  Freiherr  von  Pechmann, 
also  considers  that  the  transformation  of  the  Gendarmerie  into  a 
civil  institution  is  the  right  thing  to  do.  The  undersigned  not  only 
shares  this  view,  but  he  is  entirely  convinced  that  the  Government 
cannot  enter  upon  the  impending  discussion  of  the  budget  with 
any  other  measure,  that  any  attempt  to  retain  the  Gendarmerie 
as  a  portion  of  the  military  establishment  would  make  the  whole 
reform  useless,  and  would  besides  be  a  perfectly  futile  attempt, 
certain  to  bring  upon  the  Government  a  crushing  defeat  in 
the  Chamber  as  well  as  in  the  estimation  of  the  public.  That 
the  abolition  of  this  close  connection  with  the  military  —  and  in 
particular  the  dismissal  of  the  military  officers  —  would  meet 
with  great  difficulties,  the  undersigned  has  never  concealed  from 
himself,  but  it  is  just  this  latter  point  with  which  the  reform  of  the 
institution  must  above  all  begin;  for  this  it  is  which  chiefly  hin- 
ders the  Gendarmerie  from  responding  to  justifiable  claims.  It 
is  such  an  utter  anomaly  to  place  the  men  appointed  for  police  ser- 
vice and  for  carrying  out  the  orders  of  the  Administration  under 


the  command  of  superiors  who  are  quite  strange  to  the  busi- 
ness, have  no  knowledge  at  all  of  police  matters,  do  not  possess 
the  least  experience  of  the  service  for  the  maintenance  of  public 
safety,  and  are  not  subject  to  the  administrative  authorities,  that 
only  the  weightiest  reasons  should  provide  a  motive  for  such  a  con- 
tradictory arrangement. 

Such  reasons  the  undersigned  cannot  at  present  discern. 

Why  the  disappearance  of  the  very  costly  apparatus  of  the 
commanders  of  a  Corps  of  Gendarmerie,  and  of  an  additional 
number  of  Staff  Officers,  should  increase  the  expenses  of  the 
Gendarmerie  is  not  easy  to  see.  But  even  if  the  cost  of  the  Gen- 
darmerie by  its  organisation  as  a  civil  institution  were  to  mount 
up  to  double  as  much,  the  Chamber  would  much  prefer  to  pay 
three  millions  for  a  properly  reorganised  Gendarmerie  than  only 
half  a  million  for  the  present  institution.  That,  however,  the 
present  recruiting  of  the  Gendarmerie  does  not  provide  the  best 
material;  that  so  many  young  inexperienced  soldiers,  who  have 
joined  the  ranks  more  for  the  enjoyment  of  the  life  than  for  the  sake 
of  the  service,  are  not  the  right  stuff  to  make  protectors  of  life  and 
property:  as  to  this  there  is  but  one  voice  throughout  the  whole 
country.  Besides,  if  the  recruiting  for  the  Gendarmerie  has 
hitherto  been  so  difficult,  then  according  to  experience  it  is  just 
from  the  disinclination  of  serviceable  men  to  place  themselves 
under  the  command  of  military  officers  and  to  be  worried  with 
drilling  and  other  military  exercises  and  extra  duties  that  are  per- 
fectly unnecessary  to  the  service  Police. 

After  the  intended  reform  the  military  organisation  of  the 
Gendarmerie  would  be  reduced  to  the  retention  of  military  dis- 
cipline, subordination  to  military  law,  and  the  filling  up  of  the 
officers'  posts  with  officers  of  the  line;  and  though  even  in  this 
particular  a  concession  would  be  made  to  a  principle  which  the 
undersigned  upholds,  by  the  prospect  of  advancement  for  capable 
brigadiers.  Military  discipline  can  of  course  be  retained  with- 
out the  Gendarmerie  belonging  to  the  military  establishment; 
I  need  only  refer  here  to  the  Customs  officials  on  the  frontiers. 
It  is  the  less  easy  to  support  the  maintenance  of  martial  law,  be- 
cause in  future  its  application  will  be  reduced  to  a  minimum 
even  in  the  Army.  The  only  question  that  remains  is  whether  the 
officers  should  belong  to  the  police  or  to  the  military  establish- 
ment. This  question,  however,  is  settled  by  the  inevitable  conces- 
sion that  "  whenever  the  officers  of  Gendarmerie  are  commanded 
to  assist  in  civil  duties,  either  by  an  order  of  the  Minister  of  the 
Interior  or  by  that  of  a  district  government,  they  must  punctually 
comply  with  such  orders  received."  To  insist  on  a  man's  obedi- 
ence to  some  one  who  is  not  set  in  authority  over  him  appears, 
however,  to  be  contrary  to  reason,  and  therefore  perfectly  im- 
practicable. Whether  the  War  Office  can  have  any  interest  in 
possessing  a  corps  which  can  be  attached  to  the  Army  neither  in 
peace  nor  in  time  of  war,  and  which,  besides,  "may  not  be  subject 


to  any  other  military  instructions  than  those  of  its  own  superiors," 
and  therefore  forms  a  State  within  the  State,  may  fairly  be  doubted ; 
and  it  may  finally  be  suggested  that  the  affair  should  be  decided 
by  the  inclusion  of  the  costs  of  the  Gendarmerie  in  the  budget  of 
the  Minister  of  the  Interior;  for  to  place  a  military  institution 
on  the  Civil  Service  Estimates  cannot  be  thought  of,  and  is  at  all 
events  not  practicable. 

The  undersigned  earnestly  begs  your  Excellency  to  take  this 
question  once  more  into  consideration.  Information  as  to  the 
attitude  of  the  members  of  the  Landtag  will  convince  your  Ex- 
cellency that  a  plan  like  that  contemplated  has  not  even  the 
smallest  prospect  of  success,  and  moreover  the  undersigned  would 
greatly  regret  if  this  proposal  were  brought  forward  in  the  Council 
of  Ministers  and  he  were  obliged  to  offer  a  determined  opposition 
to  it. 


July  24,  1867. 

After  the  departure  of  the  King  I  was  at  first  occupied  with 
the  question  of  North  Schleswig.  France  has  informed  Berlin  that 
Prussia's  claim  to  a  guarantee  for  the  Germans  *  cannot  be  con- 
sidered well  founded.  Thile  is  uneasy  about  this.  Denmark's 
answer  to  Prussia  on  this  subject  sounds  evasive,  yet  does  not 
preclude  an  understanding.  It  would  be  wise  for  Prussia  not  to 
push  this  thing  to  extremities.  I  have  said  this  to  Werthern, 
and  have  drawn  his  attention  to  the  fact  that  Prussia  would  re- 
main very  much  isolated.  I  have  also  spoken  about  this  matter 
to  Lesourd,  the  Secretary  to  the  French  Legation,  and  have  ad- 
vised caution. 

Meanwhile  the  Sultan's  journey  through  Bavaria  has  been 
taking  place  and  gave  me  much  to  do.  Inquiries  in  London  and 
Paris  led  to  the  result  that  the  Sultan  will  stay  at  Nuremberg 
on  the  night  of  the  25th.  I  immediately  proposed  to  the  King 
that  he  should  order  a  Prince  of  the  Royal  Family  to  receive  the 
Sultan,  and  despatch  me  also.  To  this  he  assented.  I  now 
telegraphed  to  Ferad  Pasha  at  Aachen,  informed  him  of  this,  and 
offered  a  supper.  The  answer  came  that  the  Sultan  could  not 
accept  the  invitation  to  supper  as  he  could  not  fix  the  hour  of  his 
arrival,  but  that  he  would  be  glad  to  see  the  Prince.  From  Count 
Piickler  at  Coblentz  came  the  list  of  forty  Turks  belonging  to  the 
Court  who  had  to  be  invited  to  the  supper.  So  everything  was 
made  ready  for  the  journey,  and  all  the  world  was  set  in  motion 
to  arrange  things  suitably  at  Nuremberg. 

*  On  June  18,  Prussia,  by  a  Note  of  her  Minister  in  Copenhagen, 
had  declared  "the  necessary  guarantees  for  the  protection  of  the  Germans" 
and  the  taking  over  of  a  portion  of  the  debt  of  the  Duchies  to  be  the  pre- 
suppositions of  the  provision  made  in  the  Peace  of  Prague  (Article  V.)  for 
the  return  of  the  northern  districts  of  Schleswig  to  Denmark.  This 
led  to  France's  intervention. 


July  25. 

Preparations  having  got  thus  far  I  made  my  way  early  this 
morning  to  the  railway  station,  my  pockets  full  of  telegrams  to 
the  Head  of  the  Administration,  the  commandant  of  the  town, 
&c.,  which  I  submitted  to  Prince  Adalbert  for  his  approval  (he  was 
punctual  at  the  railway  station),  and  then  despatched.  At  six 
o'clock  I  got  into  the  saloon  carriage  with  the  Prince.  We  got  on 
quite  well  together.  The  Prince  is  very  pleasant  and  was  exceed- 
ingly charming.  His  political  views  show  much  discretion. 

At  Gunzenhausen  I  wanted  a  cup  of  coffee;  on  the  way  to 
the  restaurant,  however,  I  met  the  Ranger  of  the  district,  Geiger; 
he  is  half  blind  and  was  going  to  Nuremberg  on  account  of  his 
eyes,  and  as  I  could  not  get  him  away  from  the  spot  I  was  obliged 
to  get  into  the  train  again  hungry.  Here  I  found  the  Prince 
before  a  heap  of  twelve  sausages  with  much  bread  and  a  lot  of 
beer.  He  ate  all  the  twelve  sausages !  It  made  me  quite  faint 
to  see  him.  By  twelve  o'clock  we  were  in  Nuremberg.  We 
had  begged  off  the  official  reception.  So  no  one  was  there  except 
the  railway  staff  in  uniform.  The  Prince  invited  me  to  sit  in 
the  carriage  with  him.  The  people  greeted  us  with  cheers  in  a 
very  friendly  way.  The  Prince  was  much  pleased  with  this  mani- 

At  one  o'clock  we  had  dinner,  at  which  the  generals  were  pres- 
ent. After  dinner  there  was  a  siesta,  as  the  Prince  calls  it.  At 
four  o'clock  we  went  over  the  Castle.  As,  however,  the  Prince 
buried  himself  too  deply  in  the  torture-chambers,  underground 
passages,  &c.,  I  lost  myself  with  Moy,*  and  went  fora  walk  through 
the  town,  which  was  unusually  lively.  All  Franconia  had  come 
by  train.  When  we  came  back  to  our  lodgings  on  the 
Burg  we  received  the  intelligence  that  the  Sultan  would  arrive 
at  ten  o'clock. 

Accordingly  our  drive  from  the  Burg  was  arranged  for  nine 
o'clock.  Moy  and  Count  Kreith  went  in  advance.  I  drove 
after  them  with  the  Prince  in  a  State  carriage. 

The  streets  were  crowded  with  people,  shoulder  to  shoulder. 
We  waited  in  the  Royal  saloon.  Punctually  at  ten  o'clock  came 
the  signal  that  the  train  was  approaching.  It  soon  pulled  in, 
amid  the  breathless  excitement  of  the  crowd.  The  band  struck 
up.  It  was  a  long  time  before  the  train  could  draw  up  at  the 
right  spot  to  allow  of  the  Sultan's  alighting  upon  the  carpet  in  front 
of  the  Prince.  Meanwhile  the  public  had  climbed  on  to  the  roof 
of  the  carriages  in  order  to  see  him  alight,  to  the  great  annoyance 
of  the  Turkish  Minister  to  Berlin,  who  had  got  out  first  and  was 
very  much  displeased  at  this  cool  behaviour  of  the  Nurem- 

At  last  the  carriage  door  could  be  opened.  The  Sultan,  a 
little  man  with  a  black  beard  and  kindly  black  eyes,  got  out.  The 
Prince  ushered  him  into  the  waiting-room,  and  there  made  him  a 
*  Von  Moy,  Master  of  the  Ceremonies. 


ceremonious  speech  in  French,  which  Ferad  Pasha  translated. 
During  the  Prince's  speech  the  Sultan  scratched  his  beard  and 
looked  very  much  bored.  As  soon  as  Ferad  had  translated  the 
speech  to  him  he  answered  very  softly,  on  which  the  Prince  again 
said  a  few  polite  words.  The  Prince  then  presented  us  to  the 
Sultan;  when  he  mentioned  my  name  the  Sultan  stretched  out 
his  hand  to  me,  but  I  was  standing  so  far  away  that  it  was  only 
after  an  apparently  shy  hesitation  that  I  could  reach  his  hand. 
After  the  introductions  were  at  an  end  the  Sultan  got  into  his 
carriage;  at  first  he  wanted  Ferad  to  come  with  him,  but  the 
Prince  insisted  very  nicely  that  he  must  have  the  honour  of  driving 
with  him ;  and  as  Ferad  was  obliged  to  keep  near  at  hand  I  at  once 
invited  him  to  get  into  the  next  carriage,  which  had  room  for  two. 
I  sat  beside  him,  and  left  Count  Zech  to  look  after  the  Imperial 
Princes  (who  had  been  left  sitting  in  a  carriage  somewhere  and 
wanted  to  drive  away).  Ferad  Pasha  now  declared,  however, 
that  the  premier  chambellan  must  go  with  us  too,  so  we  stuffed 
him  in  between  us.  We  arrived  safely  at  last  at  the  Bayrischer 
Hof  through  the  frightful  crush.  The  people  behaved  fairly 
well,  only  howled  now  and  then  and  peered  into  the  carriages 
with  the  greatest  curiosity,  and  were  naturally  disappointed  when 
they  saw  my  Bavarian  uniform  instead  of  the  expected  turban. 

In  the  hotel  the  Prince  went  with  the  Sultan  into  a  special  apart- 
ment. I  was  likewise  invited  to  join  them.  The  Sultan  sat  on  a 
sofa,  crossed  one  leg  over  the  other  and  conversed  with  us  with 
the  help  of  Ferad  Pasha.  Soon  after  this  the  Prince  said: 
"I  think  we  must  go  now,"  upon  which  the  party  broke  up. 

July  26. 

The  Sultan  yesterday  decided  to  stay  in  Nuremberg  till  noon 
to-day.  We  could  therefore  sleep  our  sleep  out,  which  was  the  more 
desirable  as  supper  with  Prince  Adalbert  lasted  till  one  o'clock. 

This  morning  early  came  the  news  that  King  Otto*  is  to 
receive  extreme  unction  to-night.  That  again  will  make  a  great 
deal  to  do. 

At  eleven  o'clock  I  drove  down  with  Moy.  We  first  visited 
Ferad  Pasha.  Then  when  the  Prince  came  I  went  down  to 
accompany  him  on  his  farewell  visit  to  the  Sultan.  The  Sultan 
sat  on  a  sofa  with  the  Prince.  A  door  on  to  the  balcony  was  open, 
so  that  the  neighbours  and  even  some  of  the  people  in  the  street 
could  see  the  interview.  The  Prince  invited  the  Sultan  to  step 
on  to  the  balcony  for  a  minute  and  show  himself  to  the  people. 
There  were  a  few  cheers,  but  more  in  jest  than  from  any  particular 
enthusiasm  for  the  Sultan,  which  one  could  hardly  expect  from 

Conversation   was    again   conducted    through   Ferad    Pasha. 

*  Of  Greece,  who  resided  in  Bamberg. 


The  Sultan  has  a  blase  and  sceptical,  but  friendly,  appearance, 
and  a  great  idea  of  his  own  importance.  He  makes  quite 
the  impression  of  a  Polish  landowner.  His  tarboosh  is  different 
from  those  I  saw  in  the  East.  Apparently  the  fashion  has 
changed.  The  present  red  caps  are  shaped  like  little  flower- 
pots turned  upside  down  and  are  very  ugly.  He  wore  a  black 
frock-coat  like  a  Protestant  parson;  so  did  the  little  ten-year-old 
Prince.  At  the  station,  whither  we  repaired  after  the  visit,  the 
little  boy  was  fetched  and  sat  in  front  of  Prince  Adalbert  with  a 
very  grave  air. 

Here  the  conversation  dragged  on  for  a  considerable  time. 
At  last  the  announcement  came  that  everything  was  ready.  The 
Prince  accompanied  the  Sultan  to  the  carriage,  and  there  took 
his  leave.  The  Sultan  shook  hands  with  me  also,  got  in,  and 
after  some  delay  the  train  departed.  On  the  way  from  the  station 
to  the  train  I  again  drove  with  Ferad  Pasha.  I  asked  him  about 
his  political  impressions.  He  thought  people  in  general  were 
very  peaceably  inclined.  The  Schleswig  question  alone  gave 
him  some  anxiety.  The  King  of  Prussia,  however,  had  expressed 
himself  in  a  very  peaceful  manner. 

In  his  Eastern  fashion  he  spoke  very  flatteringly  to  me,  said  he 
had  been  very  glad  to  have  made  the  acquaintance  of  un  des 
hommes  les  plus  distingues  de  V  Allemagne  ;  whereupon  I  fired 
off  the  reply  at  his  head  that  I  had  earnestly  desired  de  faire 
la  connaissance  de  Vhomme  d'etat  qui  depuis  bien  des  annees  avail 
pu  conduire  la  politique  de  Vempire  Ottoman  avec  tant  de  talent 
et  de  succes. 

Prince  Adalbert  finally  commissioned  me  to  draw  up  a  tele- 
gram for  him  informing  the  King  of  the  result  of  our  mission  and 
the  remerciments  sinceres  of  the  Sultan. 

Then  at  one  o'clock  dinner,  and  at  4.20  our  departure  for 
Munich,  with  which  this  interesting  episode  concluded. 

No  better  news  of  King  Otto. 

On  the  return  journey  to  Nordlingen  I  received  a  telegram 
stating  that  King  Otto  had  died  at  6.15  P.M. 

MUNICH,  August  5,  1687. 

Yesterday  I  was  commanded  to  go  to  the  King  at  Berg  at 
twelve  o'clock.  In  the  train  I  found  the  Minister  from  Reuss, 
Herr  von  Schmertzing,  who  had  an  audience  for  the  same  hour. 
At  Starnberg  we  found  an  open  carriage,  which  took  us 
to  Berg.  Herr  von  Schmertzing  was  very  much  surprised 
at  the  countrified  appearance  of  the  Royal  establishment. 
The  whole  arrangement  of  the  Court  is  almost  bourgeois.  The 
passages  are  always  swarming  with  scullery- maids  and  women 
carrying  all  sorts  of  household  utensils.  Sauer*  met  us  on  the 
steps.  While  the  Minister  from  Reuss  was  with  the  King  I  went 
to  Ministerial  Councillor  Lutz  to  ask  him  about  the  Ministry. 
*  Von  Sauer,  the  Aide-de-camp. 


The  resignation  of  Pechmann  appears  to  have  fallen  into  the  back- 
ground. As  for  the  Minister  of  Justice,  he  showed  me  a  long  list  of 
all  the  possible  candidates  whom  he  had  discussed  with  the  King. 
The  chief  candidates  are  Neumayr,  Steyrer,  Seuffert,  and  Metz. 
Neumayr  and  Metz  are  unacceptable  to  me,  because  they  belong  to 
the  coterie  of  wire-pullers.  Steyrer  is  dull.  Seuffert  also  is  not 
suitable.  The  delegates  who  were  mentioned  here,  like  Hohenadel, 
Streit,  Stenglein,  &c.,  are  all  impossible  persons;  I  remain  con- 
vinced that  Lutz  is  the  only  one  who  suits  me.  He  is  an 
able,  energetic  man.  In  his  political  views  he  agrees  entirely 
with  me,  and  I  should  find  him  a  support  in  the  Council  of 
Ministers.  I  therefore  told  Lutz  that  I  should  propose  him  to 
the  King. 

Soon  after  this  I  was  summoned  to  the  audience.  The  King 
was  very  gracious.  He  informed  me  at  once  that  the  Queen 
of  Greece  had  measles,  therefore  I  need  not  go  to  Bamberg. 
Then  we  began  to  speak  about  the  Greek  question,*  whereupon  I 
informed  him  of  Tauffkirchen's  proposal,  according  to  which  the 
affair  should  be  discussed  in  St.  Petersburg ;  in  this  he  concurred. 
He  attaches  no  value  to  the  whole  business  and  wants  to  let  it 

I  now  told  him  that  Napoleon  is  coming  to  Salzburg  on  ac- 
count of  the  Mexican  catastrophe,  read  him  a  letter  from  Donniges 
which  speaks  about  the  German  sympathies  of  the  Emperor 
Napoleon,  and  then  touched  upon  Hegnenberg,  to  whose  ap- 
pointment to  Berlin  the  King  agrees,f  upon  Holnstein's  journey 
to  Dessau,  and  other  matters.  Finally  I  produced  my  proposal 
regarding  the  Ministry  of  Justice,  suggesting  Lutz's  name.  I 
asked  whether  I  might  give  him  this  directly,  as  it  would  not  be 
suitable  to  let  Lutz  himself  give  it  to  him.  He  consented  to  this, 
but  said  he  could  not  dispense  with  Lutz.  To  which  I  replied 
that  I  had  written  out  the  proposal  as  an  acquit  de  conscience, 
and  could  leave  it  with  him.  When  I  was  taking  my  leave  he 
spoke  again  about  Paris,  told  me  how  the  Emperor  had  warned 
him  not  to  engage  himself  too  deeply  with  Prussia,  and  then  dis- 
missed me  with  greetings  to  my  wife,  to  whom  he  sent  a  bou- 
quet. I  then  went  downstairs  again,  breakfasted  with  Herr 
von  Schmertzing  and  Sauer,  and  then  travelled  back  to 

The  talk  also  turned  upon  Paumgarten.  The  King  thought 
Paumgarten  should  be  appointed  Minister  in  London,  whilst 
I  mentioned  Count  Hompesch,  who  also  seems  to  stand  high  in 
favour.  It  would  not  be  displeasing  to  him  to  send  Donniges 
to  Italy,  but  I  told  him  that  I  would  examine  into  this  more 

*  Financial  claims  by  King  Ludwig  I.  on  the  Greek  Government  from 
the  time  of  the  Bavarian  dynasty. 

f  Count  Hegnenberg-Dux  declined  the  post  at  Berlin,  whereupon  Freiherr 
von  Perglas,  till  then  in  Paris,  was  appointed  to  Berlin. 


Report  to  the  KING. 

MUNICH,  August  4,  1867. 

If  your  most  obedient  servant,  the  undersigned,  may  venture  to 
touch  upon  a  question  which  lies  outside  the  sphere  of  his  official 
duties,  he  hopes  your  Majesty  will  excuse  this  step  with  the  gra- 
cious reflection  that  your  obedient  servant,  as  President  of  the 
Council  of  Ministers,  is  obliged  to  set  before  your  Majesty  such 
obstacles  as  may  impede  the  profitable  action  of  the  Council  of 
Ministers.  Among  such  obstacles  must  be  reckoned  the  continued 
vacancy  of  the  Ministry  of  Justice,  though  he  very  well  knows 
that  insuperable  difficulties  prevented  an  earlier  appointment  of 
a  new  Minister. 

Now,  however,  the  consultation  over  the  new  civil  proceed- 
ings is  nearing  its  end  in  the  legislative  committee  of  the  Chamber 
of  Deputies.  Before  the  final  arrangement  is  made  the  responsible 
chief  of  the  Department  of  Justice  should  examine  into  this  once 
more,  in  order  fully  to  protect  the  interests  of  the  Government; 
apart  from  this,  too,  the  Minister  of  Justice  cannot  be  absent  from 
the  negotiations  in  committee  of  the  Upper  House.  The  draft- 
ing of  the  budget  cannot  be  postponed  any  longer,  and  cannot 
possibly  be  carried  out  on  behalf  of  the  Ministry  of  Justice  by  any 
one  else  so  suitably  as  by  the  man  who  has  to  defend  it  in  the 
Chamber.  Finally,  however  unimportant  the  matter  may  be 
itself,  a  speedy  decision  is  necessitated  by  the  impending  Congress 
of  Jurists ;  for  very  scathing  criticism  of  Bavaria  will  certainly  be 
provoked,  if  when  the  time  comes  for  the  assembly  the  Depart- 
ment of  Justice  still  lacks  a  presiding  chief. 

All  these  reasons  have  induced  your  Majesty's  most  faithful 
subject  to  seek  a  suitable  person  whom  he  could  propose  to 
your  Majesty  for  nomination  to  the  vacant  office.  Undeniably 
the  selection  is  extremely  difficult.  For  although  it  is  above 
all  requisite  that  the  future  Minister  of  Justice  should  be  a  thor- 
ough lawyer  and  man  of  business  —  recognised  as  such  not  only 
by  those  colleagues  who  are  in  close  contact  with  him,  but  by  wider 
circles  as  well — yet  the  undersigned  is  of  opinion  that  these  quali- 
ties alone  would  not  suffice. 

Bavarian  law  and  judicial  administration  are  themselves 
in  need  of  complete  and  radical  reform.  Only  a  really  energetic 
man,  who  knows  how  to  be  strict  without  being  tyrannical,  will 
be  equal  to  this  difficult  task,  and,  moreover,  only  a  man  whose 
official  life  has  not  blinded  him  to  the  faults  and  shortcomings 
of  his  profession,  who  understands  the  needs  of  the  present  day 
with  regard  to  a  popular  administration  of  justice,  free  from  the 
ancient  routine  of  tradition. 

However,  it  is  the  opinion  of  your  Majesty's  most  faithful 
servant,  that  all  this  would  not  suffice  if  the  Minister  of  Justice 
were  not  at  the  same  time  a  person  who  would  deal 
with  the  country's  representatives  on  a  basis  of  confidence, 


and  one  who  might  hope  to  count  on  their  support  in  carrying 
the  inevitable  financial  and  disciplinary  measures  through  the 

Finally,  the  general  political  situation  undoubtedly  requires 
that  the  man  who  enters  the  Ministry  should  be  in  accord  with 
the  other  Ministers,  and  therefore  on  this  ground  alone  it  would 
be  inadvisable  to  select  a  person  from  any  party  representing 
extreme  views  in  one  direction  or  another. 

Should  your  Majesty's  most  faithful  servant  now  sum  up 
what,  according  to  his  deepest  conviction,  is  required  of  the 
future  Minister  of  Justice,  and  should  he  pass  in  review 
all  the  higher  legal  officials  who  could  possibly  be  taken  into 
consideration,  he  would  feel  constrained  —  after  mature  reflec- 
tion —  to  designate  Ministerial  Councillor  Lutz  as  the  most  eligible 
candidate.  As  your  Majesty  has  known  him  for  years, 
the  undersigned  can  afford  to  be  brief,  and  need,  indeed,  no 
more  than  cursorily  allude  to  the  fact  that  he  would  be  a 
Minister  who  would  have  the  preservation  of  Bavaria's  inde- 
pendence much  at  heart,  as  also  that  he  possesses  the  requisite 
energy  and  strength  of  will  to  carry  out  the  prescribed  legal 
reforms.  As  regards  his  special  qualifications  in  the  practice 
of  law,  Herr  von  Lutz  has  won  a  high  reputation,  not  only  in 
Bavaria  but  throughout  the  German  legal  world,  by  his 
prominent  share  in  the  deliberations  concerning  the  German 
code  of  commercial  law,  and  your  Majesty's  most  faithful 
subject  furthermore  feels  it  incumbent  on  him  to  observe  that 
Councillor  von  Lutz  is  inaccessible  to  the  spirit  of  coterie  and 
personal  intrigue  occasionally  discernible  in  the  higher  official 
circles  of  the  law,  so  that  in  this  matter  also  he  would  be 
the  very  man  to  take  stringent  measures.  Your  Majesty's  most 
faithful  subject  does  not  ignore  the  fact  that  the  proposal  to 
withdraw  so  loyal  and  reliable  a  worker  from  your  Majesty's 
immediate  service  is  in  no  slight  degree  exacting,  yet  neverthe- 
less, the  conviction  that  the  interests  of  your  Majesty  impera- 
tively require  the  post  to  be  filled  by  a  thoroughly  competent  man, 
renders  it  the  duty  of  your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject, 
the  undersigned,  to  put  forward  this  most  humble  proposal. 


MUNICH,  August  23,  1867. 

After  the  Emperor  Napoleon's  wish  to  see  me  at  the  station* 
had  been  communicated  to  me  yesterday  by  the  French  Minister, 
and  furthermore,  after  receiving  the  King's  command  last 
evening  to  convey  his  greetings  to  the  Emperor  and  Empress, 
I  repaired  to  the  station  at  a  quarter  to  twelve  in  the  forenoon 
to  await  the  train. 

*  On  the  return  journey  from  Salzburg,  where  the  meeting  with  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  had  taken  place,  lasting  from  August  18-23.  On 
August  17  King  Ludwig  had  received  the  Emperor  at  Augsburg. 

VOL.  i  —  R 


It  arrived  punctually.  General  Fleury  immediately  inquired 
if  I  was  there,  and  as  soon  as  the  door  was  unlocked  I  was  invited 
by  the  Emperor  to  get  in.  After  greetings  had  been  exchanged, 
and  he  had  expressed  his  gratitude  to  his  Majesty  the  King 
for  the  reception  accorded  him  in  Bavaria,  the  Emperor  re- 
marked that  he  still  took  a  keen  interest  in  Bavaria,  having 
spent  his  youth  there.  I  took  the  opportunity  of  reminding 
him  that  he  had  already  expressed  this  sentiment  many  years 
before  in  Paris,  when  I  had  had  the  honour  of  being  presented 
to  him. 

He  then  took  me  apart  to  the  window  of  the  compartment, 
and  opened  the  political  conversation  with  these  words :  "  Vous 
trouvez  beaucoup  de  difficultes  ?"  I  replied  that  the  position  of 
the  secondary  States  was  certainly  a  difficult  one.  "The  Press 
must  also  be  taken  into  account,"  the  Emperor  continued.  To 
which  I  replied :  "La  presse  chez  nous  est  encore  tres  peu  civilisee." 

He  answered,  laughing:  "Oui,  chez  nous  aussi  elle  riest 
pas  tres  civilisee." 

Then  he  continued  seriously  that  he  hoped  peace  would  be 
preserved.  He  was  always  in  favour  of  peace;  mankind 
required  peace,  and  the  idea  of  the  expansion  and  strengthen- 
ing of  one  country  being  a  menace  to  a  neighbouring  State 
est  passee  de  mode.  Certainly  much  depended  on  Prussia. 
Public  opinion  was  easily  exasperated  in  France,  and  the 
question  was  whether  Prussia  wished  to  expand  still  further 
the  North  German  Confederation.  I  then  recalled  to  him,  that 
Bismarck  had  himself  declared  that  he  did  not  want  us.  "Oui, 
M.  de  Bismarck"  replied  the  Emperor,  "m'a  aussi  parle  avec 
beaucoup  de  moderation,  mais,"  he  added  with  a  smile,  "il 
pretend  que  ce  sont  les  etats  du  midi  qui  le  jorcent  a  oiler  plus 
loin."  I  replied  that  this  pressure  emanated  from  one  party, 
and  that  as  regards  admission  to  the  North  German  Federation 
there  was,  generally  speaking,  indifference. 

Hereupon,  gazing  at  me  half  interrogatively  he  said: 
"Je  regrette  que  vous  rfayez  pu  former  la  confederation 
des  etats  du  midi  de  V Allemagne.  Mais  c'etait  impossible?" 
Without  entering  more  minutely  into  the  question,  I  referred 
to  the  material  interests  which  unite  us  with  North  Germany, 
and  remarked  that  the  reason  of  this  aversion  to  a  South  German 
Federation  lay  partly  in  the  dread  that  these  material  interests 
might  be  injured  thereby.  He  then  reiterated  assurances  of 
peace,  and  I  seized  the  opportunity  of  remarking  that  a  union 
of  Austria,  Prussia,  and  the  rest  of  Germany,  and  an  alliance 
of  this  Confederation  with  France,  was  certainly  the  best  means 
of  preserving  peace  and  protecting  civilisation;  which  the 
Emperor  seemed  to  receive  favourably,  for  he  said:  "Oui,  la 
civilisation  est  bien  menacee."  He  spoke  further  of  the  dangers 
of  the  social  movement,  and  then  terminated  the  conversation. 

Thereupon  the  Empress  appeared,  and  talked  to  me  about 


my  brother  *  and  my  sister-in-law  in  Salzburg,  about  my  family, 
&c.,  and  thence  arose  a  more  extended  conversation  concerning 
the  leave  of  absence  allowed  to  Ministers,  until  the  Emperor 
came  with  the  reminder  that  it  was  time  to  start.  He  regretted 
being  unable  to  converse  longer  with  me,  commissioned  me  to 
express  his  thanks  to  the  King,  and  hereupon  I  got  out.  There 
had  also  been  in  the  carriage  the  French  Minister  and  his  wife 
and  Herr  von  Radowitz,f  who  enjoys  the  special  favour  of  the 
Imperial  Court. 


KARLSRUHE,  August  29,  1867. 

Such  a  long  period  has  elapsed  since  you  were  good  enough 
to  write  to  me,  that  I  almost  hesitate  to  refer  again  to  the 
subjects  then  touched  upon.  Yet  thanks  can  never  come 
too  late,  and  I  therefore  still  hope  that  you  will  be  kind  enough 
to  accept  mine  to-day,  belated  as  they  are.  An  entire  change 
of  circumstances  has,  however,  meanwhile  come  about,  and 
the  Luxembourg  question  which  then  disturbed  us  has  already 
given  way  to  others. 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  state  of  affairs  in  South-West  Germany 
has  undergone  improvement  by  the  renewal  and  revision  of 
the  Zollverein.  We  have,  at  least,  forged  firmer  ties  with 
North  Germany,  and  hence  can,  in  a  political  sense,  develop 
still  better  relations.  This  prospect  appears  to  me  to  have 
given  an  undeniable  impulse  to  the  Salzburg  meeting.  The 
prevention  of  an  alliance  between  South-West  and  North  Germany 
is  the  subject  of  constant  anxiety  in  Paris,  as  I  have  personally 
assured  myself. 

The  attitude  of  the  South  German  Governments  will  be  of 
decisive  importance  in  the  further  development  of  Franco- 
Austrian  plans.  We  shall  perhaps  soon  be  in  a  position  to 
reply  to  preliminary  questions,  and  therefore  the  tasks  with 
which  we  both  began  our  first  business  intercourse  again  come 
before  us. 

Having  regard  to  these  possible  future  tasks,  it  seemed  to 
me  important  to  direct  your  attention  to  a  circumstance  whose 
advantages  I  regard  as  so  conspicuous  that  I  will  not  delay 
affording  you  the  possibility  of  utilising  it. 

When  the  King  of  Wurtemberg  went  to  Paris,  I  met  him 
en  route,  and  he  then  spoke  to  me  of  his  wish  to  meet  the  King 
of  Prussia,  should  the  latter  come  to  our  country  as  usual  late 
in  the  summer.  As  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg  generally 
resides  in  Friedrichshafen  until  the  end  of  September,  I  offered 

*The  Austrian  Comptroller  of  the  Household,  Prince  Konstantin  zu 

t  Councillor  of  Legation  to  the  Prussian  Mission. 


to  bring  about  the  meeting  in  question,  should  the  King  of 
Prussia  realise  his  intention  of  spending  Queen  Augusta's  birth- 
day at  Schloss  Mainau.  I  promised  at  once  to  acquaint  the 
King  of  Wiirtemberg,  should  the  plans  of  their  Prussian 
Majesties  remain  unchanged.  At  present  it  is  very  probable 
that  these  intentions  will  be  realised,  as  the  King  of  Prussia  is 
expected  in  Baden-Baden  very  soon. 

It  is  needless  to  say  how  gratifying  it  would  be  if  the  King 
of  Bavaria  could  make  up  his  mind  to  seize  this  opportunity  of 
likewise  paying  a  visit  to  the  King  of  Prussia  on  the  Lake 
of  Constance.  On  the  other  hand,  I  will  not  delay  in  sub- 
mitting this  question  for  your  earnest  consideration,  and  thereby 
give  you  the  assurance  that  I  should  consider  myself  fortunate 
in  affording  the  King  the  requisite  opportunity  at  Castle  Mainau. 
The  distance  from  Hohenschwangau  and  Lindau  is  not  great, 
and  from  Lindau  the  King  could  pay  a  visit  to  Castle  Mainau 
and  back  in  one  day.  I  need  not  say  that  should  the  King  be 
pleased  to  stay  longer  with  us  it  would  be  a  great  pleasure. 

Therefore  I  place  my  good  offices,  as  also  my  hospitality, 
at  your  King's  disposal,  and  should  be  glad  if  you,  too,  would 
participate.  Meanwhile  I  think  I  must  leave  it  to  you  alone 
whether  to  utilise  my  ideas  or  no.  You  would  greatly  oblige 
me  if  you  would  give  me  an  early  hint  concerning  the  possible 
acceptance  of  my  proposal,  so  that  I  might  put  myself  betimes 
in  communication  with  the  King  of  Prussia.  The  Queen  of 
Prussia's  birthday  is  on  September  30,  and  both  their  Majesties 
go  to  Hohenzollern  first. 

I  trust  you  will  not  misunderstand  my  intention,  and  will 
remain  convinced  of  the  extreme  esteem  of 
Your  affectionate  friend, 


Report  to  the  KING. 

AUSSEE,  September  i,  1867. 

Your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject,  the  undersigned, 
with  his  humble  duty,  has  the  honour  to  report  that  he  has 
received  a  communication  from  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden,  in 
which  he  proposes  a  meeting  between  your  Majesty  and  the 
Kings  of  Prussia  and  of  Wiirtemberg. 

Your  Majesty's  most  obedient  servant  considers  himself 
bound  to  lay  this  letter  before  your  Majesty,  as  best  able  to 
judge  in  how  far  a  proposal  of  the  kind  accords  with  your  Royal 

If  it  is  permitted  to  the  undersigned  to  express  an  opinion, 
he  permits  himself  to  remark  with  the  greatest  respect  that  the 
meeting  with  the  King  of  Prussia  and  the  visit  to  the  Island 
of  Mainau,  in  the  company  of  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg,  offer 
many  advantages.  Apart  from  the  object  of  maintaining  the 
friendly  relations  of  your  Majesty  with  the  Court  of  Prussia, 


the  presence  of  your  Majesty  at  the  meeting  of  the  South 
German  Monarchs  would  prevent  the  inception  of  biassed 
schemes,  which  are  in  opposition  to  the  intentions  and  the 
interest  of  your  Majesty. 

While  submitting  everything  to  the  wise  judgment  of  your 
Majesty,  your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject,  the  undersigned, 
begs  for  your  Majesty's  august  commands  as  to  the  answer 
which  he  is  to  send  to  the  Grand  Duke's  letter. 


KARLSRUHE,  September  5,  1867. 

From  your  kind  reply  of  September  I  received  to-day,  I 
gather  with  gratitude  that  you  gladly  entertain  my  proposal. 
So  I  hasten  to  let  you  know  that  a  letter  received  to-day  from 
the  King  of  Prussia  informs  me  that  he  would  be  much 
pleased  if  his  Majesty  the  King  of  Bavaria  would  pay  him 
a  visit  during  his  sojourn  with  us.  The  King,  too,  considers 
Mainau  a  suitable  spot  for  this  meeting.  He  will  in  all 
likelihood  visit  Baden  soon  after  the  opening  of  the  Reichstag, 
stay  there  a  few  days,  and  then  come  to  Mainau.  The  days 
have  not  yet  been  fixed,  but  are  sure  to  be  arranged  soon,  and 
then  I  will  at  once  let  you  know. 

But  now  I  still  have  a  question :  Do  you  think  it  right,  and 
in  furtherance  of  the  event,  that  I  should  myself  write  to  the 
King  of  Bavaria  and  invite  him  to  Mainau?  I  would  in  this 
case  say  to  the  King  that  as  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg  wished 
to  come  in  order  to  visit  the  King  of  Prussia,  it  appeared  to 
me  a  duty  to  afford  him  the  opportunity  of  taking  a  similar 
step  in  a  pleasant  way,  &c.  I  should  be  grateful  if  you  would 
communicate  to  me  your  opinion  thereon. 


HOHENSCHWANGAU,  September  10,  1867. 

The  day  following  your  communication  of  the  beginning 
of  this  month  came  your  Highness's  communication  to  his 
Majesty  the  King,  as  well  as  the  annexed  letter  from  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Baden.  I  need  scarcely  write  to  your  Serene 
Highness  in  detail  concerning  the  reception  of  the  matter  at 
the  critical  point.  That  I  was  prepared  for  the  need  of 
much  eloquence  if  the  invitation  to  Mainau  was  to  be  accepted, 
your  Serene  Highness  can  easily  imagine.  And  indeed  I  have 
not  neglected  to  bring  forward  all  the  reasons  in  favour  of  a 
journey  to  Mainau,  more  especially  the  motive  which  your 
Serene  Highness  was  kind  enough  to  suggest  to  me,  furnished 
by  the  zeal  of  Herr  von  Varnbiiler  —  but  up  to  the  present  in 
vain.  Until  to-day  the  considerations  for  and  against  were 


being  weighed  daily;  the  reasons  against  the  journey  were, 
however,  brought  out  by  his  Majesty  with  such  insistence, 
and  so  much  importance  was  attached  to  them  that  I  finally 
received  orders  to-day  to  communicate  to  your  Highness  his 
Majesty's  decision  to  refuse  the  invitation  to  Mainau  with 
thanks.  His  Majesty  has,  at  the  same  time,  commanded  me 
to  add  the  following :  according  to  his  Majesty,  it  is  undoubtedly 
to  be  inferred  from  the  date  of  the  invitation  and  the  motives 
of  the  Grand  Duke  that  the  meeting  at  Mainau  was  intended 
as  a  political  demonstration  against  the  meeting  at  Salzburg, 
and  this  probably  implies  that  the  South  German  Princes  desired 
to  proclaim  loudly  to  the  whole  world  their  dislike  of  a  Franco- 
Austrian  alliance,  or  of  any  French  or  Austrian  interference 
in  German  affairs,  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  they  wished  to 
attest  their  adherence  to  Prussia,  as  well  as  to  the  endeavours 
to  unite  South  Germany  with  North  Germany,  and  this  in 
spite  of  the  danger  of  France  or  Austria  taking  it  amiss.  The 
sense  in  which  this  declaration  of  defiance  was  interpreted 
by  the  Grand  Duke  is  sufficiently  explained  by  the  Speech  from 
the  Throne  in  Baden.*  Now,  far  from  being  disposed  to  seek 
a  Franco-Austrian  alliance,  Bavaria  will,  on  the  contrary, 
staunchly  and  faithfully  abide  by  the  alliance  already  concluded; 
nevertheless,  his  Majesty  is  unable  to  take  the  Grand  Duke's 
point  of  view,  since  the  Salzburg  meeting  does  not  seem  to 
offer  sufficient  ground  for  a  declaration  of  defiance  against 
the  other  Powers,  would  furthermore  tend  to  unite  Bavaria 
more  closely  to  Prussia  than  is  necessary,  and  only  encourage 
the  latter  in  further  encroachments.  In  Berlin  itself  the  affair 
appears  to  be  viewed  more  calmly  now  than  at  first,  as  is  apparent 
from  the  moderate  language  of  the  official  Press.  Moreover, 
further  propositions  might  easily  be  made  at  Mainau,  a  refusal 
to  which  might  indeed  produce  more  unpleasant  results  than 
the  avoidance  of  an  opportunity  for  their  advancement. 

I  may  add  that  his  Majesty  would  have  no  objection,  in 
fact  that  it  would  be  pleasing  to  his  Majesty,  if  your  Serene 
Highness  would  go  to  Mainau,  possibly  taking  Councillor  von 
Volderndorf  with  you.  If  your  Serene  Highness  asks  me  how 
this  is  to  be  interpreted,  I  can  but  point  to  the  conclusion  of 
your  letter,  where  it  says:  "If  his  Majesty  were  to  despatch 
me  alone,  it  would  not  serve  the  purpose."  All  endeavours 
to  interpret  this  passage  in  the  sense  that  your  designs  would 
not  be  furthered  by  associating  Volderndorf  with  yourself 
have  failed  to  gain  the  point.  I  re-enclose  the  Grand  Duke's 
letter,  having  retained  a  copy  in  case  of  need.  If  your  Serene 

*  In  his  Speech  from  the  Throne  of  September  5  the  Grand  Duke  said : 
"The  .  .  .  treaties  of  peace  have  .  .  .  placed  Prussia  at  the  head  of  the 
North  German  Federation,  and  have  left  the  Southern  States  free 
to  enter  into  a  national  union  with  this  Federation.  It  is  my  firm  deter- 
mination to  strive  unceasingly  towards  the  consummation  of  this  union." 


Highness  would  once  more  recur  to  the  matter  in  a  report,  a 
different  result  might  possibly  be  achieved.  This,  however,  is 
merely  my  private  opinion. 

As  regards  the  Minister  of  Justice,  I  hope  to  be  able  to  report 
definitely  during  the  next  few  days.* 

Report  to  the  KING. 

AUSSEE,  September  13,  1867. 

In  a  letter  from  your  Majesty's  private  secretary,  your 
Majesty's  most  faithful  subject,  the  undersigned,  has  received 
commands  to  refuse  with  thanks  the  meeting  with  the  Kings  of 
Prussia  and  Wiirtemberg  contrived  by  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden. 

Your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject  will  at  once  carry  out 
this  command,  and  at  the  same  time  ventures  respectfully  to 
report  that  according  to  a  telegram  received  yesterday  from 
titular  Privy  Councillor  Daxemberger,  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg 
has  refused  the  joint  meeting  with  the  King  of  Prussia,  but 
has,  on  the  other  hand,  reserved  to  himself  to  visit  the  King  of 
Prussia  alone  at  Mainau.  Hereby  the  supposition  on  which  the 
most  respectful  proposal  of  the  ist  inst.  was  based  falls  to  the 
ground,  and  supplies  a  suitable  reason  for  refusing. 

Meantime,  after  the  receipt  yesterday  by  the  undersigned 
of  a  communication  from  the  Grand  Duke  (concerning  your 
Majesty's  most  faithful  subject's  provisional  intimation  that  he 
would  make  a  report  to  your  Majesty),  in  which  the  Grand  Duke 
writes:  "I  hasten  to  acquaint  you  that  a  letter  from  the  King  of 
Prussia  informs  me  to-day  that  it  would  give  him  great  pleasure 
if  his  Majesty  the  King  of  Bavaria  would  visit  him  during  his 
stay  with  us."  The  undersigned  humbly  submits  to  your 
Majesty's  august  judgment,  whether  your  Majesty  would  think 
fit  to  pay  a  visit  from  that  to  be  paid  by  the  King  of  Prussia, 
at  a  different  time  to  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg;  it  would  in 
this  case  only  entail  an  act  of  courtesy  without  any  political  sig- 
nificance. How  far  this  would  bear  the  character  of  a  return 
for  the  visit  paid  to  your  Majesty  by  the  King  of  Prussia,  your 
Majesty's  most  faithful  subject  is  incapable  of  judging,  by 
reason  of  his  ignorance  of  previous  events,  and,  moreover,  he 
considers  that  he  should  refrain  from  further  criticism  of  a 
matter  which  now  tends  to  assume  the  character  of  a  question 
of  etiquette. 


AUSSEE,  September  13,  1867. 

Your  Royal  Highness's  gracious  communication  of  the  5th 
inst.  was  received  by  me  simultaneously  with  his  Majesty  the 

*  The  appointment  of  Councillor  Lutz  as  Minister  of  Justice  took  place 
on  September  16,  simultaneously  with  the  appointment  of  Commissioner  of 
Police  Lipowsky  as  Private  Secretary  to  the  King. 


King's  reply  to  my  report  as  to  the  meeting  with  his  Majesty  the 
King  of  Prussia.  His  Majesty  commands  me  to  thank  your 
Royal  Highness  heartily  for  the  kind  proposal  to  arrange  a 
meeting  with  the  Kings  of  Prussia  and  Wiirtemberg.  Now,  how- 
ever, that  news  has  been  received  of  his  Majesty  the  King  of 
Wiirtemberg's  refusal,  and  of  his  determination  to  pay  a  separate 
visit  to  his  Majesty  the  King  of  Prussia,  his  Majesty  considers  that 
he  also  is  not  in  a  position  to  accept  your  Royal  Highness' s  kind 

I  have  now  conveyed  the  contents  of  your  Royal  Highness' s 
last  communication  to  his  Majesty  the  King,  and  begged  his 
Majesty  to  come  to  a  conclusion  concerning  a  possible  separate 

As  regards  your  Royal  Highness's  question,  I  can  indeed 
scarcely  anticipate  your  Royal  Highness's  decision,  yet  consider- 
ing the  turn  which  the  matter  of  the  meeting  of  the  Monarchs 
has  now  taken,  I  think  it  best  respectfully  to  advise  your  Royal 
Highness  not  to  send  an  invitation  to  my  most  gracious  master 
his  Majesty  the  King.  If  it  is  possible  to  determine  the  King 
to  visit  his  Majesty  the  King  of  Prussia  and  your  Royal  Highness, 
I  will  take  the  necessary  steps.  If  later  on  I  consider  an  invita- 
tion from  your  "Royal  Highness  advisable,  I  presume  I  may  ven- 
ture to  recur  to  the  matter. 

Report  to  the  KING. 

MUNICH,  September  19,  1867. 

From  your  Majesty's  private  secretary's  communication, 
your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject,  the  undersigned,  learns 
that  your  Majesty  intends  to  return  the  King  of  Prussia's  visit 
at  a  suitable  date  in  Berlin,  and  not  at  Mainau.  That  your 
Majesty's  most  obedient  servant  should  venture  to  recur  to  the 
subject  is  due  to  the  feeling  of  responsibility  which  his  position 
imposes  on  him,  and  which  renders  it  his  duty  to  safeguard 
your  Majesty's  interests  to  the  best  of  his  ability. 

He  therefore  ventures  respectfully  to  submit  the  following 
considerations : 

Great  dissatisfaction  would  be  aroused  by  the  omission 
of  this  visit  (which  would  be  a  return  visit  from  your  Majesty 
according  to  the  deduction  that  the  undersigned  believes  must  be 
drawn  from  Councillor  Lutz's  communication),  for  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Baden  and  the  King  of  Prussia  have  reckoned  positively 
on  your  Majesty's  visit,  as  is  obvious  from  the  Grand  Duke's 
letter;  and  the  Grand  Duke's  communication  enclosed  in  this 
report  appears  to  be  written  in  the  same  tenor. 

Herewith  the  question  acquires  political  significance,  and 
your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject  dares  not  conceal  from 
your  Majesty  his  fear  that,  in  view  of  the  position  which 
Prussia  now  occupies  in  Germany,  and  of  the  means  which 


are  at  the  disposal  of  the  Prussian  Government,  this  dissatisfac- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  Prussian  Monarch  might  be  fraught 
with  the  most  serious  consequences  for  your  Majesty,  and  also 
for  Bavaria. 

Occasions  and  circumstances  may  arise  when  your  Majesty 
may  stand  in  need  of  the  friendly  sentiments  of  the  King 
of  Prussia,  and  these  occasions  may  arise  so  soon  that  a  delay 
in  re-establishing  friendly  relations  seems  very  much  to  be 

The  undersigned  cannot,  therefore,  refrain  from  advising 
your  Majesty  as  respectfully  as  urgently  in  your  Majesty's 
own  august  interest,  to  pay  a  visit  to  Mainau. 

Should  your  Majesty  decide  otherwise,  your  most  faithful 
subject  believes  that  he  has  acted  up  to  his  duty  in  making 
this  dutiful  representation,  and  can  refuse  responsibility  for  all 
consequences  which  the  omission  of  the  suggested  visit  will 
bring  about. 


KARLSRUHE,  September  23,  1867. 

Accept  my  best  thanks  for  your  kind  letter  of  the  i3th  hist., 
from  which  I  was  glad  to  gather  that  you  have  not  yet  quite 
given  up  hopes  of  inducing  the  King  of  Bavaria  to  pay  a  separate 
visit  to  his  august  uncle.  I  much  regret  that  my  proposal  for  a 
simultaneous  meeting  between  the  three  Monarchs  caused  ex- 
pressions of  hesitancy  to  reach  Munich  from  Stuttgart,  and  that 
this  prevented  your  King  carrying  out  an  arrangement  which 
would  be  so  unobjectionable,  considering  the  near  relationship 
of  the  King  of  Prussia. 

In  support  of  your  efforts,  I  therefore  permit  myself  to 
communicate  the  following  information  concerning  the  plans  of 
their  Majesties  of  Prussia. 

On  September  27  the  King  arrives  at  Schloss  Mainau,  and 
remains  until  October  2,  on  which  day  he  will  start  on  his  journey 
to  Hohenzollern.  On  October  i  the  King  will  be  with  us  and 
receive  the  visit  of  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg,  and  it  is  probable 
that  during  the  next  few  days  they  will  return  this  visit  at  Fried  - 
richshafen,  on  their  way  to  Hohenzollern. 

So  the  possibility  still  remains  of  your  King  paying  the 
King  of  Prussia  a  separate  visit  at  Mainau  or  in  Hohenzollern, 
or  may  be  in  Sigmaringen.  The  stay  in  this  Principality  will 
certainly  occupy  three  days,  and  my  uncle,  the  Prince  of  Hohen- 
zollern, will,  of  course,  be  delighted  to  have  your  King  as  his  guest. 
For  this,  too,  I  undertake  to  make  any  necessary  arrangements. 

I  trust  that  in  this  communication  you  will  only  recognise 
the  intention  of  being  as  useful  as  possible  to  you  in  the  execution 
of  your  difficult  office. 



MUNICH,  September  30,  1867. 

I  have  not  been  able  until  now  to  answer  your  Royal  Highness' s 
most  gracious  communication  of  the  23rd  inst.,  as  the  decision 
of  the  King,  my  most  gracious  master,  had  not  come  in,  and 
I  had  not  quite  given  up  hope  that  the  journey  to  Mainau  might 
yet  take  place.  Meanwhile,  it  has  been  decided  in  the  negative, 
and  I  can  only  beg  your  Royal  Highness  to  allow  me  to 
curtail  the  expression  of  my  regret,  and  to  dispense  me  from 
entering  into  details  concerning  the  reasons  of  the  decision. 

The  final  result  of  the  Prince's  efforts  was  that  King  Ludwig 
decided  to  meet  the  King  of  Prussia  in  Bavarian  territory  on  his 
return  journey,  which  took  him  from  Sigmaringen  to  Nuremberg. 
The  meeting  took  place  between  four  and  six  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  of  October  6,  1867,  in  the  Augsburg  railway  station. 

On  September  28  the  Chambers  met.  Their  first  task  was 
the  consideration  of  the  new  Zollverein  agreement. 

Speech  o)  the  PRINCE  in  the  Chamber  oj  Deputies, 
October  8,  1867. 

Gentlemen,  —  The  proposals  which  you  have  just  accepted 
are  certainly  the  most  important  which  have  been  submitted 
for  your  discussion  during  the  session  of  the  present  Chamber. 
Their  great  political  importance  seem  to  justify  me  in  taking 
occasion  to  say  a  few  words  about  the  foreign  policy  of  the 
Government,  and  especially  about  our  position  as  regards  the 
German  question. 

On  the  last  occasion  on  which  I  had  opportunity  of 
addressing  you  on  this  question,  you  received  me  in  this 
honourable  House  with  such  a  high  measure  of  flattering  con- 
fidence that  I  should  fear  its  loss  if  I  were  not  now  ready,  after 
the  lapse  of  nearly  a  year,  to  give  you  an  unreserved  account 
of  the  action  of  the  Government  in  a  matter  which  touches 
the  national  feeling  of  the  German  people  as  profoundly  as  it 
trenches  upon  its  material  interests. 

I  shall  try  to  prove  to  you  and  also  to  the  country 
that  the  Government  has  not  lost  sight  of  these  aims, 
which  I  then  indicated  as  those  of  Bavarian  policy,  that  it 
has  ceaselessly  striven  to  attain  them;  also  that  it  has  not 
given  up  hopes  of  success,  and  therewith  hope  for  the  future 
of  Germany  and  Bavaria.  I  know  that  these  efforts  have  been 
declared  insufficient  by  some,  that  the  course  has  been  regarded 
as  set,  the  goal  easy  to  reach,  and  that  the  admission  of  South 


Germany  to  the  North  German  Federation  is  regarded  as  the 
simplest  solution  of  the  German  question. 

Gentlemen,  if  even  at  the  time  when  only  the  rough  draft 
of  the  North  German  Federal  Constitution  was  known,  the 
Government  held  it  to  be  incompatible  with  its  duty  to  try 
to  bring  about  unconditional  admission  to  the  North  German 
Federation,  admission,  that  is,  without  previous  alteration  of 
the  Federal  Constitution,  so  much  the  more  does  it  now  maintain 
that  attitude,  when  this  constitution  is  definitive,  and  no  alteration 
is  contemplated. 

Reasons  of  home  and  foreign  policy  have  caused  Prussia 
to  include  the  North  German  States  under  a  form  of  constitu- 
tion to  which  one  cannot  deny  the  merit  of  paving  the  way 
for  the  political  unity  of  North  Germany,  but  which  precisely 
on  this  account  may  more  and  more  differ  in  its  evolution  from 
the  character  of  a  Federal  Constitution  in  the  exact  definition 
of  the  term. 

I  have  certainly  acknowledged  that  no  federal  conditions 
can  suffice  for  national  requirements  unless  the  individual 
contracting  parties  make  the  required  sacrifices  for  the  fur- 
therance of  the  common  weal;  but  the  amount  of  the  sacrifice 
which  admission  to  the  North  German  Federation  would  demand 
from  South  German  States  does  not  correspond  to  the  degree 
of  independence  which  these  States  are  justified  in  desiring, 
and  are,  so  far  as  I  can  see,  in  overwhelming  majority  determined 
upon  maintaining. 

The  free  constitutional  evolution  of  South  Germany,  as  it  has 
shaped  itself  during  fifty  years,  affords  the  South  German  people 
the  right  and  the  power  of  thus  deciding. 

The  question  how  far  the  Nikolsburg  preliminaries  and  the 
Peace  of  Prague  would  supply  just  ground  for  trying  to  extend 
the  North  German  Federal  Constitution  to  the  whole  of  Germany 
may,  therefore,  be  properly  passed  over  here.  However, 
these  treaties  have  been  concluded  with  due  consideration 
for  actual  relations  between  the  Powers,  and  their  importance 
cannot  be  ignored  by  any  one  called  upon  to  take  the  facts  in 
question  into  account,  and  who  is  bound  to  avoid  everything 
which  might  lead  the  destiny  of  our  Fatherland  into  unforeseen 

Besides,  the  Prussian  Government  has  itself  explained  that 
it  demands  union  with  the  South,  by  no  means  on  a  similar 
basis  to  that  upon  which  union  with  the  North  German  States 
reposes.  It  only  demands  an  unequivocal  statement  by  the 
combined  nations  which  would  both  afford  the  certainty  that 
the  Southern  States  had  not  yielded  to  hostile  tendencies  against 
North  Germany,  and  that  the  well-being  of  the  collective  material 
interests  of  the  German  people  would  be  guaranteed  by  joint 
systematic  arrangements. 

Consequently,  when   reasons  of   foreign  policy  as  well  as  a 


consideration  for  the  preservation  of  the  independence  of  the 
country  made  the  union  of  Bavaria  with  the  German  North 
appear  impossible  on  the  basis  of  the  North  German  Federal 
Constitution,  those  holding  office  under  Government  had  to 
seek  other  means  of  effecting  this  union.  For  the  Government 
could  and  would  not  shirk  the  task,  which  was  denned  by  me 
on  January  23  in  these  words : 

"By  a  unification  in  conformity  with  treaties,  to  render 
possible  a  German  coalition  on  a  basis  compatible  with  the 
integrity  of  State  and  Crown." 

Here   three  different  courses  were  conceivable. 

First,  the  formation  of  two  Federal  States,  a  South  German 
to  correspond  to  the  North  German,  with  joint  means  for 
certain  specified  objects. 

Secondly,  an  international  federation  of  all  separate  German 
States,  analogous  to  the  former  German  Federal  Constitution. 

Thirdly,  an  international  union  of  the  South  German  States 
with  the  North  German  Confederation. 

Against  the  attempt  at  a  constitutional  association  of  an 
independent  South  German  Federal  State  with  the  North  German, 
the  aversion  of  those  States  with  whom  Bavaria  had  to  found 
this  South  German  Federal  State  bore  witness.  Ranged  against 
it  were  the  clumsiness  of  an  organisation  which  would  have  con- 
tained the  germ  of  discontent,  and  finally  the  danger  of  further 
widening  the  breach  between  North  and  South  Germany. 

The  international  union  of  all  German  States  on  the  basis 
of  a  treaty  according  to  international  law  had  become  im- 
possible owing  to  the  dissolution  of  the  former  German  Con- 
federation, and  owing  to  the  North  German  Federal  State 
which  had  just  been  called  into  life.  It  could  not  be  expected 
that  Prussia  would  renounce  the  North  German  Federal  Con- 
stitution, the  fruit  of  her  victories. 

So  nothing  remained  for  the  Government  but  to  labour 
towards  the  reunion  of  Germany,  while  acknowledging  existing 

These  facts  were  before  them:  the  retirement  of  Austria 
from  the  Confederation,  that  close  corporation  the  North  German 
Federal  State,  and  the  abandonment  of  the  South  German 
States  to  their  own  resources. 

Therefore  the  way  to  an  international  union  of  the  latter 
with  the  North  German  Federation  was  clearly  indicated. 

The  provisos  for  the  attainment  of  a  satisfactory  issue  in 
this  direction  were  perceived  by  the  Government  to  lie  in  the 
common  agreement  of  the  South  German  States  regarding  the 
necessary  steps  to  be  taken,  and  the  concessions  to  be  made 
in  order  to  create  a  practical,  efficient  alliance  with  the  North. 
In  view  of  this,  as  soon  as  I  had  taken  over  the  management 
of  affairs  the  Government  began  diplomatic  negotiations, 
which  referred  primarily  to  common  action  concerning  the 


measures  rendered  necessary  by  a  loyal  fulfilment  of  the  alliance 
with  Prussia  for  defence  and  offence. 

You  are  aware  that  on  this  account  a  meeting  of  the  South 
German  Ministers  took  place  at  Stuttgart,  and  that  a  series  of 
important  arrangements  were  there  agreed  upon  with  regard  to 
military  organisation,  and  I  hope  that  the  military  conferences, 
then  fixed  for  the  month  of  October,  and  consequently  soon  about 
to  assemble  here,  will  still  further  develop  the  steady  organisation 
of  the  South  German  armed  forces. 

No  sooner  was  this  result  achieved,  than  political  negotia- 
tions also  were  begun.  I  need  scarcely  state  that  these  negotia- 
tions were  accompanied  by  great  difficulties  —  difficulties  which 
were  augmented  not  a  little  by  the  critical  state  of  the  Luxem- 
bourg question. 

It  would  lead  us  too  far  to  set  forth  in  detail  the  course  and 
phases  of  these  transactions;  briefly  to  characterise  the  general 
result,  these  have  led  to  a  provisional  understanding  of  the  basis 
on  which  to  confer  with  the  North  German  Confederation. 

Concurrently  the  idea  of  an  alliance  of  this  Federal  State 
with  Austria  has  always  been  kept  in  view  as  a  necessary  comple- 
ment to  the  national  aspirations. 

Gentlemen,  far  be  it  from  me  to  ignore  recent  events,  or  to 
identify  myself  with  vain  efforts  to  undo  the  past.  Now,  as  ever, 
I  am  of  opinion  that  a  Constitutional  Confederacy  of  South  Ger- 
man States  under  the  leadership  of  Austria  is  impossible.  Yet 
on  that  point  I  do  not  hesitate  to  declare  that  neither  Austria 
nor  France  has  made  any  suggestions  or  proposals  in  this 
direction.  But  the  less  need  there  now  is  to  fear  an  irre- 
mediable separation  of  Germany  into  a  North  and  a  South 
Germany,  the  more  stringent  is  the  obligation  laid  upon  us 
not  to  exclude  Austria,  the  natural  ally  of  Prussia,  and  of 
the  whole  of  South  Germany,  from  following  that  path  which 
alone  can  guarantee  the  peace  of  Europe  upon  the  firmest 

These  considerations  cannot  fail  to  influence  those  general 
outlines  to  which  the  Government  deemed  it  necessary  to  adhere 
in  a  conjoint  constitution.  These  general  outlines  may  be  com- 
prehensively defined  thus:  the  subjects  contained  in  Articles  III. 
and  IV.  of  the  original  rough  draft  for  the  Federal  Constitution  — 
and  therefore  presenting  no  inconsiderable  sphere  of  legislation  and 
administration  —  were  declared  to  be  of  common  interest  and 
to  be  treated  as  federal  matters,  whilst  as  to  the  rest,  the  union 
was  to  bear  the  character  of  a  confederation  under  Prussian 

Whilst  these  negotiations  were  proceeding,  the  Government 
received  an  invitation  to  take  part  in  the  Berlin  Tariff  Conference. 
The  Government  was  the  less  able  to  absent  itself  as  it  was  pledged 
thereto  by  the  decisions  of  the  Berlin  Treaties  of  Peace,  and  also 
by  its  solicitude  for  the  country's  material  welfare. 


The  treaty  resulting  from  this  conference  is  now  submitted 
for  your  consideration. 

You  will  readily  perceive  that  the  conditions  on  which  Prussia 
made  the  maintenance  of  the  Zollverein  contingent  could  not  but 
influence  the  further  development  of  the  work  which  had  been 
begun.  The  Government  had  necessarily  to  wait  for  the  new  or- 
ganisation of  the  Zollverein  to  come  into  force  with  its  resultant 
consequences,  ere  it  was  possible  to  judge  of  the  form  in  which 
the  proposed  confederacy  could  be  carried  into  effect  side  by 
side  with  it. 

Therefore  the  Government  cannot  regard  its  task  as  com- 
pleted. Now,  as  ever,  it  will  persist  in  that  policy  which  alone  it 
recognises  as  the  right  one.  In  union  with  its  South  German 
confederates,  and  with  due  regard  to  existing  treaties,  it  will  en- 
deavour to  establish  the  national  alliance  with  North  Germany 
on  the  basis  already  gained. 

The  Government  is,  however,  conscious  of  the  responsibilities 
imposed  upon  it  by  the  duty  of  maintaining  Bavaria's  administra- 
tive independence,  and  by  the  critical  situation  of  Europe.  Con- 
sequently the  course  to  be  pursued  by  the  Government  is  clear. 
I  will  endeavour  to  indicate  this  course  as  simply  and  clearly  as 

We  do  not  desire  the  admission  of  Bavaria  into  the  North  Ger- 
man Confederation,  we  wish  for  no  constitutional  alliance  of  the 
South  German  States  under  the  leadership  of  Austria;  we  want 
no  South- West  German  Confederation,  entirely  isolated,  or  pos- 
sibly even  protected  by  a  non- German  Power.  As  little  do  we 
wish  to  pursue  a  policy  suitable  for  a  great  Power,  neither  do 
we  believe  that  the  final  end  of  Bavarian  policy  is  to  be  sought  in 
the  role  of  mediator. 

This  is  what  we  do  not  desire. 

What,  on  the  other  hand,  we  do  desire,  and  what  we  shall 
henceforth  aim  at,  is  the  national  alliance  of  the  South  German 
States  with  the  North  German  Confederation,  and  thereby  the 
unification  of  the  now  divided  Germany  in  the  form  of  a  con- 
federation. This  is  identical  with  the  concessions  of  the  Nikols- 
burg  preliminaries  and  the  Peace  of  Prague. 

Gentlemen,  I  do  not  say  union  of  Bavaria  with  the  North 
German  Confederation,  I  say  the  union  of  the  South  German 
States.  And  I  am  desirous  that  there  should  be  absolute  clearness 
on  this  point.  As  matters  stand  at  present,  it  is  my  conviction 
that  it  would  be  neither  politically  sound  nor  expedient,  nor  even 
—  let  no  illusions  be  harboured  —  feasible  by  peaceable  means 
for  separate  States  south  of  the  Main  to  enter  into  closer  union 
with  North  Germany. 

The  national  tie,  which  has  yet  to  be  forged  between  us  and 
the  North  German  Confederation,  must  embrace  the  entire  South. 
Only  in  this  form  is  it  either  permissible  or  at  the  present  time  even 


Herewith,  gentlemen,  I  have  expounded  the  fundamental 
principles  on  which  I  have  hitherto  conducted  the  foreign  policy 
of  Bavaria,  and  have  indicated  the  goal  which  the  Government  is 
striving  towards. 

During  the  discussion  of  the  proposals  laid  before  you  to-day 
you  will  have  an  opportunity  of  declaring  whether  or  not  the 
course  adopted  by  the  Government  is  in  conformity  with  the  views 
of  the  country. 

Whatever  judgment  you  may,  however,  pronounce  on  my 
political  labours,  you  will  at  any  rate  agree  with  me  that  there 
must  be  no  severance  of  the  tie  which  guarantees  the  vital  interests 
of  Germany,  and  without  which  the  idea  of  a  national  alliance 
of  any  kind  whatsoever  cannot  be  entertained. 

The  Prince's  speech  was  well  received  in  Berlin.  The  Minis- 
terial Provinzial-Korrespondenz  discerned  a  sincere  national  as- 
piration in  the  Prince's  declaration,  and  hoped  that  the  Bavarian 
Premier's  policy  would  produce  important  results  in  the  further 
development  of  the  German  question.  Prussia  would  attach 
less  importance  to  the  names  under  which  national  relations  were 
fostered  than  to  actual  unifying  association  in  the  discharge  of 
practical  tasks  and  the  furtherance  of  the  nation's  welfare.  The 
semi-official  Norddeutsche  Allgemeine  Zeitung  praised  the  anti- 
dualistic  tenor  of  the  Prince's  speech,  remarking,  with  regard  to  the 
refusal  to  enter  the  North  German  Confederation,  that  Prussia 
would  make  no  efforts  to  alter  this  resolve.  As  regards  the  state- 
ment concerning  the  formation  of  a  Federal  State  consisting  of  the 
North  German  and  the  South  German  States,  as  well  as  concerning 
the  Alliance  with  Austria,  further  explanations  must  be  awaited. 
Respecting  the  declaration  that  this  confederacy  should  embrace 
the  whole  South,  and  that  no  separate  State  should  enter  into  a 
closer  union  with  the  North  German  Confederation,  it  insisted  that 
on  this  point  each  separate  South  German  State  must  be  free  to 
form  its  own  decision.  In  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  the  Govern- 
ment proposals  met  with  no  material  opposition.  The  draft  of 
a  Bill  concerning  the  election  of  Deputies  to  the  Tariff  Parliament 
accorded  the  franchise  to  all  "who  paid  a  direct  tax  to  the  State." 
Against  this  limitation  of  universal  suffrage  a  motion  was  brought 
forward  by  Deputies  Kolb  and  von  Stauffenberg  that  "every 
self-supporting  member  of  the  Bavarian  State"  should  be  an 
elector.  The  motion  was  rejected  by  the  Chamber.  On  October 
22  the  proposal  was  accepted  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  by  117 
votes  against  17. 

Affairs  took  a  different  turn  in  the  Upper  House.  In  Com- 
mittee the  Government  proposals  had  been  rejected  by  9  votes 
to  i.  On  October  26  the  discussion  in  plenary  sitting  took  place, 
and  the  issue  was  beyond  question  adverse.  This  consideration 
induced  the  Prince  to  accord  a  favourable  reception  to  Prince 
Lowenstein-Wertheim-Rosenberg's  amendment,  which  at  any 


rate  promised  to  avert  the  danger  of  an  immediate  and  definitive 
rejection.  The  amendment  ran:  "Whereas  this  House  will 
always  be  prepared  to  make  sacrifices  for  the  continuance  of  the 
Zollverein  and,  in  consideration  of  the  great  benefits  which  it 
confers  on  the  country,  so  long  as  these  sacrifices  are  confined  to 
the  sphere  of  material  interests,  though  not  if  the  independence 
of  Bavaria  is  endangered  —  this  House  resolves  only  to  accord 
its  consent  to  the  convention  submitted  on  the  express  condition 
that  the  right  of  acceptance  or  rejection  in  all  questions  con- 
cerning the  Customs  and  internal  taxation  previously  conferred 
on  the  State  of  Bavaria  by  the  Zollverein  treaties  should  also  be 
mentioned  in  the  new  treaties. " 

Prince  Hohenlohe  stated  that  as  a  private  member  he  had  no 
hesitation  in  voting  for  this  amendment,  but  that  as  a  represen- 
tative of  the  Government  he  did  not  feel  in  a  position  to  pro- 
nounce on  its  consequences.  The  Government,  however,  would 
consider  itself  bound  to  express  its  special  approval  if  the  proposed 
resolution  were  passed.  Thereupon  the  Lowenstein  resolu- 
tion was  passed  by  47  votes  to  3.  The  same  evening  the 
Prince  started  for  Berlin  with  Freiherr  von  Thiingen,  Reporter 
to  the  Upper  House,  once  more  loyally  to  uphold  the  Bavarian 
liberum  veto. 

The  following  are  notes  by  the  Prince  on  the  journey  to  Ber- 

Notes  on  the  journey  to  Berlin,  October  27,  1867. 

Left  Munich  in  consequence  of  the  resolution  of  the  Chamber 
of  Senators,  to  try  whether  further  concessions  are  to  be  obtained 
in  respect  of  Prussia's  veto,  and  to  give  Herr  von  Thiingen  the 
opportunity  of  convincing  himself  of  the  position  of  affairs  in 
Berlin.  On  the  27th  we  —  Thiingen,  Weber,  and  I  —  arrived  in 
Berlin.  Perglas  *  was  at  the  station,  and  told  me  that  Bismarck 
would  receive  us  at  two  o'clock. 

At  two  o'clock  to  Bismarck's.  I  introduced  Thiingen,  explain- 
ing the  object  of  our  journey. 

Thiingen  then  took  up  the  conversation,  justified  the  point  of 
view  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  by  a  statement,  and  expressed 
the  wish  that  the  assent  of  the  Deputies  might  be  rendered  feasible 
by  Prussia's  amicable  attitude,  thereby  hinting  that  the  alliance 
with  Prussia  would  be  the  firmer  for  not  being  brought  about  by 

In  a  lengthy  explanation  Bismarck  developed  the  point  of  view 
of  the  Prussian  Government,  protested  his  German  proclivities, 
referred  to  the  negotiations  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace,  in  which  he 
had  opposed  the  interests  of  Bavaria  to  the  dissentient  trend  of 
opinion,  but  declared  that  Prussia  was  deterred  by  consid- 
eration for  federal  colleagues  from  granting  further  concessions 
to  Bavaria. 

*  The  newly  appointed  Bavarian  Minister  in  Berlin. 


Then  Thungen  proposed  granting,  if  not  to  the  Governments, 
then  to  the  majority  of  the  non- Prussian  parliamentary  delegates 
the  right  of  veto. 

Against  this  Bismarck  intimated  that  the  North  German  Con- 
stitution would  be  thereby  endangered.  He  then  gave  assurances 
that  the  Prussian  Government  had  no  wish  to  exercise  any  kind 
of  pressure  upon  South  German  States. 

To  Thiingen's  wish  to  extend  the  term  of  ratification  until  new 
elections  had  taken  place  in  Bavaria,  Bismarck  thought  he  could 
not  accede  either;  but  declared  that  even  if  we  were  prevented 
from  being  punctual  to  the  term  of  ratification,  the  identical 
conditions  offered  in  June  should  hold  good.  He  spoke  openly 
and  not  like  a  horse-dealer. 

Then  we  retired,  after  Bismarck  had  invited  us  to  dinner  at  five. 
When  we  arrived  we  found  Delbriick  and  Keudel,  with  several 
members  of  the  family.  Delbriick  confirmed  what  Bismarck  had 
said,  regretted  if  I  should  have  to  leave  the  Ministry ;  but  declared 
that  no  concessions  could  be  made. 

Herr  von  Keudel  was  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  state  of 
feeling  in  Bavaria. 

I  again  asked  Bismarck  whether  he  had  brought  any  pressure 
to  bear  upon  the  Wiirtemberg  Government  in  respect  of  the 
fortress  of  Ulm,  which  he  categorically  denied.  On  the  contrary, 
it  would  be  very  acceptable  to  Prussia  if  Bavaria  obtained  more 
influence  in  Ulm.  Should  Wiirtemberg  request  a  contribution 
from  Prussia  for  the  upkeep  of  Ulm,  this  would  be  granted,  and  no 
rights  would  be  claimed  during  peace;  but  they  would  then 
merely  have  to  request  that  Ludwigshafen,  which  was  the  most 
important  spot  strategically,  should  be  fortified  as  a  counterpoise. 
Rastatt  was  of  little  account,  and  was  only  of  importance  to  Ba- 
den. Ludwigshafen  and  Germersheim  would  be  the  actually 
important  fortresses  in  a  war  against  France. 

We  had  nothing  to  fear  from  Austria.  Austria  had  no  alliance 
with  France,  for  then  alliance  with  Russia  would  be  contemplated, 
and  England  too  could  not  look  on  quietly  if  France  were  to 
blockade  the  Baltic  Ports. 

Relations  with  Austria  would  gradually  improve.  An  alliance 
between  Austria,  South  German  States,  and  Prussia  he  designated 
as  le  couronnement  de  Voeuvre. 

Next  day,  the  28th,  audience  with  the  King.  He  requested 
us  to  speak.  Baron  Thiingen  expounded  his  views  and  those 
of  the  Upper  House.  The  King  replied  in  great  detail,  but  very 
decidedly,  that  he  could  not  agree  to  any  modification  of  the 
treaty  which  would  necessitate  an  alteration  in  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution. If  we  did  not  think  we  could  join,  we  ought  to  retire. 
But  he  did  not  believe  that  the  majority  of  the  country  were  on  the 
side  of  the  Senators. 

He  then  spoke  at  length  upon  Prussian  policy  in  general.  Prus- 
sia had  been  forced  into  the  recent  annexations  against  her  will. 

VOL.  I  —  S 


For  fifty  years  there  had  been  peace  in  the  land,  and  it  had  never 
occurred  either  to  his  father,  to  his  brother,  or  to  himself  to  take 
what  belonged  to  their  neighbours,  until  he  had  been  forced  to 
do  so  by  the  events  of  1866.  He  had  shown  moderation  to 

The  Bavarian  representatives  quitted  Berlin  on  the  evening 
of  the  28th,  and  returned  to  Munich  on  the  evening  of  the  29th 
October.  This  journey  convinced  Freiherr  von  Thiingen  that  the 
desired  veto  was  unattainable  by  Bavaria.  On  the  morning  of 
the  3oth  the  Prince  made  a  communication  to  the  committee  of 
the  Chamber  of  Deputies  concerning  the  result  of  the  journey. 
Thereupon  this  committee  decided  not  to  adopt  the  modification  of 
the  treaty  voted  by  the  Upper  House.  This  proposal  was  accepted 
without  discussion  the  same  afternoon  by  a  plenary  sitting  of 
the  Chamber  of  Deputies ;  as  also  a  proposal  of  the  committee 
expressing  confident  expectation  that  Prussia,  as  presiding  Power, 
would  not  exercise  the  right  of  veto  conceded  to  it,  according  to 
Section  XII.  of  the  treaty,  in  a  manner  prejudicial  to  Bavaria's 
domestic  interests.  To  this  proposal  Prince  Hohenlohe  had 
declared  that  the  Government  had  no  objection  to  the  form  in 
which  the  wish  was  submitted  by  the  committee,  since  Prussia 
had  declared  that  she  merely  wanted  to  make  use  of  the  power 
of  opposition  in  respect  of  a  desired  alteration  in  the  legislation 
or  rules  of  administration  should,  according  to  Prussia's  well- 
considered  conviction,  the  prosperity  or  the  receipts  of  the  Zoll- 
verein  be  thereby  endangered. 

On  the  evening  of  October  30  the  combined  committees  of 
both  Chambers  deliberated.  On  October  31,  the  last  day  before 
the  expiration  of  the  term  of  ratification  fixed  by  treaty,  the  plenary 
sitting  of  the  Upper  House  took  place  at  eleven  o'clock.  In 
committee  this  House  had  previously  decided  upon  acceptance 
of  the  treaties  by  8  votes  to  i.  At  the  public  sitting,  Herr  von 
Thiingen  had  expressed  himself  in  the  same  sense.  The  accept- 
ance ensued  by  35  votes  to  13.  The  same  evening  the  ratification 
of  the  treaty  was  communicated  to  Berlin. 

Conversation  with  BARON  BEUST.* 

November  6,  1867. 

Baron  Beust  began  by  disclosing  what  he  had  heard  in  Paris 
and  London,  remarking  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon  was  still 
taken  up  with  the  idea  of  a  congress  for  the  adjustment  of  the 
Roman  question,  and  also  that  it  was  necessary  to  support  the 
Emperor  in  this.  There  was  no  question  of  a  congress  of  Catholic 
Powers,  but  of  all  the  Powers  having  Catholic  subjects.  He  was 
under  the  impression  that  we  had  already  received  an  invitation, 

*  This  was  the  Prince's  first  meeting  with  Beust.  —  See  Beust,  Aus  drei 
Vierteljahrhunderten,  vol.  ii.  p.  138. 


which  I  denied.  It  would,  it  is  true,  involve  the  question  of 
necessary  funds  for  the  Pope's  maintenance,  possibly  obligatory 
Peter's  pence.  However,  he  let  that  drop,  and  then  recurred 
to  the  German  question. 

He  said  that  he  had  had  an  extended  conversation  with 
Goltz  in  Paris,  and  that  he  had  called  the  attention  of  the  latter 
to  the  necessity  of  settling  the  German  question  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  deprive  the  French  of  an  excuse  for  war.  There  was  a 
general  impression  that  Prussia  desired  to  incorporate  the  whole 
of  Germany  with  itself,  and  it  was  imperative  that  the  French 
should  be  disabused  of  this  idea  by  a  South  German  Con- 
federation of  Union.  The  form  was  immaterial.  Goltz  had 
agreed,  and  had  named  this  condition  of  affairs,  this  project,  a 
"provisional  consummation."  Beust  acknowledged  that  such 
an  arrangement  could  only  be  achieved  with  the  consent  of 
Prussia,  since  Baden  would  only  consent  on  the  order  of  Prussia. 
Vambiiler*  had  expressed  his  agreement  with  this,  but  had  nev- 
ertheless protested  against  a  South  German  Parliament.  Beust 
seemed  to  attach  little  importance  to  this.  He  was  of  opinion 
that  the  international  union  of  the  South  with  the  North  already 
existed  through  the  defensive  and  offensive  alliances  and  Zollverein 
treaty,  and  that  now  it  was  merely  a  matter  of  the  South  German 
States  forming  the  union  contemplated  by  the  Peace  of  Prague. 
He  repeatedly  advised  consideration  of  the  matter,  which  I 
promised.  In  answer  to  my  question  as  to  what  he  imagined 
would  be  Austria's  attitude,  he  replied  that  Austria  would  keep 
aloof,  thinking  thereby  to  further  matters.  He  maintained  that 
peace  could  only  be  preserved  by  the  formation  of  a  South  Ger- 
man Confederation  of  this  kind.  If,  therefore,  we  took  steps  at 
Berlin,  he  would  support  us.  Roughly  speaking,  it  is  the  idea 
of  a  Rhine  Confederation  under  a  Prussian  protectorate  cropping 
up  again.  He  also  made  the  characteristic  assertion  that  the 
revolutionary  party  in  Rome  being  now  discomfited,!  the  Govern- 
ments of  Europe  were  again  in  possession  of  greater  power,  and 
that  in  Germany  also  the  opportunity  ought  to  be  seized  to  subdue 
the  revolutionary  element. 

Beust's  and  the  Emperor  Napoleon's  idea  would  probably 
find  its  realisation  in  a  union  of  South  German  States  in  military 
and  diplomatic  matters. 

To  my  inquiry  whether  this  end  might  not  be  obtained  by 
simply  waiting,  he  eagerly  remarked  that  war  would  not  thereby 
be  avoided. 

It  seems  that  the  fixed  resolve  prevails,  if  we  do  not  willingly 
acquiesce  in  the  idea,  of  forcing  us  to  do  so  at  the  first  opportunity. 

*  Beust  had  a  discussion  with  Varnbiiler  on  November  6  in  the  train 
between  Bietigheim  and  Stuttgart.  According  to  the  report  of  the 
Minister  of  Baden  in  Stuttgart,  Beust  had  said  that  every  symptom  of 
independent  vitality  in  the  South  German  States  would  operate  in  the 
direction  of  peace. 

t  By  the  defeat  of  Garibaldi  at  Mentana  on  November  3. 


In  any  case,  information  should  be  obtained  in  Berlin  and  Stuttgart, 
what  Bismarck's  opinion  is,  and  what  Vambiiler  has  promised. 

Bavaria  can,  after  all,  acquiesce  in  a  union  of  the  kind  if  no 
actual  Federal  State  is  to  be  constituted  therefrom.  Whether 
Wurtemberg  and  Baden  will  give  up  their  Ministers  and  be 
inclined  to  hand  over  the  representation  of  their  interests  to 
South  German  Federal  Ministers  remains  to  be  seen.  Military 
unification  has  likewise  made  no  great  progress  up  till  now,  and 
justifies  no  great  hopes. 

Report  to  the  KING  on  the  position  of  the  South  German  States. 

MUNICH,  November  23,  1867. 

Your  Majesty,  through  your  Majesty's  secretary,  instructed 
your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject,  the  undersigned,  to  supply 
information  concerning  the  actual  condition  of  the  South  German 
States,  and  the  measure  of  success  attained  by  your  Majesty's 
most  faithful  subject  in  respect  of  the  aim  in  view,  namely, 
a  confederation  embracing  the  aforesaid  States.  As  to  this 
the  undersigned  begs,  with  his  humble  duty,  to  report  as  follows : 

As  your  Majesty  is  aware  from  reports  previously  furnished, 
the  negotiations  with  the  South  German  States  begun  in  March 
of  this  year  had  the  object  of  forming  a  common  basis  for  the 
negotiations  connected  with  the  North  German  Confederation. 

The  result  was  the  Ministerial  declaration  arranged  between 
May  16  and  31  of  this  year  between  Bavaria  and  Wurtemberg, 
according  to  which  certain  subjects  of  a  more  general  nature 
are  in  future  to  be  submitted  to  the  deliberation  of  a  further 
confederation,  to  be  concluded  between  North  Germany  and  the 
South  German  States. 

Yet  since  the  negotiations  as  to  the  renewal  of  the  Zollverein 
had  meanwhile  taken  place,  your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject 
thought  it  best  to  omit  further  steps  for  the  present,  and  to 
await  the  coming  into  force  of  the  new  Zollverein  and  its  conse- 
quences before  entering  upon  further  negotiations  concerning 
an  alliance  with  the  North  German  Confederation. 

Thus,  the  undersigned  also  omitted  to  bring  the  projected 
Ministerial  declaration  between  Bavaria  and  Baden  to  a  con- 
clusion, and,  with  your  Majesty's  permission,  sent  a  despatch 
on  August  5  in  last  year  to  your  Majesty's  Minister  at  Karlsruhe, 
in  which  was  expressed  the  wish  of  your  Majesty's  Government 
to  allow  negotiations  to  drop  meanwhile. 

From  Minister  von  Varnbiiler's  despatch,  read  to  your 
Majesty's  most  faithful  subject  by  the  Minister  for  Wiirtemberg, 
it  appears  that  the  Wurtemberg  Government  likewise  intends  to 
desist  from  further  steps  which  had  as  object  an  alliance  with 
North  Germany.* 

*  On  December  u,  1867,  during  the  discussion  of  the  Foreign  Budget  in 
the  Second  Chamber,  Freiherr  von  Vambiiler  said  it  was  the  distinct 


The  condition  of  this  negotiation  may  therefore  for  the 
present  be  regarded  as  satisfactory.  Yet  the  undersigned  cannot 
conceal  from  himself  that  the  interests  of  Bavaria  are  not  fur- 
thered by  this  purely  negative  attitude;  the  circumstances  as 
they  stand  at  present  are  so  immature,  the  current  of  public 
opinion  so  powerful,  that  if  the  Government  loses  control  of  the 
initiative  other  elements  might  call  forth  independent  events 
which  would  threaten  the  autonomy  of  Bavaria.  The  circum- 
stances of  the  dismemberment  of  Germany,  as  it  stands  at  present, 
appear  so  unbearable  to  the  majority  of  the  population  that  it 
will  be  always  endeavouring  to  effect  an  alteration;  and,  if  a 
feasible  form  of  union  is  not  suggested,  it  may  be  foreseen  that 
the  idea  of  joining  the  North  German  Confederation  uncon- 
ditionally will  gain  more  and  more  adherents.  Especially  is 
this  the  case  with  Baden  and  Hesse,  whose  attitude  always 
remains  doubtful,  and  renders  passive  expectation  well-nigh 

But  a  new  element  has  cropped  up  lately  in  this  difficult 
political  question.  Your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject  has 
received  intimations  that  a  procrastinating  attitude  of  the  South 
German  States  causes  anxiety  to  the  Governments  both  of  Austria 
and  of  France,  and  that  in  these  countries  the  stipulations  of  the 
Peace  of  Prague  will  only  be  regarded  as  fulfilled  when  the 
contemplated  union  of  the  South  German  States  is  within  the 
range  of  practical  politics. 

Although  it  does  not  seem  advisable  to  the  undersigned  to 
knit  the  South  German  States  into  a  Federal  State  analogous 
to  the  North  German  Confederation,  an  undertaking  which 
would  meet  with  direct  opposition  from  Wurtemberg,  and 
especially  from  Baden;  yet  he  believes  that  the  moment  should 
now  have  come  when  these  States  might  consider  an  alliance  from 
which  might  at  least  follow  concerted  military  organisation  and 
concerted  deliberation  concerning  an  identical  political  attitude. 

But  whether  a  more  extended  political  alliance  —  a  South 
German  Federal  Union  —  can  be  heref  rom  moulded,  will  primarily 
depend  on  the  attitude  of  the  Prussian  Government,  without 
whose  consent  neither  Baden  nor  Hesse,  scarcely  even  Wurtem- 
berg, will  acquiesce  in  an  idea  of  the  kind. 

Therefore  it  is  the  more  necessary  to  be  assured  of  Prussia's 
favourable  acceptance  of  a  course  of  action  in  the  sense  indicated 
above ;  further,  .to  procure  more  particular  information  concern- 
ing the  ideas  of  the  Austrian  and  French  Governments;  and, 
finally,  to  be  able  to  count  on  Wiirtemberg's  general  co-operation 
-all  of  which  were  merely  hinted  at  in  a  recent  conversation 
between  your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject  and  Baron  Beust. 

opinion  of  the  Government  that  there  was  no  cause  to  exceed  these  limits 
after  having  concluded  the  two  treaties  with  Prussia  and  thereby  fulfilled 
its  national  duty.  As  early  as  November  7  the  Wurtemberg  Charge* 
d'Affaires  had  imparted  a  note  from  Freiherr  von  Varnbiiler  to  von 
Freydorf,  the  Baden  Minister,  the  contents  of  which  were  to  the  same  effect. 


All  these  steps  can,  however,  only  be  taken  in  the  strictest 
confidence  and  with  the  utmost  caution  and  discretion;  they 
should  only  be  considered  as  informative,  and  in  no  way  contem- 
plate obligations  binding  on  Bavaria. 

In  so  far  as  your  Majesty  agrees  and  decides  to  confer  au- 
thority for  these  preparatory  measures  of  information,  the  under- 
signed will  take  it  in  hand  and  dutifully  report  progress  and 
make  further  suggestions. 

Rescript  by  the  KING  in  the  margin  of  the  above  report. 

I  am  much  concerned  about  the  independence  of  my  Crown 
and  the  autonomy  of  the  country.  It  was  for  this  reason  that  I 
asked  you  for  a  statement  on  the  political  situation.  Your  account 
somewhat  reassures  me,  as  I  gather  that  you  will  succeed  in  avert- 
ing pressing  dangers  by  forming  a  South  German  coalition.  I 
am  glad  to  express  my  thanks,  and  my  recognition  of  your  efforts, 
and  I  agree  to  the  steps  which  you  propose.  As  this  matter  has 
my  constant  attention,  your  reports  are  very  acceptable. 


HOHENSCHWANGAU,  November  26,  1867. 

at  Stuttgart. 

MUNICH,  November  30,  1867. 

Your  Excellency  shared  the  view  that  the  subject  treated  in 
the  Ministerial  statement  of  May  16-31  of  this  year  should  lie 
dormant  for  the  present.  It  had  as  object  to  effect  an  under- 
standing between  the  Governments  of  Wiirtemberg  and  Bavaria 
as  to  paving  the  way  for  the  national  alliance,  contemplated 
in  the  Peace  of  Prague,  between  the  South  and  the  North. 
As  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  have  not  abandoned  the  view  that 
the  idea  of  such  an  alliance  should  be  given  up,  for  then,  as  now, 
I  considered  it  a  pressing  necessity  that  it  should  be  striven 
for  on  a  basis  guaranteeing  the  independence  of  the  Southern 
States,  in  order  to  avoid  the  danger  of  being  drawn  against  our 
will  into  the  North  German  Federation  Constitution,  by  the 
increasing  centripetal  force  in  our  national  life.  But  I  thought 
it  necessary  to  come  to  some  conclusion  in  the  first  place  as  to 
the  Zollverein  business,  and  I  suppose  I  may  conclude  that  in 
this,  too,  your  Excellency  shares  my  opinion. 

But  now  the  question  of  what  is  to  be  done  comes  inevitably 
nearer,  and  I  think  I  am  not  wrong  if  I  anticipate  that  the  agi- 
tation will  no  longer  remain  passive  if  the  Governments  of  the 
Southern  States  restrict  themselves  to  purely  negative  action. 

Besides,  I  have  proofs  that  a  merely  negative  policy  would 
be  regarded  as  unsuitable  in  other  ways.  Doubtless  it  is  also 
known  to  your  Excellency  that,  in  circles  whose  importance 


cannot  be  over-estimated,  the  opinion  obtains  that  the  conclusion 
of  the  treaties  of  alliance  and  the  Zollverein  treaty  would  only 
correspond  to  the  intentions  of  the  Peace  of  Prague  if  (accord- 
ing to  this  opinion)  the  union  of  the  South  German  States 
amongst  themselves,  stipulated  in  Article  IV.,  and  upon  which 
the  national  union  of  the  South  with  the  North  was  made  con- 
tingent, should  come  into  force.  One  may  agree  to  this  or  not ; 
we  in  the  South  cannot,  I  think,  ignore  this  view,  the  less  so  as 
I  have  received  intimations  that  even  an  attempt  in  this  direction 
—  the  commencement  of  negotiations  —  would  affect  these  circles 
very  favourably. 

Now  that  his  Majesty  the  King  has  empowered  me  to  take 
the  necessary  steps,  I  am  above  all  things  anxious  to  learn  your 
Excellency's  opinion  on  the  matter,  in  view  of  the  esteem  in 
which  I  have  always  held  your  Excellency's  great  gifts  of 
statesmanship  and  of  my  earnest  desire  to  act  in  concert  with 
Wurtemberg  in  the  German  question.  Meantime,  as  an 
unpretentious  private  piece  of  work*  I  have  endeavoured  to 
formulate  the  subject  under  consideration  and  venture,  quite 
confidentially,  to  enclose  this  sketch  for  your  Excellency's  informa- 
tion. It  would  be  of  the  greatest  value  to  me  to  have  your 
opinion  of  it  in  general,  and  also  on  individual  points.  If 
certain  details,  such,  for  instance,  as  the  inclusion  of  a  Prussian 
plenipotentiary  in  the  Military  Commission,  seem  to  go  too  far,f 
they  are  based  on  the  idea  that  without  the  assent  and  practical 
assistance  of  Prussia  a  union  of  the  South  German  States  in 
any  form  would  be  impossible,  and  that  therefore,  in  order  to 
gain  Prussia's  approval,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  make 
provisions  in  her  favour. 

I  have  not  yet  touched  upon  the  question  as  to  the  manner 
in  which  the  work  of  the  legislative  factors  is  to  make  itself  felt 
in  these  matters  of  joint  interest. 

I  repeat,  however,  that  I  am  placing  this  sketch  before  you 
solely  as  a  friend  and  not  as  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and 
that  I  do  not  wish  to  take  further  steps  without  first  hearing  your 
Excellency's  opinion. 


In  consideration  of  Article  IV.  of  the  Peace  of  Prague,  which 
presupposes  a  union  of  the  German  States  south  of  the  Main  as 
a  condition  of  a  national  union  with  North  Germany,  their 
Majesties  and  Royal  Highnesses  the  Kings  of  Bavaria  and  Wur- 
temberg and  the  Grand  Dukes  of  Baden  and  Hesse,  the  latter 
on  behalf  of  those  portions  of  his  Grand  Duchy  lying  south 
of  the  Main,  are  agreed  as  follows: 

*  The  following  draft  was  the  work  of  Councillor  Freiherr  on  Vol- 
derndorff.  Concerning  the  latter's  close  business  and  personal  relations 
with  the  Prince,  see  his  posthumous,  and  unfortunately  uncompleted, 
publication:  Vom  Reichskanzler  Fursten  von  Hohenlohe,  Munich,  1902. 

t  Article  VI.  paragraph  2,  of  the  following  draft. 



Article  I.  —  The  Kingdoms  of  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg,  the 
Grand  Duchy  of  Baden,  and  the  southern  division  of  the  Grand 
Duchy  of  Hesse  shall  unite  in  a  coalition  of  States,  and  shall  hence- 
forth bear  the  name  "  UNITED  STATES  OF  SOUTH  GERMANY." 

Article  II.  —  The  joint  concerns  of  this  coalition  shall  be  ad- 
justed by  the  Executive  of  the  Union,  which  shall  consist  of 
representatives  of  each  of  the  United  States. 

The  seat  of  the  Executive  of  the  Union  shall  be  at  the  place 
for  the  time  being  appointed. 

Article  III.  —  In  the  Executive  of  the  Union  Bavaria  shall 
have  six,  Wurtemberg  four,  Baden  three,  and  Hesse  two  votes. 

Likewise  the  seat  of  the  Executive  shall  be  transferred  annually 
in  such  a  manner  that  in  the  course  of  fifteen  years  it  shall  be 
twice  at  Darmstadt,  thrice  at  Karlsruhe,  four  times  at  Stuttgart, 
and  six  times  at  Munich. 

The  State  which  is  the  seat  of  the  Executive  of  the  Union 
for  the  time  being  shall  hold  the  presidency. 

Article  IV.  --  The  States  of  the  Union  shall  undertake  to 
lay  all  disputes  with  members  of  the  Union,  as  well  as  with  for- 
eign States,  before  the  Executive  of  the  Union. 

In  case  an  amicable  settlement  is  not  to  be  reached  the  dispute 
shall  be  referred  to  a  court  of  arbitration,  concerning  the  con- 
vocation, composition,  and  procedure  of  which  detailed  regu- 
lations shall  forthwith  be  made. 

Disputes  with  non-Union  States  shall  be  treated  as  matters 
of  joint  interest  if  the  Executive  of  the  Union  considers  that  the 
State  of  the  Union  is  in  the  right. 

Article  V.  —  The  Army  of  the  United  States  of  South  Germany 
shall  be  a  common  one,  subject  to  the  existing  special  agreements 
in  regard  to  Hesse. 

Uniform  organisation  and  uniform  institutions  shall  be 
introduced  into  the  Army  so  far  as  is  necessary  or  useful  for 
action  in  the  field. 

In  time  of  peace  each  Army  Corps  to  be  under  the  sole  command 
of  the  head  of  the  respective  States  by  whom  alone  it  is  to  be 
sworn  in;  the  corps  only  to  be  used  within  the  borders  of  the 
respective  countries,  subject,  however,  to  regulations  for  the 
garrisoning  of  federal  fortresses. 

Article  VI.  —  For  the  maintenance  of  the  uniformity  of  the 
Army  institutions,  and  for  the  elaboration  and  control  of  the 
measures  dealing  therewith,  there  shall  be  at  the  seat  of  the 
Executive  for  the  time  being  a  Military  Commission,  in  which 
each  State  of  the  Union  (except  Hesse)  shall  be  represented  and 
possess  one  vote  respectively. 

The  power  shall  be  reserved  of  making  further  arrange- 
ments for  the  representation  of  Prussia  on  this  commission  by  a 
plenipotentiary  with  a  deliberative  voice  in  the  proceedings. 


Article  VII.  —  For  the  training  of  South  German  officers  a 
joint  Military  Academy  shall  be  established  at  Munich,  a  joint 
Riding  School  at  Stuttgart,  and  a  joint  Academy  of  Engineers 
and  School  of  Gunnery  at  Karlsruhe.  Joint  manoeuvres  of  the 
Army  Corps  of  the  three  above-named  States  shall  take  place 
annually,  and  the  supreme  command  shall  be  held  by  the  State 
which  is  the  seat  of  the  Executive  for  the  time  being. 

Article  VIII.  —  Ulm,  Rastatt,  and  Germersheim  shall  be  de- 
clared fortresses  of  the  United  States  of  South  Germany.  Their 
supreme  control  and  administration  shall  be  vested  in  the  Mili- 
tary Commission.  In  other  respects  the  general  principles  of 
the  federal  regulations  hold  good  for  their  garrisoning,  command, 
and  maintenance. 

The  Military  Commission  will  at  once  subject  these  regula- 
tions to  the  necessary  revision,  and  at  the  same  time  draw  up 
a  complete  scheme  of  defence  for  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
of  South  Germany,  to  be  put  into  execution  as  soon  as  possible 
and  at  the  common  cost. 

Article  IX.  —  Representation  abroad  shall  be  allowed  to  any 
State  of  the  Union  where  the  latter  considers  it  necessary.  But 
any  State  of  the  Union  which  maintains  a  Legation  at  a  for- 
eign Court  shall  be  bound  to  take  over  the  protection  of  subjects 
of  other  States  of  the  Union  that  have  no  representative  there 
equally  with  that  of  its  own.  Where  none  of  the  United  States 
of  South  Germany  is  diplomatically  represented,  the  Prussian 
Minister's  protection  shall  be  obtained  for  subjects  of  the  domain 
of  the  South  German  Union. 

Article  X.  —  With  regard  to  the  Consulates,  efforts  shall  be 
made  to  secure  the  appointment  of  joint  South  German  Consuls. 
In  places  beyond  the  seas,  and  elsewhere  where  it  may  be  deemed 
advisable,  the  protection  of  the  North  German  Consuls  shall  be 
obtained  for  the  subjects  of  the  United  States. 

Article  XI.  —  Throughout  the  United  States  of  South  Germany 
there  shall  be  common  civil  rights,  to  the  effect  that  as  regards 
domicile,  the  carrying  on  of  industries,  manufactures,  and  com- 
merce, admission  to  public  offices,  taxation,  and  the  enjoyment 
of  all  other  civil  rights,  and  finally  with  regard  to  the  protection 
of  the  law  and  prosecution,  the  subject  of  a  State  of  the  Union 
shall  be  dealt  with  as  a  native.  Those  regulations  which  concern 
the  relief  of  the  poor  and  their  admission  to  local  unions  are  not 
affected  hereby.  Likewise,  for  the  present,  existing  treaties  be- 
tween the  separate  States  of  the  Union  dealing  with  the  reception 
of  exiles  and  the  care  of  sick  and  the  burial  of  deceased  subjects 
shall  remain  in  force. 

In  time  of  peace  every  subject  of  the  United  States  of  South 
Germany  shall  be  free  to  discharge  his  military  service  in  the 
Regular  Army,  Reserve,  and  Landwehr  in  the  State  in  which  he 
resides  permanently. 

Article  XII.  —  Throughout  the  territory  of  the  United  South 


German  States  there  shall  be  a  common  civil  law  and  penal  code, 
and  a  common  civil  suit  and  criminal  action.  Simultaneously, 
conformity  with  the  legislation  of  the  North  German  Federation 
shall  be  aimed  at  as  far  as  possible. 

Article  XIII.  —  For  the  maintenance  of  legal  uniformity,  joint 
Supreme  Courts  shall  be  established  immediately  common  legisla- 
tion has  been  established. 

A  common  Supreme  Court  of  Commercial  Judicature  for 
the  United  States  of  South  Germany  is  even  now  being  established 
at  Nuremberg. 

Article  XIV.  —  Further  concerns  of  the  Union  are : 

(1)  The  regulation  of  the  system  of  weights  and  measures, 
the  coinage,  and  the  establishment  of  principles  in  regard  to  issues 
of  funded  and  unfunded  paper  money. 

(2)  General  banking  regulations. 

(3)  Patents. 

(4)  The  protection  of  literary  property. 

(5)  The  rafting  and  shipping  industries  on  the  waterways 
passing   through   the   territories   of   several   different   States,    as 
well  as  the  condition  of  these  waterways,  and  river  and  other 
water  dues. 

(6)  Regulations   concerning   the   mutual   execution   of   deci- 
sions   in    civil    matters,    and    the    discharge    of    requisitions  in 

(7)  Measures  touching  the  sanitary  and  veterinary  police. 
Article  XV.  —  An  international  bond  between  the  United  South 

German  States  and  the  North  German  Federation,  in  so  far  as  it 
does  not  already  exist  in  the  alliance  and  tariff  treaties,  shall  be 
brought  about  by  a  treaty  by  which  the  subjects  specified  in  Articles 
XIII.  and  XIV.  shall  be  jointly  regulated. 

A  second  section  of  the  draft  contains  provisions  for  the  "na- 
tional union"  of  the  United  South  German  States  with  the  North 
German  Confederation. 

Freiherr  von  Varnbiiler  replied  to  the  Prince's  letter  of 
November  30,  1867,  at  New  Year  1868,  to  the  effect  that  the  joint 
execution  of  military  arrangements  was  necessary;  but  as  re- 
garded the  other  points  he  must  question  whether  they 
furnished  material  for  an  organic  union  of  South  German  States, 
and  whether  a  federal  organ,  without  common  popular  repre- 
sentation, would  satisfy  public  opinion.  But  a  South  German 
Parliament  he  did  not  want. 

From  December  4-7,  1867,  conferences  took  place  at  Munich 
between  the  Ministers  of  War  of  Bavaria,  Wurtemberg,  and 
Baden,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  Stuttgart  resolutions 
of  February  5.  Prince  Hohenlohe  opened  these  conferences  with 
the  following  address : 

"Before  the  commencement  of  the  military  conference,  I  per- 
mit myself,  gentlemen,  to  express  to  you,  as  representatives  of 


the  Governments  of  the  Kingdom  of  Wiirtemberg  and  the  Grand 
Duchy  of  Baden,  the  thanks  of  the  Bavarian  Government,  in  that 
his  Majesty  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg  and  his  Royal  Highness 
the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden  have  commissioned  you  to  take  part 
in  the  conference.  Herewith  begins  a  complement  of  the  Stuttgart 
Conferences  which  took  place  in  February,  and  which  we  cannot 
too  highly  value. 

"  Should  it  be,  as  I  doubt  not,  the  intention  of  all  South  Ger- 
man Governments  to  adhere  to  the  treaties  of  alliance  concluded 
with  Prussia,  and  in  eventualities  that  may  ensue  to  defend 
the  integrity  of  German  territory  jointly  with  our  allies  of  the 
North,  then  the  co-operation  of  the  South  German  States  will  not 
hinder,  but  further  the  attainment  of  this  object. 

"The  mutual  understanding  of  the  South  German  States  will 
not  estrange  us  from  the  North,  but  facilitate  the  fulfilment  of 
our  alliance  duties;  it  will  allow  us  to  foster  those  peculiarities 
to  the  maintenance  of  which  we  in  South  Germany  attach  im- 
portance; it  will  permit  us  to  uphold  that  measure  of  indepen- 
dence which  we  may  retain  without  prejudice  to  the  common  end 
in  view ;  finally,  it  will  strengthen  us,  and  make  us  valuable  allies. 

"In  this  sense  I  wish  your  deliberations,  comrades,  the  best  of 
progress  and  every  success." 

After  this  welcome,  the  negotiations  were  continued  by  the 
Military  Commissioners  alone.  The  final  agreements  were  re- 
corded in  two  protocols  of  December  7,  1867.  The  first  of  these 
protocols  sets  forth,  in  the  first  instance,  that  the  Stuttgart  resolu- 
tions have  been  carried  out,  as  far  as  has  been  hitherto  possible 
for  individual  States,  in  all  points  and  by  all.  For  the  supple- 
mentation and  explanation  of  former  points  agreed,  it  is 
considered  desirable,  in  accordance  with  the  North  German 
Federal  Military  Constitution  which  has  meanwhile  been  pro- 
mulgated, to  attain,  as  far  as  feasible,  a  war  footing  of  2  per  cent, 
and  a  peace  effective  of  i  per  cent.,  and  thereby  in  principle  three 
years'  service.  Further  provisions  concern  the  maintenance  of  an 
experienced  staff  of  non-commissioned  officers,  the  peace  effective 
of  cavalry,  the  necessity  of  identical  drill  regulations,  identical 
ranks  for  officers,  and  identical  designations  for  non-commissioned 
officers.  The  second  protocol  binds  the  three  Governments  to  ne- 
gotiations concerning  joint  manoeuvres  to  be  arranged  for  the 
coming  summer  or  autumn,  and  contains  the  following  provision 
in  respect  of  the  fortresses : 

"Regarded  from  a  military  point  of  view,  the  question  of 
the  fortresses  of  South  Germany  can  be  satisfactorily  settled  only 
in  connection  with  the  system  of  defence  of  the  whole  of  Ger- 
many, and  therefore  the  Ministers  of  War  here  assembled  regard 
it  as  in  this  respect  a  military  necessity  that  a  body  should  exist 
which  —  with  constant  regard  to  Germany's  system  of  defence 
in  general  —  should  settle  details  respecting  individual  fortified 
places  and  positions. 


"As,  however,  the  fulfilment  of  this  necessity  must  first  be 
considered  in  all  its  aspects,  its  existence  shall  merely  be  stated 
here,  but  a  definitive  decision  not  pronounced." 

Report  to  the  KING  concerning  the  reconstitution  o) 
the  Upper  House. 

MUNICH,  December  12,  1867. 

In  the  programme  which  your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject, 
the  undersigned,  placed  before  your  Majesty  ere  taking  up  his 
appointment,  and  which  received  your  Majesty's  august  approval, 
the  reform  of  the  Upper  House  was  mentioned  as  a  desirable 

In  order  to  meet  this  wish,  the  fulfilment  of  which  seems 
necessary  and  profitable  to  the  interests  of  the  State,  your  Maj- 
esty's most  faithful  subject,  the  undersigned,  ventures  to  place 
before  your  Majesty  six  bills,*  by  which,  according  to  his  convic- 
tion, —  without  danger  to  the  genuinely  conservative  bases 
of  the  Constitution,  —  the  institution  of  the  Upper  Chamber 
would  escape  constant  attacks  and  find  redress  for  the  justifiable 
criticisms  which  of  late  have  been  so  frequently  levelled  against 

The  six  bills  are  intimately  connected.  The  bill  concerning 
the  amendment  of  the  law  of  entail  confers  on  the  commoner 
with  landed  property  the  possibility  of  admission  to  the  heredi- 
tary peerage;  it  thus  does  away  with  the  exclusiveness  of  this 
privilege,  without  destroying  its  conservative  character. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  bill  for  the  amendment  of  Section  VI., 
paragraph  3,  of  the  Constitution  summons  to  the  Senate  a  number 
of  old  noble  families  with  landed  property,  who  have  hitherto, 
obviously  for  no  special  cause,  been  excluded  therefrom  by  the 
maintenance  in  their  family  estate  of  the  ancient,  genuinely  Teu- 
tonic principle  of  tenure  in  common.  Your  Majesty's  most 
faithful  servant  is  of  opinion  that  such  families  as  the  Crails- 
heim,  Egloffstein,  Seckendorff,  Thiingen,  Tacher,  &c.,  should 
not  be  unrepresented  in  the  Upper  Chamber  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Bavaria.  .  .  . 

In  like  manner  the  result  of  the  bill  for  the  representation  by 
proxy  of  hereditary  Senators  will  be  to  render  it  possible  for  those 
families  who  are  called  by  the  Constitution  to  the  Upper  Cham- 
ber to  exercise  their  right  f  more  frequently  than  constant  and 
almost  unavoidable  hindrances  admit  at  present. 

Against  this  increase  of  the  hereditary  element  it  seemed 
advisable  to  claim  a  further  extension  of  the  Royal  prerogative  of 
nomination,  and  this  is  the  object  of  a  bill  which  would  raise  the 

*The  six  bills  were  the  work  of  Freiherr  von  Volderndorff.  See 
his  work :  Vom  Reichskanzler  Fursten  von  Hohenlohe,  p.  22. 

t  The  bill  was  to  authorise  the  representation  of  hereditary  members 
by  a  kinsman  during  the  session. 


number  fixed  by  Paragraph  4  of  Section  VI.  of  the  Constitution 
from  one-third  to  one-half. 

Finally,  with  special  regard  to  the  bill  for  the  extension  of 
the  Chamber  of  Senators,  the  undersigned  ventures  respectfully 
to  refer  in  general  terms  to  the  underlying  motives.  In  attempting 
a  reform  of  the  institution  he  believes  that  he  ought  to  confine 
himself  to  the  strictly  essential,  and  more  especially  that  he  should 
refrain  from  suggesting  an  entire  reorganisation  of  constitutional 
regulations  for  the  Upper  Chamber,  since  such  might  lead  to 
lengthy  debates  and  possibly  to  far-reaching  proposals  in  the  Cham- 
ber of  Deputies,  whereas  the  bill  in  its  actual  brief  wording  does, 
in  fact,  meet  the  most  urgent  requirements,  and  yet  on  the  whole 
leaves  the  basis  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Upper  Chamber  un- 

The  bill  concerning  the  quorum  of  the  Upper  House  is  founded, 
as  the  preamble  shows,  on  a  resolution  previously  moved  by  promi- 
nent members  of  this  Chamber,  and  will  satisfy  an  extremely 
urgent  need. 

The  undersigned  was  of  opinion  that  before  a  Cabinet  delibera- 
tion took  place  on  the  bills  in  question,  which  might  be  placed 
before  the  Chambers  as  emanating  from  the  joint  Ministry,  your 
Majesty's  orders  should  be  obtained,  and  consequently  ventures 
to  make  the  most  respectful  suggestion  that  your  Majesty  should 
ordain  the  discussion  of  the  six  annexed  bills  by  the  Cabinet 

From  the  preambles  of  the  bills  the  following  may  be  quoted : 

(1)  Amendment  of  the  law  of  entail. 

Some  doubts  may  exist  as  to  whether  the  law  of  entail,  as  set  out 
in  the  Bavarian  Constitution,  is  intrinsically  desirable,  and  should 
therefore  be  reintroduced.  Presumably,  however,  there  is  no  doubt 
that,  though  the  law  sanctions  the  establishment  of  entails,  their 
restrictions  to  the  nobility  is  not  in  accordance  either  with  material 
conditions  or  with  the  views  of  the  present  day  concerning  equality 
before  the  law.  Should  the  Government,  therefore,  endeavour  to 
remove  this  anomaly,  and,  by  abrogating  the  present  prerogative 
of  noble  families,  grant  to  every  one  the  right  of  tying  up  his  prop- 
erty for  the  benefit  of  his  family  in  a  form  hitherto  only  possible 
for  the  nobility,  this  can  in  no  case  be  challenged  as  unjust  or 

But  neither  does  such  extension  of  the  right  of  entail  seem 
unfair  or  unimportant,  since  it  thus  makes  way  for  the  admission 
to  the  Senate  of  commoners  with  landed  property;  the  institu- 
tion of  hereditary  senatorship  ceases  to  be  a  privilege  of  the  no- 
bility, and  becomes  the  common  property  of  the  whole  nation. 

(2)  Bill  for  the  conferment  of   hereditary  Senatorship  on  per- 
sons in  joint  ownership  of  property. 

The  Constitution  does  not  merely  start  from  the  principle 
that  the  bond  of  entail  should  be  inadmissible  without  the  simul- 
taneous operation  of  the  law  of  primogeniture.  It  also  refuses 


to  invest  with  any  political  importance  a  family  estate  where  no 
preferment  of  the  first-born  takes  place.  It  may  be  urged  that 
the  institution  of  entail  is  the  outcome  of  the  restricted  manner 
of  succession  which  obtains  at  the  present  time,  and  there  is  good 
reason  for  the  opinion  that,  if  once  the  estate  were  allowed  to  be 
tied  up  in  favour  of  the  family,  it  would  be  fairer  and  more  natural 
to  grant  the  usufruct  to  all  members  of  the  same  family  than  to 
single  out  the  favoured  first-born.  But  the  Government  would 
not  propose  an  innovation  so  far-reaching  and  even  hazardous, 
thinking  it  better  simply  to  allow  entail,  as  such,  to  continue, 
according  to  Bavarian  tradition. 

On  the  other  hand,  a  change  seems  called  for  by  the  injustice 
of  ignoring  the  political  importance  of  such  family  property 
as  rests  on  the  ancient,  truly  German  basis  of  joint  usufruct  by 
all  members  of  the  family  in  favour  of  him  who  takes  his  stand 
upon  the  right  of  primogeniture.  The  question  of  the  divisibility 
of  usufruct  and  of  administration  is  merely  a  private  family  matter 
and  cannot  alter  or  lessen  the  importance  of  landed  property 
as  such. 

Now  in  the  provinces  of  Franconia  the  number  of  properties 
of  the  kind  indicated  is  not  inconsiderable,  and  indeed  the  greater 
part  of  family  landed  property  in  Bavaria  has  remained  unrep- 
resented in  the  Upper  House  in  consequence  of  these  distinc- 

Therefore  an  alteration  must  be  considered  as  equitable  as  it 
is  desirable. 

(3)  Bill  concerning  life  Senators.     Among  those  deficiencies 
in  the  constitution  of  the  Upper  House,  which  make  themselves 
specially  felt  at  present,  is  the  circumstance  that  there  are  too 
few  legal,  administrative,  financial,  and  military  members;  and 
precisely  for  this  reason  the  rendering  of  reports  on  such  subjects 
encounters  great  difficulties. 

However  politically  correct  in  the  Constitution  is  the  principle 
for  the  composition  of  the  Upper  House,  that  the  King's  preroga- 
tive of  nomination  must  stand  in  a  certain  relation  to  other  cate- 
gories, and  little  as  it  might  be  desirable  to  give  up  the  character 
of  independence  of  the  Upper  Chamber,  in  favour  of  the 
political  tendency  of  a  particular  time,  with  its  liability  to  rapid 
change,  by  the  unlimited  nomination  of  peers,  yet,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  numbers  prescribed  in  the  Constitution  for  the  King's 
prerogative  of  nomination  appears  to  be  placed  too  low,  and  still 
more  will  this  be  the  case  when  the  Chamber  is  possibly  strength- 
ened by  elected  members. 

All  these  reasons  are  in  favour  of  undertaking  the  proposed 
increase  of  the  proportion  of  life  Senators  to  hereditary  Senators 
from  one-third  to  one-half. 

(4)  Bill  for  the  reinforcement  of  the  Chamber  of  Senators. 
This  Bill  provides  for  the  reinforcement  of  the  Chamber  of 

Senators  by  twenty-nine  elected  members,  namely : 


(a)  Five  representatives  of  the  Universities,  the  Polytechnic, 
and  the  Academy. 

(b)  Eight  representatives  of  commerce  and  industry. 

(c)  Eight  representatives  of  landed  property. 

(d)  Eight  representatives  of  towns. 

If  the  Government  proposes,  not  a  reconstruction,  but  a  rein- 
forcement of  the  Chamber  of  Senators,  it  is  primarily  because  it 
considers  that  in  the  two-Chamber  system  —  in  so  far  as  the  latter 
is  to  have  any  actual  political  importance  at  all  —  the  Upper 
Chamber  must  by  heredity  and  life-long  nomination  preserve  a 
certain  stability,  that  it  must  thereby  bring  the  conservative  ele- 
ment to  special  account,  and  will  for  that  very  reason  be  capable 
of  preserving  the  quickly  shifting  momentary  moods  of  political 
life  from  excess  precipitation. 

Further,  it  cannot  be  ignored  that  the  landed  property  which 
is  now  represented  by  the  hereditary  members  of  the  Upper  House 
furnishes  a  legitimate  element  in  the  formation  of  a  Cham- 
ber of  Peers,  and  one  which  is  justified  by  the  historical  as  well 
as  the  material  importance  of  the  interests  at  stake.  Finally, 
that  the  prerogative  of  Royal  nomination  furnishes  a  necessary 
means  of  attracting  men  of  talent  from  these  ranks,  who  could 
be  raised  in  no  other  way,  into  parliamentary  life.  It  follows 
that  whatever  is  accomplished  in  the  way  of  reform  of  the  Upper 
House  must  come  about  through  the  attraction  of  these  ele- 
ments, and  by  this  means,  without  obliterating  the  character 
of  the  institution,  a  more  lively  development  of  the  impetus 
given  to  political  life  by  free  discussion  and  opinion  will  be  ren- 
dered possible. 

Therefore  a  reinforcement  must  take  place  by  elected 

Naturally  the  number  of  elected  Senators  must  stand  in  a 
certain  relation  to  the  other  categories,  and  if  the  Bill  in  question 
will  allow  twenty-nine  members  elected  by  vote  to  be  appointed, 
this  represents  scarcely  twice  the  number  of  those  at  present 
nominated  for  life,  and  the  hereditary  members  will  not  in  future 
outnumber  the  elected  and  nominated  members  put  together. 
With  regard  to  the  categories  from  which  to  choose,  a  general 
election  in  local  districts  is  barred  from  the  first,  for  there  would 
exist  no  inherent  reason  for  opposing  to  the  Lower  Chamber  — 
which  rests  on  this  basis  —  a  representation  in  the  Upper  Chamber 
resting  on  an  identical  basis. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Government  believed  that  an  amend- 
ment of  election  methods,  solely  by  restriction  to  the  upper  classes 
of  tax-payers,  could  not  be  regarded  as  either  sufficient  or  desirable, 
since  thereby  the  Upper  Chamber  would  rest  solely  on  the  privilege 
of  wealth,  and  would  scarcely  gain  an  increase  of  prestige  in  the 
general  estimation  of  the  people. 

Hence  the  proposed  class  system  of  election  follows  as  a  mat- 
ter of  course,  and  in  this  connection  it  should  be  the  orders 


of  society  called  forth  by  modern  political  life  that  should  be 
kept  in  view,  and  not  the  pre-existing  classes,  which  have  now 
become  historic.  With  special  regard  to  the  clergy  in  this  matter, 
they  have  hitherto  been  represented  in  the  Upper  House  in  a 
suitable  manner,  and  it  was  therefore  possible  to  pass  them  over 
in  the  reconstitution. 

The  PRINCE'S  speech  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  during 
the  discussion  of  the  Bill  for  Military  Organisation 
December  13,  1867. 

In  yesterday's  and  in  to-day's  debate  the  province  of  foreign 
policy  has  also  been  touched  upon.  I  shall,  however,  refrain 
from  commenting  in  greater  detail  upon  many  a  statement,  many 
a  bitter  remark;  otherwise  I  should  be  under  the  necessity  of 
propounding  to  you  once  more  the  principles  which  I  feel  myself 
bound  to  maintain  in  Bavarian  policy,  and  I  should  fear  to  weary 
you  by  the  repetition.  Furthermore,  these  very  statements 
are  based  on  those  fears  of  future  approaching  events  to  which 
one  party  clings  with  a  certain  predilection.  I  shall  therefore 
confine  myself  to-day  to  a  few  general  observations.  You  will 
agree  with  me,  gentlemen,  that  the  present  time  imperatively 
demands  increased  efforts  in  military  matters,  and  the  greatest 
possible  extension  of  our  military  force.  We  are  living  in  a  time 
of  transition.  Former  alliances  have  been  destroyed,  and  fresh 
ones  are  in  course  of  formation;  the  sufferings  of  Europe  have 
reached,  if  I  may  say  so,  an  acute  stage,  and  feverish  excitement 
points  to  the  early  approach  of  great  disturbances.  Of  what  nature 
the  culmination  of  these  crises  will  be  no  man  can  say,  yet  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  we  also  shall  not  be  unaffected. 
We  shall  be  forced  to  make  sacrifices,  but  these  sacrifices 
will  pass  the  limits  of  our  endurance  if  we  are  not  heed- 
ful to  meet  the  coming  danger  forearmed,  and  armed  at  all  points. 
The  development  of  Europe  and  Germany  may  continue  on  the 
same  lines ;  but  Bavaria  must  gain  the  respect  which  is  her  due 
by  an  adequate  expansion  of  her  inherent  strength,  and  must, 
as  a  part  of  the  whole,  take  up  that  position  which  alone  is  worthy 
of  her. 

That  our  present  military  organisation  is  not  equal  to  this 
object  was  expounded  yesterday  and  to-day  in  eloquent  terms, 
but  it  is  beyond  doubt  that  a  mere  reform  of  military  organisa- 
tion is  not  sufficient  if  the  old  principles  persist.  Equally  insuffi- 
cient, finally,  would  be  a  military  system  copied  from  the  Swiss. 
Nothing,  therefore,  remained  to  the  Government  but  to  have 
recourse  to  the  military  system  which  is  now  proposed.  It  is  a 
system  which  has  success  on  its  side,  and  which  affords  cer- 
tainty of  creating  an  army  which  is  ready  to  fight;  one,  more- 
over, which  by  its  homogeneous  system  and  training  has 
the  advantage  of  being  a  force  equal  to,  and  capable 


of,  combined  action  with  our  allies.  By  introducing  this 
military  organisation  we  shall  inspire  the  Army  with  that 
confidence  in  its  own  strength  and  its  own  thoroughness  without 
which  military  success  is  not  to  be  thought  of;  we  shall,  by 
this  combined  system,  connect  ourselves  more  closely  and 
intimately  with  the  whole  of  Germany,  and  at  the  same  time 
we  shall  retain  and  defend  that  independence  which  Bavaria 
can  and  will  uphold  —  without  detriment  to  the  agreement 
for  offence  and  defence  —  by  opposing  right  supported  by  might, 
to  any  force  which  may  threaten.  Therefore  I  recommend  you 
to  pass  the  Bill. 


MUNICH,  February  19,  1868. 

The  result  of  the  elections*  has  been  to  make  the  Ultra- 
montane party  arrogant,  and  it  now  thinks  that  the  Government 
also  must  immediately  come  over  to  its  side.  Secretary,  to  the 
Cabinet  Lipowsky's  thoughtless  and  wavering  character  affords 
it  the  opportunity.  This  man,  who  wishes  to  keep  in  with  all 
parties  and  believes  true  statecraft  to  consist  therein,  hears  much 
and  digests  little,  but  intrigues  the  more.  The  article  in  the 
Siiddeutsche  Presse,  against  the  Ultramontane  party,  has 
called  forth  his  indignation,  which  he  has,  in  fact,  expressed 
to  Frobel.  All  the  same,  I  do  not  believe  that  the  King,  as  he 
maintains,  gave  him  any  pretext  for  this  manifestation.  Of 
course  the  Ultramontane  party  is  annoyed  at  Frobel's  article, 
because  it  thwarts  their  plans,  which  aim  at  separating  the 
Government  from  the  Reform  party,  and  drawing  them  com- 
pletely into  the  Ultramontane  camp.  There  is  a  rumour  that 
Schrenck  is  to  replace  Senior. 

Trauttmansdorf  f  would  like  to  get  rid  of  Schlor,  and  appoint 
in  his  stead  a  Minister  who  would  be  wiser  on  the  one  hand,  and 
more  Ultramontane  on  the  other.  He  maintains  that  he  wants 
me  to  remain;  but  at  the  same  time  wishes  me  to  make 
a  decided  deviation  to  the  side  of  the  Ultramontanes.  Frobel 
says  that  he  is  opposed  to  Beust.  I  do  not  share  the  opinion. 
I  think  that  here  Beust  acts  with  the  Ultramontanes,  and  in  Vienna 
against  them. 

To-morrow  Senior's  election  will  decide  the  matter  here.  I 
hear  various  conjectures.  Some  think  he  will  be  elected,  others 
not.  In  any  case  his  removal  from  the  Ministry  would  be  no 

MUNICH,  February  22,  1868. 

So  Schlor  was  elected  yesterday.  Had  he  not  managed  to 
get  in  he  would  soon  have  had  to  quit  the  Ministry;  but  as 

*  To  the  Tariff  Parliament,  which  took  place  on  February  10. 
f  Count  Trauttmansdorff,  Austrian  Minister. 
VOL.  i  —  T 


things  have  turned  out  he  can  remain.  Whether  this  is  an 
advantage  is  another  question.  At  Trauttmansdorff 's  I  had  a 
long  conversation  with  Feilitzsch  concerning  the  Press  in 
general.  We  were  so  far  agreed  that  nothing  can  be  done 
without  money,  and  as  we  are  short  of  cash  we  cannot 
accomplish  much. 

Dr.  Haas  has  brought  Volderndorff  some  articles  which  he 
has  had  inserted  in  several  papers,  and  which,  in  furtherance 
of  my  interests,  discuss  the  matter  of  Nuremberg  Castle,*  and 
condemn  Pfordten.  Volderndorff  did  not  know  how  to  construe 
the  amiability  of  the  Austrian  Ultramontane  Press  agents  un- 
til I  told  him  that  Trauttmansdorff  had  given  me  to  under- 
stand that  their  side  did  not  wish  £or  the  fall  of  the  present 
Ministry.  The  gentlemen  consider  the  moment  too  inopportune 
for  bringing  forward  an  understanding  with  Prussia.  They 
fear  the  impression  my  fall  would  make  in  Berlin,  if  it  were 
occasioned  by  the  Austrian  party.  In  Berlin  the  blunders  of 
the  King  of  Hanover  f  have  aroused  a  mood  of  exasperation 
against  Austria,  which  they  now  have  no  interest  in  increasing. 
So  it  seems  I  shall  have  peace  for  a  time.  The  Order  of  St. 
Stephen  will  accentuate  this  mood. 

In  the  evening  Lipowsky  came  to  me  to  complain  of  the 
foreign  Press,  and  to  beg  me,  by  order  of  the  King,  to  take  steps 
against  it.  His  real  object,  however,  was  to  see  if  I  would 
tell  him  something  about  the  successor  to  the  sick  Minister 
von  Pechmann.  He  made  himself  very  agreeable,  and  seemed 
to  be  waiting  for  a  disclosure  of  the  kind.  But  I  kept 
silence.  In  addition  he  spoke  of  the  reports  about  the 
King,  and  complained  of  the  people  in  Munich  and  their  evil 

To-day,  Princess  Maria  Theresa  arrived  with  Prince  Ludwig.t 
I  received  her  at  the  station  with  Moy  and  Trauttmansdorff. 
She  looked  quite  brilliant  in  her  new  toilette,  and  was  very 
pleasant  and  graceful.  We  were  presented,  escorted  her  to 

*  After  the  conclusion  of  peace  the  King  of  Bavaria  had  offered  to 
King  Wilhelm,  in  a  letter  of  August  30,  1866,  to  become  the  joint  owner  with 
him  of  "the  venerable  castle  of  his  forefathers,"  and  to  inhabit  it 
during  any  visits  he  might  pay  to  Bavaria.  This  offer  was  accepted  with 
thanks  by  King  Wilhelm.  The  matter  did  not  come  to  an  assignment  of 
property  or,  in  fact,  to  a  political  treaty.  It  was  settled  by  a  semi-official 
manifesto  of  February  15,  1868. 

f  King  George  of  Hanover  celebrated  his  silver  wedding  on  February 
18,  1868,  at  Hietzing,  and  received  a  great  deputation  of  Hanoverians;  to 
whom,  in  an  after-dinner  speech,  he  expressed  his  hopes  of  his  restora- 
tion to  his  dominions.  The  Hanoverian  Legion,  which  had  been  formed 
on  the  occasion  of  the  Luxembourg  complications,  had  left  Switzerland  for 
France  in  January  1868.  On  February  20  Count  Beust  was  interpel- 
lated in  the  Chambers  concerning  the  profuse  supply  of  Austrian  passports 
for  the  Guelph  Legionaries  by  the  Viennese  Police  Department  to 
Switzerland,  and  concerning  the  after-dinner  speech  of  King  George. 

|  Prince  Ludwig  of  Bavaria  had  married  Maria  Theresa,  Archduchess 
of  Austria-Este-Modena,  on  February  20,  1868. 


the  carriage,  and  then  drove  home.  Their  Royal  Highnesses 
made  their  State  entry,  of  which  I  saw  nothing.  The  King  is 
in  bed.  Few  people  believe  that  he  is  ill. 

MUNICH,  February  24,  1869. 

Frobel  has  just  told  me  that  he  lately  received  an  admonitory 
letter  from  Baron  Gruben,  the  Taxis  official  in  Ratisbon,  re- 
questing him  to  come  to  an  understanding  with  the  clerical 
party.  Gruben,  so  Frobel  tells  me,  is  an  agent  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus,  who  is  attached  to  Prince  Taxis  in  order  to  exploit 
his  enormous  fortune  in  the  interests  of  the  Order.  In  com- 
pany with  Dornberg  he  was  Chief  Agent  during  the  Congress 
of  Princes  in  1863,  and  on  that  occasion  discussed  a  scheme 
for  a  constitution  with  Frobel,  and  together  with  him  laid  it  before 
the  Emperor;  however,  he  struck  out  Frobel's  too-democratic 
additions,  and  thus  the  thing  failed.  At  that  time  some  far- 
reaching  plans  were  concocted  at  Ratisbon;  the  Hereditary 
Prince  was  to  have  the  Rhine-lands,  and  on  this  point  negotia- 
tions were  also  commenced  with  Napoleon.  Hence  the  Ratisbon 
Ultramontanes'  fury  with  Frobel. 

Pascal  Duprat,  the  well-known  Republican,  was  here  lately 
at  Frobel's,  and  recounted  to  him  his  experiences  in  Hungary, 
whence  he  came.  The  Hungarian  Left  doubts  the  continuance 
of  the  present  Liberal  regime  in  Austria,  and  in  view  of  approach- 
ing catastrophes  has  already  opened  negotiations  with  the 
Southern  Slavs,  with  the  intent  of  creating  or  preparing  an 
Empire  of  the  Danube  or  a  Federation  of  the  Danube.  The 
Southern  Slavs  will  not  hear  of  a  union  with  Russia,  but  never- 
theless accept  Russian  money  in  order  to  promote  their  own 
schemes  therewith. 

March  4. 

During  the  last  few  days  I  have  been  very  busy.  The  death 
of  Minister  Pechmann  and  the  question  of  a  successor  have  been 
my  chief  preoccupations.  As  it  seemed  to  me  that  Lipowsky 
was  trying  to  outflank  me  in  the  nomination  of  a  Minister,  I  stated 
on  Wednesday  in  the  Cabinet  Council  that  I  detected  a  desire 
to  complete  the  Ministry  without  consulting  me;  if  this  were 
actually  the  case  I  should  tender  my  resignation.  The  stroke 
told.  The  Ministers  received  a  salutary  fright,  the  King  was  at 
once  informed,  and  on  Thursday  evening  he  sent  for  me  to  discuss 
all  manner  of  things.  He  also  touched  upon  the  Ministry  of  the 
Interior,  asked  about  Hermann,  whom  I,  however,  characterised 
as  unsuitable.  The  Neumayr  party  are  working  for  Hermann. 
On  Friday  Lipowsky  came  to  ask  me  my  opinion  direct.  I  told 
him  frankly  that  I  did  not  want  Hormann  on  account  of  his 
relations  with  the  Neumayr  clique.  We  also  discussed  Schubert, 
of  whom  he  speaks  in  the  highest  terms,  and  Pfeufer,  whom  he 
does  not  much  advocate. 


On  Saturday  came  news  of  the  death  of  King  Ludwig  L* 
Hence  much  business,  many  telegrams,  notifications,  &c. 

This  has  rather  put  the  Ministerial  question  in  the  background. 
Added  to  this,  the  King  is  ill  again  —  fever,  &c. 

On  Monday  the  Budget  of  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs 
was  discussed  in  committee.  The  Reporter  was  only  going 
to  grant  me  200,000  gulden  for  the  Legations,  but  I  declared 
that  I  could  not  go  below  250,000  gulden,  and  would  tender  my 
resignation  if  they  were  not  accorded.  Thereat  great  ill-humour 
in  the  committee,  and  finally  consent  to  my  demand. 

Yesterday,  Tuesday,  March  3,  many  callers  at  the  Ministry. 
Among  them  Stenglein,  who  wanted  to  know  if  we  were  going 
to  take  up  as  passive  an  attitude  at  the  next  election  to  the 
Chamber  as  we  did  at  the  time  of  the  elections  to  the  Tariff 
Parliament.  I  replied  in  the  negative.  He  said  that  in  that 
case  there  was  a  prospect  of  forming  a  Liberal  party  if  we  would 
assist  the  members  of  the  Chamber  to  election. 

MUNICH,  March  22,  1868. 

This  evening  Lipowsky  came  to  see  me,  and  said  his  Majesty 
had  commissioned  him  to  ask  what  points  I  wished  to  put  before 
him  concerning  the  nomination  to  the  Ministry  of  the  Interior.! 
His  Majesty  could  not  receive  me,  as  his  Majesty  had  a  swelled 

I  replied  that  I  had  partitioned  his  Majesty  to  hear  me  orally 
concerning  the  nomination  of  a  Minister  before  anything  was 
decided,  that  I  must  insist  on  this  petition,  and  would  commit 
myself  to  nothing  further.  Should  his  Majesty  not  grant  this 
petition,  I  must  still  adhere  to  my  resolution.  Lipowsky  pro- 
tested that  he  had  done  his  utmost  to  induce  the  King  to  see  me 
to-day,  but  without  success.  I  said  that  I  regretted  the  necessity 
of  insisting.  I  owed  it  to  myself. 

On  March  30  the  President  of  the  Government  Board,  von 
Hermann,  was  appointed  Minister  of  the  Interior. 

Report  to  the  KING. 

MUNICH,  March  30,  1868. 

Your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject,  the  undersigned,  has 
been  informed  by  the  Prussian  Ambassador  that  his  Royal 
Highness  the  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia  will  go  to  Turin  for  the 
wedding  of  the  Crown  Prince  of  Italy  on  April  20  and  will  pass 
through  Munich.  The  journey  will  probably  take  place  in  the 
week  following  Easter. 

*  Died  at  Nice  on  February  29. 

fin  the  report  of  March  21  the  Prince  had  requested  an  audience,  in 
order  verbally  to  set  forth  his  views  concerning  a  nomination  to  the 
office  of  Minister  of  the  Interior. 


As  the  King  of  Prussia  and  other  members  of  the  Royal  Family 
have  paid  several  visits  to  your  Majesty's  Court,  which  your 
Majesty  has  not  yet  been  able  to  return,  it  is  perhaps  possible 
that  the  considerations  of  etiquette  prevailing  between  the  Royal 
Courts  will  not  permit  the  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia  to  visit  your 
Majesty's  Court  on  this  occasion. 

Yet,  as  the  Crown  Prince  is  going  to  Italy  by  way  of  the 
Brenner  Pass,  he  cannot  avoid  Munich. 

Your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject  thinks  it  right  to  bring 
this  to  your  Majesty's  notice,  as  he  fears  that  it  might  perhaps 
produce  a  disagreeable  impression  on  your  Majesty  if  the  Crown 
Prince  made  a  stay  in  Munich  without  visiting  the  Royal  Court. 
If  this  should  be  the  case,  and  your  Majesty  should  wish  to 
receive  the  Crown  Prince's  visit,  the  undersigned  could  introduce 
the  subject  through  Baron  Perglas  in  Berlin,  and  remove  the 
impediment  of  etiquette  which  perhaps  exists  by  referring  to  a 
proposed  visit  by  your  Majesty  to  Berlin,  whose  date  need  not 
be  specified. 

Your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject,  the  undersigned,  there- 
fore respectfully  ventures  to  beg  for  your  Majesty's  august 
commands  whether,  and  in  what  sense,  he  shall  provide  Baron 
Perglas  with  instructions. 

In  the  sitting  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  of  April  6,  1868, 
the  Deputy  Ruland  had  violently  attacked  the  Government 
on  account  of  several  articles  in  the  Suddeutsche  Presse. 

Hereupon  Prince  Hohenlohe  said:  "I  must,  above  all  things, 
insist  that  the  Government  has  no  actual  Government  Press.  I 
wished  for  no  Government  organ,  and  therefore  allowed  the 
Bayrische  Zeitung  to  cease  publication.  The  Suddeutsche  Presse 
is  not  a  Government  organ.  It  receives  no  instructions,  and 
therefore  the  Government  is  not  answerable  for  any  statements 
which  it  contains.  You  may  possibly  consider  this  relation  as 
surprising,  but  you  will  agree  with  me  if  I  say  that  I  have  too 
high  an  opinion  of  the  Press  in  general  to  conceive  a  great  im- 
portant newspaper  working  according  to  precept,  thinking  to 
order  or  according  to  suggestion.  Such  an  organ  would  only  be 
imaginable  in  the  restricted  form  of  a  Government  Gazette,  for 
which  separate  sections  of  the  Government  would  be  responsible. 

"Therefore  I  must  consider  as  baseless  the  attacks  which  have 
been  made  upon  the  Government  concerning  the  Government 

Report  to  the  KING  concerning  the  South  German  question. 

MUNICH,  April  10,  1868. 

In  your  Majesty's  august  mandate  of  the  5th  of  this  month 
your  Majesty  asks  for  the  explanation  of  the  reasons  of  failure  of 
the  attempt  at  forming  a  South  German  Confederation  of  States. 


Therefore  your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject,  the  under- 
signed, hastens  with  his  humble  duty  to  report  as  follows : 

The  foundation  of  a  South  German  Confederation  of  States, 
which  was  to  be  accomplished  according  to  the  terms  of 
Article  IV.  of  the  Peace  of  Prague,  had  from  the  outset  only 
a  prospect  of  success  if  the  idea  obtained  your  Majesty's 
entire  approval,  and  if  hope  was  thereby  afforded  that  your 
Majesty  would  accord  his  most  unconditional  concurrence  in 
the  diplomatic  action  proposed. 

From  your  Majesty's  august  mandate  of  January  28  *  of  this 
year,  your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject,  the  undersigned, 
gathered  that  your  Majesty  by  no  means  entirely  approved  the 
proposed  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  and  that  your  Majesty  enter- 
tained scruples  concerning  it.  This  had  the  effect  of  awaken- 
ing fears  in  the  mind  of  your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject, 
that  the  success  of  the  proposed  measures  would  be  doubtful  from 
the  outset. 

Notwithstanding  this  the  undersigned  did  not  delay  to  place  the 
matter  before  the  Cabinet,  in  accordance  with  your  Majesty's 
commands.  In  order  to  facilitate  a  careful  and  advantageous  dis- 
cussion, he  has  supplied  every  Minister  with  a  copy  of  the  draft 
of  the  treaty,  and  put  before  them  in  writing  the  tenor  of  previous 
negotiations,  as  well  as  the  reasons  which  led  him  to  make  the 
proposal.  No  sympathy  was  shown  the  proposal  by  the  Cabinet. 
During  the  discussions  objection  was  raised  by  nearly  all  the 
Ministers,  and  only  the  Minister  of  War  expressed  himself  in 
favour  of  a  mutual  understanding  between  the  South  German 
States,  at  any  rate  in  essentials. 

This  much  has  already  come  to  light:  that  there  does  not 
exist  among  the  Cabinet  that  complete  unanimity  of  views  con- 
cerning the  desirability  and  advantage  of  the  project  which  is 
so  imperative  for  carrying  into  effect  a  far-reaching  plan  such  as 

Apart  from  these  circumstances  which  oppose  the  plan, 
external  and  internal  relations  have  meanwhile  so  shaped  them- 
selves that  your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject  can  no  longer 
reckon  upon  the  success  of  the  diplomatic  steps  suggested  to 
your  Majesty  at  the  beginning  of  the  year. 

Your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject,  the  undersigned,  never 
doubted  that  direct  elections  to  the  Tariff  Parliament  would 
result  in  the  way  they  have  resulted  in  the  greater  part  of  Bavaria 
and  in  the  whole  of  Wiirtemberg;  for  there  have  long  been 
sufficient  indications  to  suggest  the  alliance  of  Clericalism  and 
Democracy  which  has  since  been  openly  displayed.  But  as 
this  alliance  has  already  led  to  such  important  external  results, 
and  since  there  has  been  an  assertion  of  Republican  tendencies 
in  the  agitation  carried  on  under  the  cloak  of  Conservative 
interests,  it  is  obvious  that  a  South  German  Confederation  would 
*  This  document  cannot  be  found. 


not  have  the  slightest  chance  of  making  way  in  South  German 
public  opinion  without  the  simultaneous  grant  of  a  combined 
South  German  Parliament  to  oppose  the  North  German 

But,  according  to  the  opinion  of  your  Majesty's  most 
faithful  subject,  with  the  turn  which  affairs  have  now 
taken  the  concession  of  a  South  German  Parliament  would  be 
supremely  dangerous,  for  the  union  of  Ultramontanes  and  Re- 
publicans would  only  make  use  of  this  Parliament  in  order  to 
destroy  absolutely  the  authority  of  the  South  German  individual 
Governments,  which  their  unbridled  Press  is  already  working 
against,  and  striving  night  and  day  to  undermine.  It  would  only 
tend  to  further  their  schemes,  which  keep  in  view  a  federally 
constituted  Republican  South  Germany,  united  to  Switzerland, 
as  the  final  object  to  be  attained.  There  are  indications  that 
this  scheme  would  not  be  regarded  unfavourably  in  France, 
since  on  the  further  side  of  the  Rhine  it  is  thought  that  a  pro- 
tectorate of  such  disintegrated  State  organisations  could  easily 
be  established. 

As  regards  foreign  political  affairs,  your  Majesty  knows  from 
former  suggestions  put  forward  by  the  undersigned  that  the  sole 
reason  why  he  once  more,  and  in  so  resolute  a  manner,  took  up 
the  difficult  project  of  forming  a  South  German  Confederation  was 
that  at  the  end  of  last  year  those  constellations  were  ruling  which 
alone  render  the  accomplishment  of  this  confederacy  possible. 
These,  on  the  one  hand,  are  the  entente  cordiale  between  Austria 
and  France,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  Prussia's  inclination  to  con- 
tribute towards  the  preservation  of  peace  by  using  its  influence 
with  Baden  and  Hesse,  and  simultaneously  bringing  gentle 
pressure  to  bear  on  Wurtemberg,  with  intent  to  induce  the 
States  to  fulfil  the  Prague  stipulations.  Of  these  two  provisos 
neither  exists  at  the  present  time.  A  coolness  has  obviously 
arisen  between  Austria  and  France;  it  would  seem  that  France 
has  given  up  hopes  of  provoking  Austria  to  a  course  conducive 
to  French  interests,  and  will  therefore  strive  to  gain  her  ends  by 
other  means.  Prussia,  however  —  which  manifestly  was  at  any 
rate  not  unwilling  at  the  time  of  the  confidential  preliminaries, 
commenced  by  your  Majesty's  most  faithful  subject,  the  under- 
signed, in  accordance  with  your  Majesty's  authorisation  of 
November  30  last  year  —  has  since  then  clearly  changed  her  mind. 
The  decided  declarations  against  the  scheme  of  a  South  German 
Confederation  made  by  Baden  in  the  official  Karlsruher  Zeitung, 
and  the  repeated  announcement  inspired  by  Prussian  official 
papers  that  no  such  South  German  Confederation  could  be  en- 
tertained, indicate  that  Prussia  is  no  longer  at  all  inclined  to  sup- 
port a  possible  scheme.* 

*From  the  beginning  Baden  would  only  agree  to  consent  to  the 
project  of  a  Southern  Confederation  if  its  establishment  offered  the  prospect 
of  a  closer  union  with  the  North  German  Federation.  In  a  conversation 


Under  these  circumstances  no  endeavour  to  carry  out  a 
measure  such  as  was  at  one  time  suggested  to  your  Majesty  would 
have  any  prospect  of  success,  and  your  Majesty's  most 
faithful  subject  is  of  opinion  that  Bavaria  should  not  expose 
itself  to  a  failure  of  the  kind.  Should  circumstances  alter  and 
become  more  favourable  to  the  establishment  of  a  South  German 
Federation,  the  undersigned  will  not  delay  in  taking  the  matter 
in  hand ;  for  now  as  ever  he  is  of  opinion  that  the  supreme  danger 
to  South  Germany  still  lies  in  the  unfulfilled  stipulations 
of  the  Peace  of  Prague.  To  this  end  he  will  carefully  watch 
the  course  of  events  and  the  political  constellations,  in  order 
that  he  may  be  in  a  position  to  take  up  the  project  again  at  the 
right  moment.  Nevertheless,  as  was  most  respectfully  observed 
at  the  commencement  of  this  report,  the  only  hope  of  success 
lies  in  your  Majesty's  and  the  entire  Ministry's  unconditional 
consent  to  and  implicit  confidence  in  the  scheme. 

Minute  by  the  KING  on  the  above  report. 

I  have  perused  your  representations  and  await  further  reports. 

MUNICH,  April  15,  1868. 


MUNICH,  April  18,  1868. 

As  the  Crown  Prince  *  had  sent  word  yesterday  that  he  wished 
to  speak  to  me  to-day  and  would  like  me  to  breakfast  with  him  I 
betook  myself  to  him  at  nine  o'clock. 

At  the  beginning  he  alluded  cursorily  to  my  relations  with  the 
King,  which  I  did  not  enter  into  further.  We  then  went  on  to 
speak  of  international  politics.  I  took  the  opportunity  of  warn- 
ing him  that  above  all  things  Prussia  should  refrain  from  acting 
too  aggressively  towards  the  South,  pointed  to  the  Republican- 
Ultramontane  waves  in  Wiirtemberg,  the  tone  in  Bavaria,  and, 
above  all,  to  France.  This  he  seemed  to  perceive,  then  talked 
further  about  Wiirtemberg  and  tendencies  there,  not  about  Baden, 
and  was  on  the  whole  very  reserved.  When  conversation  touched 

with  the  Minister  of  Baden  in  Berlin  on  December  i,  1867,  Bismarck 
considered  the  projected  Southern  Confederation  as  untenable  in  many 
respects,  but  advised  against  immediately  discountenancing  it,  and 
recommended  a  continuance  of  negotiations.  About  the  same  time  he 
refused  the  request  expressed  in  a  private  letter  from  the  Minister 
Mathy,  asking  him  to  announce  his  readiness  to  receive  Baden  into  the  North 
German  Federation,  and  only  leaving  the  date  undetermined  in  con- 
sideration of  the  state  of  Europe;  Bismarck  at  the  same  time  advised  the 
Government  of  Baden  "not  to  define  too  precisely  a  purpose  which  would 
drive  the  most  powerful  South  German  States  into  antagonism." 

*The  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia  arrived  at  Munich  on  April  17,  and  took 
up  his  quarters  in  the  Palace.  He  stayed  till  the  evening  of  the 



upon  Prussian  intrigues  in  Austria,  he  seemed  to  disapprove,  and 
in  fact  his  conversation  generally  seemed  to  reveal  a  certain  op- 
position to  Bismarck. 

Concerning  war  with  France,  he  said  that  the  alliance  of 
South  German  States  with  Prussia  naturally  involved  concerted 
action  with  Prussia,  inquired  who  would  be  Commander-in-Chief 
of  the  Bavarian  Forces,  then  touched  upon  the  Prussian  Army's 
preparedness  for  war,  and  said  it  was  at  any  rate  equal  to  the 
French.  He  also  laid  stress  upon  the  courage  of  the  Bavarian 
Army.  On  the  whole,  he  talked  very  peaceably,  said  he  hated 
war,  yet  that  war  was  sometimes  unavoidable,  but  was  never  to  be 
recommended  as  a  means  to  an  end. 

He  seems  to  regard  the  union  of  Germany  under  Prussian 
leadership  as  self-evident;  on  the  other  hand,  it  appeared  to  me 
that  he  preferred  moral  persuasion  to  force. 

BERLIN,  April  26,  1868. 

From  eight  o'clock  until  this  morning  at  seven  I  spent  mostly 
in  sleep,  which  I  could  do  the  more  comfortably  as  I  had  the 
whole  carriage  to  myself.  Nearing  Leipzig,  I  looked  out  of  the 
window  from  time  to  time,  and  observed  at  the  stations  several 
members  of  the  Tariff  Parliament,  seeking  for  food,  in  a  forlorn 
condition.  Later  on  the  members  became  communicative,  drank 
bad  coffee  together,  and  ate  sandwiches. 

By  12.30  we  were  in  Berlin.  I  was  received  by  the  whole 
Legation,  and  by  Privy  Councillor  Weber.  Viktor  was  still  at 
Potsdam,  but  arrived  soon  after  I  had  taken  possession  of  my 
abode.  A  very  pretty  sitting-room  and  a  large  bedroom  on  the 
third  floor. 

At  three  o'clock  came  Perglas,  who  made  various  political 
communications.  He  says  no  one  knows  what  Bismarck  will 
do  if  a  motion  is  brought  forward  for  the  enlargement  of  the 
powers  of  the  Tariff  Parliament;  Bismarck  is  an  unknown 
quantity.  In  the  matter  of  the  fortresses  he  showed  me  an  answer 
which  Bismarck  had  sent,  and  which  is  friendly.  I  fear  he  has 
committed  himself  rather  too  soon. 

Varnbuler  has  not  yet  come.  He  is  in  bed,  but  they  say  he 
is  not  really  ill,  only  fears  a  bad  reception. 

I  talked  over  the  difficulty  of  my  position  with  Viktor.  Then 
came  Roggenbach,  who  declared  that  Bluntschli  had  no  intention 
of  bringing  forward  a  motion  concerning  the  enlargement  of 
the  powers  of  the  Tariff  Parliament.  It  all  depended  upon 
whether  bringing  forward  such  a  motion  would  aggravate  my 
position  in  Bavaria;  in  this  case  Bismarck  would  find  means  of 
restraining  the  National  Liberal  party.  After  I  had  explained 
to  him  the  drawbacks  to  me  of  such  a  motion,  Roggenbach  wanted 
to  effect  its  omission,  only  I  should  have  to  try  to  influence  the 
Bavarians,  which  can  be  done  by  Luxburg.  The  only  thing 
Bluntschli  proposed  was  to  make  it  possible  for  single  States 


to  join  the  Tariff  Parliament  upon  certain  questions,  i.e.  to 
incorporate  specific  matters  of  their  own  State  in  the  tariff  or- 

Then  he  also  touched  upon  an  idea  of  his  own :  he  wondered 
whether  the  surplus  from  tariff  receipts  might  not  be  spent  upon 
certain  fortresses  which  would  be  converted  into  a  species  of 
federal  fortresses.  The  Tariff  Federal  Council  would  then  have 
to  be  augmented  by  a  Military  Commission. 

I  went  to  the  theatre  in  the  evening.  There  Count  Henckel 
von  Donnersmarck  came  to  us,  and  declared  that  the  National 
Liberals  all  wanted  to  elect  me  first  Vice-President,  and  that  a 
desire  was  now  expressed  to  unite  with  the  Free  Conservatives 
over  the  election  of  a  second  Vice-President.  The  affection  of 
the  National  Liberals  is  quite  gruesome  to  me,  but  the  opinion  is 
gaining  ground  that  it  would  be  unwise  to  anger  South  German 
antipathies  by  further  provocations.  I  still  hope  to  bring  the 
Free  Conservatives  to  the  point  of  declaring  themselves  against 
an  extension  of  the  powers  of  the  Tariff  Parliament.  There  is 
a  very  well-organised  party  spirit  here,  which  has  its  advantages. 

I  have  not  yet  spoken  to  Bismarck.  To-day  is  the  opening. 
As  Bavarian  Federal  Tariff  Councillor  Perglas  has  to  call  for 
cheers  for  the  King,  which  much  preoccupies  him.  But  it  cannot 
be  avoided. 

BERLIN,  April  28,  1868. 

Yesterday  service  was  at  twelve,  which  I  attended  at  the 
Catholic  Church,  and  at  one  o'clock  the  opening  of  the  Tariff 
Parliament.  The  assembly  in  the  White  Hall  was  most  brilliant. 
When  we  entered,  the  hall  was  still  well-nigh  empty,  as  the  Prot- 
estant service  in  the  Castle  chapel  was  not  yet  concluded. 
Mutual  greetings  were  exchanged.  I  found  many  acquaintances 
of  my  youth,  grown  old;  for  instance,  Rosshirt,  whom  I  had  not 
seen  since  Heidelberg;  Oheimb,  the  Detmold  Minister,  whom  I 
had  not  seen  since  Bonn.  The  former  is  an  Ultramontane  member 
of  the  Tariff  Parliament,  Oheimb  is  Federal  Councillor  for  Detmold. 
The  hall  gradually  filled  with  functionaries  and  officers,  who  had 
been  either  invited  or  ordered  to  be  present  in  order  to  fill  it. 

At  length  the  sermon  came  to  an  end,  and  the  King's  proces- 
sion descended  the  steps.  It  was  all  very  gorgeous.  The  King 
passed  through  the  hall,  only  stopping  when  he  came  to  me,  to 
inquire  after  the  health  of  his  Bavarian  Majesty.  Then  he  again 
left  the  hall,  and  meanwhile  all  present  ranged  themselves,  on  the 
left  of  the  throne  the  members  of  the  Federal  Council,  Bismarck 
and  Perglas  in  front;  on  the  right  were  empty  chairs  for  the 
Princes,  whilst  we  stood  opposite  the  throne.  Then  the  King 
appeared  with  the  Princes,  took  up  his  position  at  the  throne 
standing,  covered  his  head  and  read  the  Speech  from  the  Throne. 
We  were  all  in  a  state  of  tense  expectation;  on  me  the  speech 
had  a  tranquillising  effect,  and  the  general  impression  will  prob- 


ably  be  the  same.  The  cheers  at  the  entrance  of  the  King  were 
led  by  Baron  Frankenberg,  President  by  seniority.  At  the  close 
of  the  Speech  from  the  Throne  this  duty  was  performed  by  Perglas. 
The  formula  had  previously  been  discussed  by  Perglas,  Delbriick, 
and  Bismarck,  whether  it  should  be  "King  of  Prussia"  or 
"King  Wilhelm."  "King  Wilhelm"  was  decided  upon  as  it 
was  thought  to  show  greater  consideration  for  South  German 
susceptibilities.  Perglas  performed  his  part  very  well.  After 
the  opening  ceremony  the  sitting  was  announced  for  three  in  the 
afternoon  by  the  President  by  seniority.  Previously  I  had  an 
audience  of  the  King.  As  usual  he  received  me  very  kindly. 
He  complained  of  the  South  Germans'  perfectly  unfounded  fears. 
It  was  unjust,  the  King  said,  to  impute  a  thirst  for  conquest  to 
him.  He  then  complained  of  the  insults  with  which  he  was 
persecuted  in  South  Germany.  I  made  excuses  for  ourselves  on 
the  grounds  that  we  could  do  nothing  against  the  Press,  as  our 
legislation  was  deficient.  He  replied  that  he  was  not  reproaching 
us.  We  then  spoke  of  the  Tariff  Parliament.  I  emphasised  the 
importance  of  its  behaving  quietly,  and  not  trying  to  exceed  its 
powers.  The  King  agreed  with  me,  but  pointed  to  the  elements 
which  are  asserting  themselves  in  Darmstadt  and  pressing  for 
admittance  to  the  North  German  Federation  because  their 
position  was  untenable.  However,  at  the  same  time  he  admitted 
that  if  Prussia  were  really  to  accede  to  these  wishes,  the  French 
would  regard  it  as  a  violation  of  the  frontier  of  the  Main,  and  that 
therefore  it  might  bring  about  a  war.  As  the  King  was  fatigued 
and  others  were  still  waiting,  the  audience  lasted  but  a  very  short 

At  three  o'clock  the  sitting  of  the  Tariff  Parliament  took 
place.  Hereat  only  the  appointments  to  committees  was  effected. 
At  four  I  paid  some  calls,  at  six  I  dined  at  Perglas's,  with  Viktor, 
Luxburg,  and  Berchem.  At  eight  I  had  arranged  to  visit  Bismarck. 
As  usual  I  found  him  very  pleasant  and  complaisant.  In  his 
remarks  on  the  Tariff  Parliament  he  was  guarded.  He  expressed 
the  hope  that  all  would  pass  off  quietly.  We  then  went  on  to 
discuss  the  fortress  question,  regarding  which  he  stated  his 
approval  of  the  plan  for  the  distribution  of  federal  property, 
and  emphasised  the  necessity  of  Bavaria's  occupying  the  pre- 
ponderant position  in  the  question  of  the  administration  and 
garrisoning  of  Ulm,  whereas  Wiirtemberg  was  more  concerned 
with  Rastatt;  he  also  said  that  Prussia  did  not  contemplate 
injuring  the  South  German  States,  more  especially  Wiirtemberg 
and  Baden,  by  calling  upon  them  to  disburse  sums  of  money. 
The  main  point  was  to  make  South  Germany  capable  of  defence. 
An  understanding  should  be  arrived  at  regarding  the  up-keep  of 
Mayence,  Rastatt,  and  Ulm.  This  would,  however,  be  the  natural 
outcome  of  the  deliberations  on  the  distribution  of  federal  pro- 
perty. As  regards  war  with  France,  it  was  as  impossible  to  say 
anything  definite  about  it  as  about  the  kind  of  weather  to  be 


expected  in  July.  However,  he  did  not  believe  that  there  would 
be  war,  as  France  would  think  twice  before  joining  issue  with 
Germany.  The  French  plan  of  campaign  was  to  invade  South 
Germany  with  50,000  men  and  force  the  States  into  neutrality. 
This  would  certainly  be  a  difficult  moment  for  South  Germany, 
for  though  Prussia  would  instantly  have  200,000  men  at  Coblentz, 
and  within  a  brief  delay  500,000  wherewith  to  march  on  Paris, 
still  it  required  time.  If  we  were  prepared,  and  able  to  detain 
the  French,  so  much  the  better. 

At  nine  o'clock  I  went  to  the  Queen.  She  spoke  at  length 
about  the  King  of  Bavaria,  and  expressed  her  sympathy  with  him. 
She  hoped  that  he  would  soon  marry.  Later  on  the  King  came, 
then  Roggenbach,  Watzdorf,  and  Viktor.  Various  matters  were 
discussed,  particularly  the  address,*  which  is  condemned  by  all 
Conservatives.  Bismarck  is  said  to  be  against  it,  but  expresses 
himself  with  caution.  Here  they  are  obviously  anxious  not  to 
offend  the  National  Liberal  party. 

At  the  sitting  of  the  Tariff  Parliament  on  April  28,  1868, 
Prince  Hohenlohe  was  elected  First  Vice-President  by  238  out 
of  301  available  votes  (59  were  for  Freiherr  von  Thiingen). 
He  accepted  the  election  in  the  following  words : 
"  Permit  me,  gentlemen,  to  express  to  you  my  heart-felt  thanks 
for  the  honour  you  have  done  me  in  electing  me  as  your  First  Vice- 
President.  I  am,  however,  aware  that  I  owe  this  honour,  not  to 
my  own  merits,  but  to  the  consideration  which  a  great  portion  of 
this  assembly  believes  to  be  due  to  the  South  German  members. 
Yet  this  conviction  does  not  lessen,  but  increases  my  gratitude. 
For  if  I  may  be  allowed  to  say  so,  you  here  extend  to  us  a  friendly 
hand,  which  we  clasp  in  the  confidence  that  South  German  pe- 
culiarities and  South  German  opinions  will  be  treated  in  this 
assembly  with  respect  and  recognition,  and  that  we  shall  succeed 
in  discharging  the  task  allotted  to  us  by  the  treaty  of  July  8  of 
last  year  in  patriotic  concord  and  devotion. 


BERLIN,  April  29,  evening. 

This  forenoon  a  sitting  of  committees  came  first.  I  found 
Franckenstein,  Aretin,  and  Eichthal,  who  were  members  of  said 
committee.  Twesten  was  elected  chairman,  a  few  unknown  per- 
sons as  secretaries. 

Then  the  election  of  the  President  and  Vice-President  took 
place.  This  lasted  an  hour  or  two.  Simson  was  chosen  by  a 
large  majority,  and  I  also,  whereupon  I  returned  thanks,  which 
made  a  good  impression,  as  I  expressed  myself  easily  and  fluently. 

*The  National  Liberal  motion  of  Metz  and  his  colleagues  proposed 
the  presentation  by  the  Tariff  Parliament  of  an  address  to  the  King  of 


The  substance,  too,  was  praised  as  being  full  of  tact.  I  was  glad 
to  have  made  my  debut  thus.  It  is  no  easy  matter  to  speak  before 
this  assembly.  A  number  of  members  were  introduced  to  me 
immediately  afterwards. 

Hugo's  *  election  was  only  confirmed  by  the  second  ballot. 

Then  I  went  home  to  change,  and  at  four  o'clock  we  drove  to 
the  great  banquet.  It  was  a  brilliant  and  splendid  assembly, 
a  great  sight,  the  King  and  Queen  very  amiable.  Casino  and 
theatre  in  the  evening. 

BERLIN,  May  8,  1868. 

After  arriving  yesterday  morning  at  eight  o'clock  in  Berlin, 
I  first  sent  to  Roggenbach  to  obtain  exact  information  as  to  the 
condition  of  the  conferences  respecting  the  address.  And 
Roggenbach  soon  came,  and  told  me  the  wording  of  his  preamble, 
to  the  Order  of  the  Day,  to  which  I  thought  I  could  quite  agree. 
The  matter  was  also  gone  through  with  Tauffkirchen  and  Lux- 
burg,  who  arrived  somewhat  later,  and  it  seemed  that,  after 
previous  party  discussions,  the  motion  on  the  simple  Order  of  the 
Day  was  considered  to  have  the  chief  chance  of  being  carried. 
Anyway,  the  withdrawal  of  the  von  Thiingen  party  was  decided, 
should  the  simple  Order  of  the  Day  not  be  carried,  and  the  two 
Wiirtemberg  Ministers  had  also  made  up  their  minds  to  leave  the 
hall.  I  went  to  the  sitting  with  the  intention  of  voting  for  the 
address  on  the  Order  of  the  Day.f  Bennigsen  spoke  first  as 
prolocutor  for  the  address.  He  was  thoroughly  calm  and  mode- 
rate, and  his  speech  made  a  good  impression.  Then  Thiingen 
spoke  with  conciliatory  intention,  but  not  particularly  well. 
His  reference  to  the  friendship  between  South  and  North 
Germany  being  "a  tender  plant"  was  obviously  unfortunate, 
for  it  provoked  great  hilarity  in  the  assembly.  Following 
him,  Blankenburg  spoke  in  favour  of  the  simple  Order  of 
the  Day,  and  Bluntschli  for  the  address.  Blankenburg  had 
moved  the  simple  Order  of  the  Day,  but  accompanied  by  riders 
which  were  very  acceptable.  His  speech  was  witty,  but  he 
reckoned  too  much  on  arousing  the  hilarity  of  the  House. 
Bluntschli  spoke  at  some  length,  diffusely,  tired  the  assemblage, 
and  thereby  injured  his  cause.  I  now  discovered  that  only  the 
National  Liberals  and  the  South  Germans  in  favour  of  joining 
the  North  German  Federation  were  against  the  simple  Order  of 

*  Prince  Hugo  zu  Hohenlohe-Oehringen,  Duke  of  Ujest. 

f  The  preamble  to  the  Order  of  the  Day  of  Freiherr  von  Roggenbach 
was  worded  as  follows:  "Whereas  the  reconstitution  of  the  Zollverein 
on  the  basis  of  the  Tariff  treaty  summons  the  representatives  of  the 
German  people  to  combined  action  in  legislative  matters,  and  thereby 
affords  a  pledge  of  a  continuous  development  of  the  national  institutions 
and  a  peaceful  fulfilment  to  legitimate  national  demands  for  the  active 
union  of  the  powers  of  State;  whereas  harmonious  concerted  action  in 
executing  the  tasks  of  the  Tariff  Parliament  is  the  chief  means  to  further 
this  end  —  the  Order  of  the  Day  is  moved  before  the  motion  for  the  address." 


the  Day,  and  that  all  other  parties  were  in  favour  of  it,  except 
these  members  who,  like  Ujest  and  Roggenbach,  had  signed  the 
preamble  to  the  Order  of  the  Day.  Thereby  I  should  have  found 
myself,  as  Bavarian  Minister,  in  the  dubious  position  of  voting 
not  only  against  Conservatives  and  Ultramontanes,  but  also 
against  the  federalist  groups.  Thereby,  notwithstanding  the 
moderate  wording  of  the  preamble  to  the  Order  of  the  Day,  I 
should  have  placed  myself  in  the  position  of  the  party  whose 
aim  it  is  to  effect  the  abolition  of  independence  of  single  States. 
Such  a  position  would  have  been  more  than  equivocal,  and  would 
have  compromised  the  Bavarian  Government  as  such.  After 
all  the  speakers  against  the  address  had  urged  adhesion  to 
the  treaties,  and  Thiingen  himself  —  to  the  horror  of  his  party  — 
the  continuous  development  by  means  of  treaty,  I  decided  to 
vote  for  the  simple  Order  of  the  Day,  and  discussed  the  matter 
with  Edel  and  a  few  other  Bavarians,  who  quite  approved  of  my 
decision.  Even  Stauffenberg,  who  had  been  obliged  to  vote 
against  the  simple  Order  of  the  Day,  advised  me  to  vote  in  its 

The  majority  accepted  the  simple  Order  of  the  Day,*  thereby 
terminating  a  disagreeable  debate  of  several  days'  duration. 
After  the  sitting  this  result  was  much  discussed,  but  the  great 
majority  of  those  competent  to  judge  are  inclined  to  regard  it  as 
advantageous.  For  even  if  the  national  question  is  thereby 
adjourned,  still  it  is  in  accordance  with  the  present  mood  in  South 
Germany,  and  will  tend  materially  to  reassure  people's  minds, 
which  is  the  chief  point  for  the  time  being,  if  the  rapprochement 
of  the  German  races  is  not  to  be  menaced.  In  view  of 
the  French  I  would  have  preferred  a  different  result,  for  they  will 
be  pleased  with  this  one.  However,  if  irritation  in  France  is 
thereby  allayed  and  peace  secured,  it  certainly  is  a  fortunate 

During  the  entire  debate  and  the  previous  consultations 
Bismarck  behaved  with  great  reserve.  They  say  that  apprehen- 
sions of  war  are  increasing  here,  especially  in  consequence  of 
reports  from  England.  I  shall  make  some  diplomatic  calls  to-day, 
and  hope  to  hear  something  more  definite. 

On  May  21  a  banquet  was  given  by  the  town  of  Berlin  at  the 
New  Exchange,  in  honour  of  the  South  German  members  of  the 
Tariff  Parliament.  Count  Bismarck  made  the  first  speech, 
which  concluded  with  a  hearty  "Au  revoir!"  to  his  South 
German  brethren.  Thereupon  Prince  Hohenlohe  replied: 

"The  enthusiasm  evoked  in  the  hearts  of  South  Germans  by 
the  words  of  the  Federal  Chancellor  will  prove  to  you  that  a 
rapprochement  has  taken  place  between  the  South  and  the  North, 
which  instead  of  being  diminished  has  been  increased  by  the 

*By  186  votes  to  150.  The  majority  was  composed  of  Conservatives, 
the  Progressive  party,  and  the  South  German  group. 


labours  of  the  Tariff  Parliament.  I  believe  you  will  agree  with 
me  when  I  say  that  the  achievements  of  German  intellect  have 
drawn  closer  the  ties  which  link  together  the  German  races. 
To  this  fraternising  of  German  intellect  has  been  allotted  a 
mission  which  is  far  higher  and  more  glorious  than  other  so- 
called  civilising  missions.  (Enthusiastic  applause.)  Let  us  hold 
together  in  this  spirit,  in  this  mission.  I  call  for  cheers  for  the 
union  of  the  German  races!" 

After  the  Prince,  Volk  spoke  on  "the  Future  of  the  German 


BERLIN,  May  23,  1868. 

In  consequence  of  the  number  of  fatiguing  debates  I  had  to 
discontinue  my  jottings.  And  indeed  little  of  importance  has 
occurred.  The  debates  were  interesting,  but  these  have 
been  taken  down  in  shorthand  and  printed.  Apart  from  the 
debates,  a  conversation  with  Varnbiiler  concerning  the  fortress 
question  was  of  importance,  as  also  some  talks  with  Bismarck, 
and  finally  a  consultation  which  Bluntschli  had  asked  for. 
Varnbiiler  looks  upon  my  position  here  askance;  the  Vice- 
Presidency  of  the  Tariff  Parliament,  my  good  understanding 
with  Bismarck,  who  knows  that  I  do  not  deceive  him,  my  rela- 
tions with  the  Court,  &c.  — all  this  "poisons"  him,  and  was  the 
reason  why  his  illness  —  which,  however,  was  bona  fide  —  was 
prolonged  more  than  was  perhaps  necessary. 

At  my  first  interview  with  Varnbiiler  the  fortress  question  was 
discussed.*  Varnbiiler  wanted  to  arrive  at  an  understanding, 
but  thought  that  he  could  easily  get  the  better  of  me  alone,  and 
therefore  wished  to  negotiate  with  me  direct.  I,  however,  sum- 
moned Volderndorff  from  Munich  with  the  documents.  At 
the  interview  we  agreed  that  it  was  necessary  to  arrive  at  an 
understanding  between  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg  before  conven- 
ing the  Liquidation  Commission.  Yet,  whether  it  will  be  effected 

*  The  Federal  Liquidation  Commission  had  adjourned  on  July  31, 
1867,  without  carrying  into  execution  the  actual  settlement  that  Bavaria 
had  desired.  The  respective  claims  had  only  been  determined  arithmetically. 
This  legal  situation  obstructed  the  territorial  States'  free  control  of  the 
movable  effects  in  the  South  German  fortresses.  Hence  in  April  1868 
the  Bavarian  Government  had  prompted  negotiations  with  the  object  of 
"  distributing,  by  definite  apportionment,  the  movable  effects  of  the  some- 
time federal  fortresses,  which  up  to  the  present  was  actually  common  prop- 
erty." According  to  the  wishes  of  the  Bavarian  Government,  members 
be  called  upon  to  deliberate  on  the  formation  of  a  standing  South  German 
Military  Commission,  and  upon  uniform  fortress  regulations.  In  affairs, 
concerning  the  fortress  of  Ulm,  it  was  a  matter  of  the  utmost  urgency 
that  there  should  be  an  understanding  between  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg, 
since  from  its  geographical  position  it  could  fulfil  its  purpose  only  as  a  homo- 
geneously administered  fortified  position. 


is  an  open  question,  and  therefore  I  did  not  assent  to  Varnbuler's 
wish;  instead  of  giving  up  the  convening  of  the  Liquidation 
Commission,  I  formulated  the  protocol  in  such  a  manner  that 
the  convoking  of  the  Liquidation  Commission  was  not  contingent 
on  the  consummation  of  an  understanding  between  Bavaria 
and  Wiirtemberg  regarding  Ulm.  Varnbuler  also  wished  that 
before  the  outbreak  of  a  war  with  France,  Prussia  should  give 
assurances : 

(1)  That  we  shall  take  part  in  the  peace  negotiations  after 
the  war. 

(2)  That  after  the  war  the  constitutional  situation  shall  re- 
main as  it  is. 

On  this  I  remarked  that  Prussia  would  never  agree. 
Varnbuler  wanted  to  know  if  I  had  any  objection,  doubtless 
in  order  to  refer  it  all  to  Bismarck.  Meanwhile,  as  I  am  leaving 
to-morrow,  I  have  let  Perglas  know,  so  as  to  keep  an  eye  on 
Varnbuler.  Bluntschli  has  been  with  me,  to  tell  me  that  surely 
something  ought  now  to  be  done  to  further  the  national  question ; 
but  nothing  could  be  effected  without  Bismarck,  and  Bismarck 
was  considerate  to  Bavaria,  and  therefore  much  depended  upon 
us.  Baden  and  Hesse,  he  continued,  could  not  possibly 
remain  longer  as  they  are  now ;  Bismarck  would  include  them  also 
in  the  North  German  Confederation ;  he  did  not  care  a  bit  about 
France,  but  did  for  Bavaria.  Might  not  something  be  offered  to 
us,  an  exceptional  position,  by  which  we  would  be  so  favoured 
that  we  could  then  more  easily  venture  upon  an  alliance.  Bavaria 
was  a  State  of  justifiable  importance,  which  could  not  be  treated 
like  Baden  and  Hesse. 

To  my  inquiry  what  he  understood  by  the  favoured  position 
of  Bavaria,  he  said  that  diplomacy  and  the  Army  might  be  left 
to  Bavaria ;  to  the  King  a  post  of  honour,  possibly  a  Vice-regency, 
might  be  conceded.  I  explained  to  him  that  it  was  very  difficult 
to  represent  these  concessions  as  sufficient.  Those  against  enter- 
ing the  North  German  Confederation  would  not  allow  themselves 
to  be  decided  thereby.  The  dynasty  would  not,  in  order  to  avoid 
one  eventuality  which  was  no  certainty,  accept  something 
positively  distasteful.  However,  I  left  it  to  him  to  com- 
municate his  views  to  me  by  letter.  Roggenbach,  to  whom  I 
spoke  later,  took  the  opposite  view.  He  considered  that  nothing 
should  be  done  now.  There  was  no  reason  for  it. 

BERLIN,  May  24,  1868. 

During  my  parting  visit  to  Bismarck  conversation  first  turned 
on  the  Tariff  Parliament,  on  its  success,  on  the  closing  Speech 
from  the  Throne,  which  had  not  pleased  the  National  Liberal 
party,  a  fact  emphasised  by  Bismarck  with  a  certain  empresse- 
ment,  and  I  then  turned  the  conversation  to  the  Army  and  fortress 
question.  As  regards  this,  he  repeated  what  he  had  already  told 
me,  namely,  that  he  would  prefer  if  the  discussions  with  the 


Bavarian  Military  Commissioner  could  be  managed  alone, 
without  another  from  Wiirtemberg,  as  a  disturbance  of  public 
opinion  might  easily  be  aroused  by  a  combined  discussion.  As 
for  the  fortress  question,  he  obviously  has  a  high  opinion  of  the 
Distribution  Commission,  and  begged  that  the  question  might 
not  be  let  drop.  Concerning  the  military  importance  of  Ulm, 
he  did  not  express  himself  clearly;  but  from  what  he  said  he 
seemed  to  fear  that  if  we  gave  over  Ulm  entirely  to  Wiirtemberg, 
unless  the  fortress  were  previously  quite  dismantled,  then  Austria 
would  lay  hands  upon  it  when  opportunity  arose.  How  serious 
generally  is  Austria's  attitude  to  Bavaria  he  sought  to  prove 
by  relating  that  at  Nikolsburg  they  had  declared  themselves 
ready  to  cede  Austrian  Silesia  if  the  boundary  of  the  Inn  might 
then  be  shifted ;  in  like  manner,  audacious  politicians  at  Nikols- 
burg had  spoken  of  a  cession  of  old  Austrian  Wiirtemberg  from 
the  Black  Forest  to  Ulm.  In  any  case,  Bavaria's  right  to  garrison 
Ulm  must  be  discussed  during  the  distribution.  It  is  a  good 
thing  that  we  did  not  engage  ourselves  further  to  Varnbuler,  and 
during  the  deliberations  with  the  Wiirtemberg  Commissioners 
it  is  imperative  that  we  should  not  concede  the  smallest  point, 
since  Prussia  is  certain  to  support  us  for  fear  of  Austria  garrisoning 
Ulm  in  the  future.  Bismarck  does  not  wish  the  Liquidation 
Commission  to  be  convened  before  the  end  of  August,  for  he 
attaches  so  much  importance  to  it  that  he  would  not  like  to  be 
without  knowledge  of  what  is  taking  place  there,  and  yet  will 
not  cut  short  his  leave  at  an  earlier  date. 

I  then  asked  whether  the  question  of  the  South  German 
Confederation  had  not  again  been  mooted  from  an  Austrian 
quarter  since  Count  Wimpffen's  disclosure  of  the  conversation 
between  me  and  Beust  in  November.  He,  of  course,  observed  that 
I  only  put  this  question  in  order  to  know  what  he  would  say  to 
the  South  German  Confederation,  and  he  at  once  stated  that  he 
himself  was  in  reality  not  opposed  to  it;  he  did  not  share  the 
opinion  that  a  division  of  Germany  would  bring  about  the  per- 
manency of  the  Main  frontier,  but  he  did  not  enter  into  the 
matter  further.  However,  he  added,  that  if  he  was  unable  to 
declare  himself  in  favour  of  it,  it  was  because  he  would  thereby 
offend  public  opinion  and  more  especially  the  National  Liberals, 
who  would  see  in  it  an  attack  on  the  union  of  the  German  races. 
He,  on  the  contrary,  saw  in  it  the  means  of  effecting  an  under- 
standing. To  my  remark  that  for  the  promotion  of  this  project 
a  good  understanding  between  Prussia  and  Austria  was  of  im- 
portance, he  replied  that  Beust  had  always  been  very  reserved, 
that  he  had  represented  the  Tauffkirchen  mission  in  a  false  light 
and  had  omitted  to  take  advantage  of  it,  and  that  in  consequence 
there  had  been  a  closer  union  between  Russia  and  Prussia.  He 
did  not  ignore  the  consideration  which  Beust  owed  the  French, 
but  regretted  —  whether  sincerely  or  not  —  that  a  rapprochement 
between  Prussia  and  Austria  had  hitherto  been  impossible.  As 

VOL.  I  —  U 


regards  the  war  question,  he  repeated  to  me  what  he  had  pre- 
viously said,  that  the  French  could  only  place  320,000  men  in 
the  field,  whereas  North  Germany  could  have  500,000  at  its 
immediate  disposal. 

He  further  repeated  to  me  a  conversation  he  had  yesterday, 
in  which  an  opponent  of  the  treaties  of  alliance  from  Wurtemberg 
had  expressed  himself  to  the  effect  that  on  the  outbreak  of  war 
with  France  we  should  all  have  to  advance  against  the  French. 
He  (Bismarck)  had  replied  that  it  was  an  absolutely  unjustifiable 
assumption  to  suppose  that  Prussia  would  make  use  of  the 
treaties  for  wars  of  conquest.  He  did  not  know  what  Prussia 
was  to  conquer;  he  enumerated  the  border  lands,  mentioned 
Poland,  Bohemia,  Belgium,  and  Alsace. 

At  length  we  parted  on  the  most  friendly  terms.  I  refrained 
from  alluding  to  the  question  of  accrediting  the  Bavarian  Minister 
by  the  North  German  Confederation,  as  I  thought  it  advisable 
to  abstain  from  exposing  myself  to  an  evasive  answer ;  moreover, 
I  preferred  to  mention  the  matter  to  Werther. 

Speech  delivered  at  the  dinner  in  the  Bayrischer  Hof  on 
Constitution  Day,  May  26,  1868. 

Gentlemen,  —  If  there  is  a  day  on  which  we  may  be  proud  to 
call  ourselves  Bavarians,  if  there  is  a  festival  which  justifies  us 
in  looking  upon  the  past  with  lofty  satisfaction,  and  upon  the 
future  with  joyous  confidence,  it  is  the  festival  which  to-day 
celebrates  the  union  of  Prince  and  people,  that  union  which  is  the 
basis  of  our  freedom,  our  independence,  and  of  our  existence  as 
a  State.  That  we  are  able  to  celebrate  this  festival  in  unclouded 
gladness  is  due  to  our  dynasty,  and  therefore  it  is  fitting  that  there 
should  rise  before  us  to-day  the  stately  figures  of  those  monarchs 
who,  in  our  own  time,  have  held  the  fate  of  our  country  in  their 

Thus  we  see  first  King  Maximilian  L,  well  named  the  Good 
by  his  people,  the  never-to-be-forgotten  giver  of  the  constitution: 
that  exceptional  Monarch  who,  of  his  own  free  will,  offered  the 
constitutional  bond  which  has  now  for  fifty  years  linked  together 
Crown  and  people  in  harmonious  co-operation. 

We  see  King  Ludwig  I.,  unfaltering  and  self-confident, 
ascending  the  throne  of  his  fathers,  and  in  a  long  reign, 
and  a  still  longer  life  fraught  with  blessings,  striving,  in 
righteousness  and  steadfastness,  towards  those  goals  which 
his  exalted  mind  singled  out  as  right.  What  King  Ludwig  was 
to  Bavaria,  what  he  was  to  the  world,  has  lately  been  set  forth  by 
more  eloquent  lips  than  mine;  yet  all  eloquence  must  be  put  to 
shame  in  face  of  his  achievements,  and  of  the  tears  with  which 
his  people  accompanied  him  to  his  last  resting-place.